Chapter X: Part 10

On the following morning, after offering up his devotions as usual, the páshá mounted his horse, rode to the camp, where he was cheered, saluted, and had his hands kissed by his victorious troops, whom he, in his turn, praised for their heroism and bravery. On entering into Ferdinand’s tent, he perceived a lofty throne standing in the midst of it, every where ornamented with silver and gold: its feet and top were garnished and variegated with precious stones and other jewels; a diamond was fixed in each of its supporters, each one of which was equal in value to the revenue of Rúm (Europe or the Roman empire). On each side of this throne were twelve chairs decked with crimson silk, the borders of which were ornamented with pearls and other jewels. In front of the throne was a table about six cubits in length, ornamented and decorated like the former. In this pavilion of grandeur did the pious Hasan Páshá perform his devotions, and returned thanks to God for the victory with which their efforts had been crowned. With tears in his eyes he acknowledged it as a favour from God, and as a sign of their prophet’s benevolence, miraculously interposed in their behalf. After having ended this oration, he drew his sword and split the throne into pieces, sat down upon one of these, and his grandees and ághás, according to their rank, sat down on the chairs which surrounded him. He now again pronounced a long oration, and then wrote out a third statement, giving an account of the patience, firmness, union, and other excellent qualities of his men to the commander-in-chief. After having finished his discourse, and had sent away the report to the serdár, he asked who were the first who had entered into Ferdinand’s pavilion. Three janissaries and four borderers presented themselves, and said they were the first who had entered it. “Well then,” said the noble-minded páshá, “with the exception of the tent itself, and the arms that are in it, all the rest belongs to you.” As to the rest of the tents, whether they belonged to Ferdinand or to others, none of them were touched, but were strictly watched till such time as the decision of the commander-in-chief could be obtained. The forty-two pieces of cannon and five falconets which had been taken in the trenches, were most beautifully ornamented by art, each being of considerable value. They had the appearance of ingots of gold, and bore the image of the emperor and of the pope, figures, which one who saw them would have supposed had been executed or contrived by a skilful artist who had studied the Seher Sámrí.[9] Besides this number of cannon, fourteen thousand muskets, and as many spades and mattocks were found in the enemy’s camp. Also several gold basins and plates: ten thousand tents besides those which belonged to the superior officers; weapons of all sorts and sizes; large and small drums, trumpets, bells, chests, waggons, and carriages fell into the hands of the victorious Moslems; but the number of all these things together is only known to the Creator of men and angels. A vast quantity of articles of less value fell also a prey to the conquerors, but it is not possible to describe them all. As to articles of provision, which the enemy had left behind them, it was quite wonderful. Viands and wine were found preserved in silver and Chinese vessels; medicaments cherished by caranfil (cloves), sweetmeats, other kinds of eatables mixed with ferment, ginger, electuaries, and many other sorts, as much as would supply the garrison of Kaniza for a whole year. The whole of the cannon and arms were transported by order of the páshá into the fortress.

We have already noticed that Karah Omar Aghá, after the páshá had augmented his party, was ordered to pursue the fugitive enemy. He did so. As many of the enemy as had succeeded in reaching the ford of Paulet were totally panic-struck, when they perceived Karah Omar with his party of men pressing towards them. They threw away what heavy baggage had yet remained to them, crossed the ford in the utmost hurry and confusion, and took with them what they esteemed most valuable. The Moslem pursuers slackened not their pace, crossed the ford after them, and coming up to them, slew many of them. The fugitives were now obliged, in order to escape with their lives, to throw away every thing by which they had been encumbered, and even their arms, and took to their heels as fast as they were able. It was not known how many of them had perished, but about six thousand of the better sort of them fell by the hands of their valiant pursuers. Several of their captains were conveyed back to the páshá; but as the number of the prisoners which were thus brought were too many to be retained, the páshá gave orders to cut off the heads of all who were afterwards brought in on the ditches, and to throw their bodies into the river. Some of the prisoners, when they were asked the cause of their signal defeat and dispersion, attributed it to the effect which the letters that had been conveyed into their camp had had on their minds. A fearful terror, said they, seized us, and we began to imagine we saw nothing but troops of Turks with green turbans coming to your aid, and attacking us in conjunction with you.

In this memorable retreat, Don Juan, Hersog of Malta, finding it impossible to escape the danger of being taken prisoner, stripped off his clothes, wrapped himself up in a shabby coverlet, and lay four days in a ditch, pretending he was wounded. On the fifth day of the retreat, some men belonging to Zerín Oghlí, who had come from Mekomúriah to inquire into the state of matters, chanced to pass the ditch where this helpless Hersog lay. He implored them to extricate him, which they did, and carried him to Zerín Oghlí, who, when he learned who he was, showed him great respect, and sent him away to his own country.

The loss sustained by the enemy in this campaign was truly great: seventy or eighty thousand infidels, at the very least, must have perished. Those Italian and German foot soldiers who escaped the sword of the victorious Moslems, fell down on the roads benumbed with cold, and remained there. The few naked and weeping wretches who had been so fortunate as to reach their own countries, did so only with their lives.

Karah Omar Aghá of Petcheví relates the following story: “When we were in pursuit of the infidels, flying before us, we sometimes came up to ten or fifteen of them sitting and warming themselves before fires which they had made; but, when they saw us approaching, they started up upon their legs, took off their hats, and made obeisance to us. The fact is, we were weary of cutting and slashing the poor wretches, and therefore did not think it manly to kill men who were thus vanquished and suffering like those just now mentioned. The like of these creatures we passed, and went on slaughtering and hewing down all such as still had the hardihood to carry arms. The vast quantity of articles of value, as well as of arms, which the fugitives threw away, in their hurry to escape, strewed the roads every where, and it required two months’ time before they could be all collected and brought to Kaniza.”

Karah Omar Aghá was rewarded for his services in this campaign with the sanják of Petcheví.

_Some further account of the affairs relative to Kaniza.—The arrival of the Commander-in-chief at Sigetwar._

The commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, notwithstanding the opposition which had been manifested against his marching towards Kaniza, during the cold season, forced his way as far as Sigetwar. After the weather had become more intensely cold, a spirit of envy and insubordination began to manifest itself among his troops. They assembled together in a tumultuous manner, and attacked the Commander-in-chief’s tent with stones; and three days afterwards, when order seemed to have been restored, they broke loose and set off for Belgrade. This took place on the 12th of Jemadi II. However, the commander-in-chief received a letter from Hasan which announced to him the success which had been obtained over the enemy in their expulsion from Kaniza, and which gave him great joy. On the same day, towards evening, he received another from the same quarter, intimating the complete dispersion and defeat of the whole of the enemy’s army, a copy of which he immediately transmitted to Constantinople. He afterwards issued orders to the various troops to go into winter-quarters. He himself remained at Shuklúshka. On the 15th of the above month, one division of the troops, on its return, reached the bridge of Usk, and passed over in safety; but the next division was not quite so fortunate. Owing to the great and severe frost which had commenced, the river Drave was frozen over, and on the 20th, when the next division was crossing this bridge, it fell. All that were on it, at the time, perished. It was repaired, however, in two or three days afterwards.

Hasan Páshá, the celebrated governor of Kaniza, went to Shuklúshka to pay his respects to the commander-in-chief, who, in return, showed to the heroic Páshá every mark of esteem, and granted a favourable reception to every request he made to him. The government of Kústandil was conferred on Meseli Beg, and Korah Omar Aghá was confirmed in the sanjakship of Petcheví. To each of the veteran soldiers who sustained the siege along with him five pieces of money were allowed, besides the provisions which were due. Hasan Páshá dispatched his lieutenant, Iskender Páshá, to court, whose arrival there gave the emperor the sincerest joy. He approved of the distribution and appointments which had been made, and raised Hasan to be one of his favourite vezírs. Three robes of honour, a richly ornamented sword, and three beautiful horses, were sent as presents to the celebrated páshá. The commander-in-chief, in like manner, conferred marks of esteem upon him, and sent his lieutenant, Mustafa Khetkodá, to Petcheví, to furnish provisions for Kaniza, and then set out for Belgrade.

In consequence, however, of the violence of the mountain-like masses of ice which drifted down the Save, the bridges on that river were broken down, and the returning troops had to cross it in boats. In this journey they suffered great hardship, and had to overcome many difficulties before they reached Belgrade. About this time the ághá of the janissaries, Alí Aghá, was sent to Constantinople in order to negotiate a marriage between Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the commander-in-chief and prime minister to the Ottoman emperor, and the sultana, the widow of the late prime minister, Ibrahím Páshá.

The following is a copy of a letter from the grand sultán to Hasan Páshá in reference to his brave and wise conduct during the siege of Kaniza. After having referred to the great glory which had accrued this year, by his instrumentality, to the Ottoman empire, he says, that the celebrated name of his choice servant, his prudent vezír, the beglerbeg of Kaniza, Hasan Páshá, was to be inserted among the other great and celebrated names recorded in the annals of the empire. He then proceeds: “I have appointed you a vezír; and may my servants who were with you in the siege of Kaniza, and who, in a peculiar sense, are my children, receive a benediction; who, beyond all conception, exemplified the most strenuous courage, not regarding their own lives in their faithfulness to their religion and to us; who in the most arduous struggle of human exertion never once flinched from the dangers of either fire or water; who manfully and heroically maintained their ground on the batteries of Kaniza; who in open battle, on the field of blood, discomfited, routed the hateful enemy, and hewed them down whenever they attempted to rally; who caused the iron-cased host to fly, leaving all their valuables a prey to their pursuers; and, in one word, who acquired peculiar glory by their unexampled heroism. We therefore request that in every thing they continue to manifest towards you the most implicit obedience, which will secure to them our approbation. You will read this letter, which contains the expression of our will, in the presence of our brave veterans, and cause them to understand it. We sanction, by our royal authority, the distribution of money, &c. to be made to our servants at Kaniza under your command. We commend you all to the true God.”

The day on which this letter was read in Hasan Páshá’s diván there was not one in it who did not weep; and many a kind and benevolent wish was offered up for the happiness of the emperor of the Moslems. This solemn scene was afterwards changed into that of joy, the demonstrations of which were every where manifested. Three full months were spent in collecting and bringing into Kaniza the cannon, arms, ammunition, tents, &c. which the enemy had left behind them.

Many of the illustrious European young men who were employed in this war lost their hands and feet by reason of the severe frost; and several of them were killed in order to relieve them from pain and sufferings. The Franks formerly mentioned purchased, at a low price, about two hundred of the Spanish and Italian prisoners.

Before the spring of the following year commenced, about three thousand villages put themselves under the protection of the Ottomans; and more than two thousand peasants came from Usk, from Púzgha, from Petcheví, from Shuklúwish, and from Bosnia, to repair the fortress of Kaniza. Its outer works these labourers greatly enlarged and strengthened with trees cut down for the purpose. They surrounded the whole with a line of fortifications; erected minarets on its walls; built a mosque, a palace, and an arsenal within the citadel; erected sheds over the guns, and made a new bath. The successful warriors, however, never ceased to make excursions into the enemy’s territories, almost as far as Vienna, and uniformly returned with much booty and many captives.

_State of matters in the East.—Concerning Scrivano._

It had been determined by the court of Constantinople that Hájí Ibrahím Páshá should go and have an interview with the late governor of Baghdád, Hasan Páshá, the commander-in-chief in the east, and, along with him, attack Karah Yázijí (Scrivano). Instead of paying regard to these injunctions, however, he marched directly to Cæsarea, where he gave the rebels battle, was routed, and at last obliged to take refuge in the fortress of Cæsarea. When Hasan Páshá heard of this terrible disaster, he, without loss of time, removed to Elbastan on the 12th of Sefer of this year, met the rebel army at a place called Sepetlú, where he arranged his troops in order of battle. The enemy did not decline the combat. Early next morning at sun-rise the two armies commenced a bloody contest, which continued without intermission till after mid-day, when victory declared itself in favour of Hasan Páshá. The rebels were routed with great slaughter, leaving one third of their number, which had amounted to 30,000, lifeless on the field of battle, besides the whole of their tents and baggage. Karah Yázijí fled with the remnant of his broken forces into the Jánbeg mountains, where he fortified himself. The victorious páshá pursued the rebels as far as Tokat.

_Some other events of this year.—Karah Yázijí dies in the mountains of Jánbeg._

Towards the end of Jemadi II. information was brought to the Moslem authorities by some of the rebel chiefs, that Karah Yázijí had died in the mountains, whither he had fled, in the month of Ramazán, but that his brother, Delí Hasan, had succeeded him in the command of the rebels.

Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, third vezír and the governor of Anatolia, passed over to Uskadár (Scutari) and proceeded to Kutahia. On the 12th of Shevál the káímakám, Khalíl Páshá, was removed from office, and was succeeded by Hasan Páshá, who at that time was the third vezír.

On the same day, _i.e._ on the 12th of Shevál, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá’s commissioner, Alí Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, who had been sent to Constantinople to contract a marriage between the commander-in-chief and Ayesha Sultáná, the relict of the late grand vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, met along with Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, the vezír’s own deputy, and Abdí Chelebí, secretary of the customs, and fixed the dowry at four thousand ducats. After the contract was settled and sealed, one Nesúh Aghá was sent to Belgrade with the marriage documents to the serdár. Nesúh, who had lost his commission among the spáhís, expected, on this occasion, either to be raised to the ágháship of the janissaries, or to be made chief master of the horse, what he was before; but neither of these offices could be conferred on him at that time: he was, however, made a kapújí báshí. This same Nesúh Aghá afterwards attained the rank of páshá, and became, in the end, prime minister; but we shall have to speak of him in the sequel.

On the 20th of Dhu’l kadah Alí Aghá left the Sublime Porte with his troops and marched for Belgrade.

_Concerning the rebel Delí Hasan, the brother of Karah Yázijí.—Hasan Páshá, the commander-in-chief, falls a martyr._

It is recorded by Sháh Verdí, who had been deputy or lieutenant to Karah Yázijí, that when Karah Yázijí died, as already observed, his followers took his body, and cutting it into pieces, afterwards buried it in separate and distinct places, in order that the Osmánlís might not have it in their power to burn it.

This same Verdí, Yolar Kapdí, and one Túyel, all three noted rebels, joined the insurgent Delí Hasan, after the death of his brother, when they left the mountains of Jánbeg with an insurgent army of several thousand men, with the view of intercepting and seizing Hasan Páshá’s heavy baggage whilst on its way from Diárbeker. The páshá not having many troops along with him at this time, did not venture to give battle to these desperate mountaineers, but fortified himself as well as he was able in the fortress of Tokat. The city and suburbs, however, were subjected to the cruelty of these barbarians, who not only robbed and plundered wherever they were able, but also destroyed the páshá’s beautiful flower-garden. Not satisfied with all these excesses, they determined to attack the citadel and seize the páshá himself. For this purpose they encamped on the outside of the city. Information of the insurgent army having determined to lay siege to the fortress of Tokat having reached the court of Constantinople, the governor of Diárbeker, Khosrú Páshá, was created a vezír, and ordered to proceed with the army of Kúrdistán and oppose the progress of the insurgents. No person, however, had sufficient courage to inform Hasan Páshá that his office was conferred on Khosrú Páshá.

In the meantime the insurgents, after continuing the siege for about a month, had every prospect of succeeding in their attempts. Hasan Páshá was in the habit of going every morning and sitting on a seat in a certain place opposite the gate of the fortress, a circumstance which was some way or other made known to the rebels. They accordingly watched him, when one of them aimed his piece at him and shot him dead on the spot. Delí Hasan wished no more, raised the siege, and set out on a predatory excursion into Anatolia. The property of Hasan Páshá which had fallen into the hands of the rebels they distributed amongst them; and their power soon waxed so very considerable, that for the space of seven or eight years they ruled the country with a rod of iron.

Yávuz Alí Aghá was made válí of Egypt this year. This same year, also, a letter from the king of France was received, in which complaint was made of the injuries which some of his subjects had sustained from pirates belonging to some of the Turkish islands. The Turkish government immediately issued the strongest prohibitions against this traffic, and threatened to punish with rigour every instance of transgression of this kind which should happen to come to its knowledge.

We have still to observe one other circumstance before commencing to relate the events of the following year. During the time that Khalíl Páshá was governor or deputy of Constantinople, the ulemá assembled together, waited on his excellency, and demanded justice against the spáhís for the disturbance and tumult which they had been the means of raising in the metropolis lately. A report of the whole of their proceedings was laid before his majesty, who issued a royal letter relative to this meeting.

Ibrahím Khán, the valas pádisháh, was this year subdued by Sháh Abbás.[10]

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1011, H.

_Hasan Páshá recovers Alba Julia._

Towards the end of the preceding year the páshá made every preparation for commencing a new campaign in the beginning of this year. A new bridge was erected on the Save: he was joined by the ághá of the janissaries from Constantinople about the commencement of Moharrem, and troops from all quarters poured into his camp. The troops that accompanied the ághá from the metropolis received double wages: provisions were distributed, and vessels laden with the same article were sent off for Buda. The royal camp, in the greatest haste, removed from Belgrade and arrived at Serim on the 15th of the month. Badalooshka cannon were transported from Buda to the camp, and on the 22nd Alba Julia was put under siege. Lála Mohammed Páshá, from Buda, encamped on the south side, in front of the city; the grand vezír (_i.e._ the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá) took up his position on one side, and the ághá of the janissaries, with nine pieces of ordnance, presented himself before the gate. Mohammed Páshá, with the army of Romeili and five pieces of ordnance, and Dervísh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Bosnia, with the army of Buda, entered into entrenchments, and immediately erected mounds. Three thousand chosen men and four thousand pioneers were under the immediate eye of the grand vezír. After a few days of constant battering, the besieging army sprung four mines, which had some considerable effect, and soon afterwards they took possession of the large tower, but were obliged to relinquish it. The enemy, besides, had formed a kind of wall or mound within their ramparts, which served to protect them against the besieging army’s artillery. No great progress had hitherto been made.

On the 17th of the month Sefer, about the hour of dinner, and the hot part of the day, a servant of Mohammed Páshá started suddenly upon his feet, seized a standard, ran in the greatest haste to the tower, and fixed it on its top. The janissaries and others no sooner saw this, than they immediately went and took possession of it, causing the few men who watched it to fly. The enemy, however, continued to trust to their strong bulwarks, and thought themselves safe. They were miserably mistaken. The Moslem and orthodox warriors opened upon them a brisk fire of musketry, which drove them from their position. Mohammed Páshá succeeded in getting into the city and took it. When the serdár heard that his troops had taken the tower before-mentioned, he ordered his tent to be immediately erected near it.

The enemy perceiving the progress of the besiegers, and that they were assaulting them, in fact, from every quarter, fled into the inner fortress. This last refuge of theirs was attacked in its turn. By means of mounds which they soon raised for their own protection, they were enabled to effect some mines, which they had no sooner ignited than one of the towers was blown into the air and a sufficient breach made. The courage of the poor devils when they saw this gave way, and they offered to yield up the place. A certain number of their chief officers came out and received, as on former occasions, garments and were sent off with the rest of the military of Alba Julia to their own countries. The victorious Moslems, after taking possession of this important place, placed a sufficient garrison in it, and the rest of their troops returned to Buda about the end of the month last mentioned.

_The Commander-in-chief conducts an expedition into Transylvania._

In consequence of the woiwoda of Transylvania having, contrary to all law and justice, entered by violence into a fortress belonging to Sekul Murish, one of the independent princes of Transylvania, where he seized on its treasures and arms, and slew the men who were in it, the above prince, during the winter season, came to the serdár and solicited his aid, promising he would, if thus supplied with sufficient means, subdue the whole of the region of Transylvania under the Mohammedan yoke. The serdár placed confidence in his promises, and therefore determined to aid him in person. All this had taken place before the reduction of Alba Julia, for which, however, the serdár was preparing when the above prince came to him.

The serdár, or commander-in-chief, having fully achieved what he was at that time preparing for, as related in the preceding section, and having no reason to expect danger from any quarter, passed over from Buda to the plains of Pest. The infidels’ camp was at a place called Jegirdelin, opposite to Osterghún.

As the orthodox Moslems used to call out every evening, _Allah! Allah!_ so also the infidels cried out from one certain place, every morning and evening, the word _Yesú_, and immediately after this discharged their large cannon. _Yesú_ is a corruption of _Isa_ (Jesus) in the gospel. The sound of the guns fired by the infidels was heard at Pest.

Súfí Sinán Páshá was appointed commandant of Buda, for Kází Zádeh Alí Páshá, the beglerbeg of Buda, who had been present at the siege of Alba Julia, was there wounded by a musket-ball, and carried off the field in a litter or sledge. This Alí Páshá came along with Hábel Effendí, the cazí of Buda, to the serdár, and remonstrated against leaving Buda defenceless. You will not be two stages distant, said they, before the infidels will come and surround us. The danger of this circumstance seemed to press very much upon their imagination, and they did not fail to paint it in lively colours to the serdár. “Though it be perfectly true,” said the serdár in return, “that we hear the sound of the enemy’s cannon, yet it would be very unwise to leave Ardil Oghlí (_i.e._ the prince of Transylvania) in possession of Lipovah and Yanovah in the jurisdiction of Temiswar. There are only about six or seven thousand troops in the enemy’s camp, and their object is to terrify the Moslem army from entering Transylvania. They are not sufficiently strong to offer to attack you. You have no reason whatever to fear they will do so; be therefore easy in your minds on this score.” Thus did the serdár endeavour to soothe their terrors; but Alí Páshá replied: “My lord, allow me to inform you that some spies sent out by me returned last night, and informed me that there are more than eighty thousand soldiers and forty pieces of ordnance in the enemy’s camp, and that their object is to attack Buda. Let Hábel Effendí note down what I have now said, and if it turns out to be false, then you may take what vengeance you please on me.” Yemishjí Páshá himself, a proud obstinate Albanian, remained immoveable in maintaining his own assertions, _viz._ that the enemy had no other view than merely to frighten them from entering Transylvania, and that they had neither strength nor intention to attack Buda. In the meantime, when Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, perceived the serdár’s obstinacy, he asked to be permitted to make an excursion as far as Filk and Sitchan, and carry thence what plunder he might be able to take. His request was not acceded to; and the following day, the first of Rabia II., the serdár marched off for Solnuk, which he reached in four days, carrying along with him five pieces of cannon and one hundred sháhs (a kind of smaller ordnance). In four days more he crossed the Tise, and on the 11th of the same month reached the palanka of Sarwash. The troops of Julia and Temiswar joined his camp at this place; but he had scarcely time to hold a council of his great men, when, behold! messengers with evil intelligence from Buda waited upon him.

_Pest taken.—Buda is besieged._

The enemy had no sooner heard of the commander-in-chiefs movements than they began to put their cannon in order for marching. King Ferdinand ordered his Hungarian, Croatian, and Frank army, and various captains to advance before him. On arriving at Old Buda, they crossed over to the island of Kislar, by means of a bridge of boats, thence proceeded in boats to Pest, destroyed its bridge, and entered it on the side next the river, where there happened to be no wall. On the land side they planted their artillery. With the exception of a company of Moslems who had occupied a large tower on the banks of the Danube, and who had escaped by means of boats, the whole of the rest, men, women, and children, fell into the hands of the invaders. About five thousand of these hateful infidels were left in possession of Pest, whilst the rest of their army returned and encamped before Old Buda, and took possession of a palanka called Kiris Elias which belonged to it. At Gul Bábá, opposite the great earthen tower, they placed ten pieces of cannon, and opened entrenchments before the gates which open towards Vienna and Awa, and thus commenced the siege of Buda.

The messengers who, post haste, brought intelligence of the enemy’s movements to the serdár, found him, as before mentioned, engaged in holding a council of his great men at Sarwash. The serdár, as may easily be imagined, became absolutely frantic with rage when he learned from the messenger the state of things at Buda. Without a moment’s delay, however, he ordered off two thousand chosen men under the command of Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, to the aid of Buda, whilst he himself followed the body of his army. In four days he reached Pest, and encamped in its neighbourhood. Here he was soon made to perceive that the enemy was hotly engaged in endeavouring to reduce Buda, battering its walls with no less than twenty-eight pieces of ordnance; nor were they in the least degree alarmed by the approach of the Moslem forces. Pest, too, was filled with the enemy’s troops, and therefore, at that time, not easily taken. They also erected a kind of bridge between Kizlar áta and the last-mentioned place; and thus effectually hindered all communications between the Moslem army and Buda.

The obstinate Albanian (the commander-in-chief) now found more than sufficient reason to repent his having left Buda. To no good purpose whatever he opened ten pieces of artillery in one or two places against Pest. He disposed his line of entrenchments in such a way as that the people of Buda could easily salute their brethren near Pest. The one besieged, the other besieging. The Moslems, however, contrived to erect four badalooshkas, by means of which they broke down the bridge the enemy had erected at Pest, and thus prevented any further intercourse with it; but it was the cause of a greater increase of the enemy’s number at Buda.

During the space of fifteen days the Moslem camp before Pest experienced the most dreadful hardships for want of provisions. One kíleh (a measure) of flour sold for twenty pieces of gold, and one of barley for fifteen, and when no more could be had for any price, the troops were obliged to be supplied, though at the utmost risk, from Buda. This was secretly accomplished by boats, which were sent over from under the water-gate. The Budians, however, began to murmur, and remonstrated against supplying them with an article which they themselves might soon be in need of. All further supply of this kind was, therefore, prohibited; but this prohibition was, notwithstanding, found ineffectual. Some for the love of money sold provisions, and others there were who sent a supply to their friends.

At length, Alí Páshá, the same who counselled the commander-in-chief against leaving Buda when he went on his fruitless expedition into Transylvania, Hábel Effendí, Alí Páshá’s coadjutor, and the ághá of the janissaries, went to the serdár and told him plainly they would not afford any further supply of provisions. “If you,” said they, “continue ten days longer, all the provisions in Buda will be exhausted: send us, therefore, Mohammed Páshá with a certain number of troops, and do you go away altogether.” Mohammed Páshá seemed at first inclined to decline this proposal, but afterwards said, that he had been two years already in Buda, but that if he was ordered to remain another year in it he would endeavour to do his duty. The Budians fell upon their knees and begged him to accept of the office; they also petitioned the serdár himself, and kissed his beard; so earnest were they that Mohammed Páshá should remain with them. The serdár condescended to grant them their request. One thousand men whose pay had been advanced, and one thousand feudatory troops were appointed to Buda, besides military stores and money. He also sent a robe of honour to Mohammed Páshá. After the hour of the afternoon prayers, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá turned his face towards his barks, moved away on foot, bidding adieu to scenes which reflected no honour on his military skill, prudence, or courage.

Mohammed Páshá was a man of grave deportment, chaste manners, and an officer of inflexible firmness and of great courage. When in the siege, if any of his troops raised a commotion on account of the scarcity of provisions, he used to beat them most soundly, and then reprove them for their rashness. Not one, in fact, ever ventured to show him any resistance, such was the influence he maintained amongst his troops.

After the serdár took his leave, the troops destined for Buda entered that place at the water-gate under covert of the night: their ordnance was also conveyed during the same period.

Next day, the 1st of Rabia II., the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, passed through Keshkemet, and arrived at Waradin. Four large cannon which he took with him were dragged along by his soldiers; but he left two of them at Sonbúr, and the remaining two at Batchka. Passing over the bridge at Waradin he pursued his journey towards Belgrade.

In the meantime, Mohammed Páshá, after entering Buda, held a council of his officers, to whom he delivered a comforting and encouraging speech, and then dismissed them by telling them to go, every man, to his respective post. Next morning, at daybreak, five hundred horsemen were selected and sent out towards Awa, near which they dispersed two pickets belonging to the enemy. Some of them they killed, and others of them they made prisoners. The enemy, as before observed, had placed a number of their cannon at Kiris Elias, and for the space of ten successive days battered the walls and made several assaults, but they were uniformly met and repulsed by showers of musketry, and the hurling of bombs from the besieged. One day, when they thought they would carry every thing before them by one general assault, the brave and orthodox Moslems, as related in the Memoirs of Soleimán Páshá, rolled amongst them a number of bombs charged with pieces of iron, which, when they exploded, destroyed several thousands of the assailants, and completely repulsed them. After this last, but very effectual check had been given to them, they began to dig beneath the gate which looked towards Vienna, with the view of laying mines, and in the most desperate manner and with the utmost fury directed no less than two thousand cannon-shot against the walls, by which means they at last effected a large breach. The situation of the besieged was now truly perilous. But the brave, heroic, and orthodox Moslems were determined to maintain their resistance, or die in making that resistance. With this view, and in the solemn hour of night, they entered into a sacred compact with each other to devote themselves to death in defending Buda.

On the 10th of Rabia II., and in conformity to the counsel of their brave commander, Mohammed Páshá, all the foot and horse that were in the garrison at daybreak, rushed out of Buda with the utmost impetuosity, and attacked the enemy unawares in their own entrenchments, with such heroic bravery as absolutely confounded them. The enemy’s camp or tábúr having been at some distance, it was not easy for those in the entrenchments to get aid from thence, and before any did arrive, the orthodox Moslems, for the space of two hours, committed such tremendous havoc amongst them as to clear the entrenchments of these intruders. Their cannon they spiked, and carried off the greater part of their gunpowder to Buda, to which they had retreated, exploding what they could not conveniently carry along with them. The cazí of Buda, Hábel Effendí, an old man about eighty years of age, in order to encourage the orthodox believers, such was his zeal, slew an infidel with his own hands, a circumstance, no doubt, that made a deep impression on the minds of the Musselmans, and which had a powerful effect in urging them on to the work of destruction.

A shower of rain coming on about this time, and the season having been far advanced, the infidels, in rage and despair, raised the siege and set off for Osterghún, dragging their cannon along with them through the mud which had been occasioned by the rain. The heroic Moslems, perceiving their advantages, pursued the fugitive host, captured a number of their cannon, which in their hurry they had been obliged to leave sticking in the mud, and brought them back to Buda. Mohammed Páshá rewarded each of his brave men with tokens of his esteem and approbation, and sent a representation of the whole exploit to the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá.

Mohammed Páshá was about this time promoted to the government of Romeili.

_Ghází Gheráí Khán arrives with a Tátár army._

The grand vezír, Hasan Páshá, (_i. e._ Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the commander-in-chief,) after passing through Waradin, arrived in the plains of Zimrún, where he learned that Ghází Gheráí Khán, who for a good while past had not attended the wars, had arrived. It would appear that in consequence of his malicious brothers, Salámet Gheráí, Mohammed Gheráí, and Sháhín Gheráí, who had excited rebellion and insubordination among the Tátárs, one party of whom had gone into Romeili, and another to Anatolia, where they joined the rebel Delí Hasan, the brother of Scrivano, the khán had found sufficient employment at home. He was much afraid also that his brother, who had joined Delí Hasan, would succeed with the latter in endeavouring to deprive him of the khánship. On these accounts his highness, the khán of the Crimea, had found it impracticable for the last two years to render any service to the Ottomans, and thinking there was some reason to suspect the emperor might be displeased with him, and therefore depose him, he, to avert those evils, came forward with an army on this occasion, had an interview with the serdár in the above plains, and accompanied him to Belgrade.

His royal highness the Tátár khán lodged in the mansion belonging to Etmekjí Zádeh, the treasurer. For two successive days the serdár and he entertained each other in the most splendid manner. Petcheví was pointed out to the khán for his winter-quarters; and Sigetwar, Kopan, Mehaj, and other cantons beyond the Drave, were appointed for a similar purpose to his men. The khán departed for Petcheví, and his men were distributed in the above-mentioned towns and villages. His royal highness the khán passed his time in every sort of indulgence and pleasure, amusing himself occasionally in reading the good and bad poets of Baghdád. Here he composed an epistle in verse on the evils of coffee and wine. He was still haunted, however, by the fear of his brother Salámet Gheráí, who, he was aware, meditated his downfall.

After the grand vezír had reached Belgrade, as already mentioned, he ordered the troops to be paid their wages. The household troops received their usual allowance; the feudatory troops received each man two pieces of money, and the foot soldiers one. The ághá of the janissaries was permitted to return to Constantinople, and the feudatory troops were also allowed to retire.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1012, H.

_Advantage gained by the rebel Delí Hasan.—Mahmúd Páshá is appointed in the room of Khosrú Páshá._

We have before mentioned how the rebel Delí Hasan, towards the conclusion of the preceding year, murdered Hasan Páshá in the city of Tokat, and we have also related his subsequent march into Anatolia. The beglerbeg of Diárbeker, vezír Khosrú Páshá, who had been sent with the troops of Haleb and Meræsh, to chastise this notorious rebel, failed in the attempt. Some of the above troops having refused obedience to his authority, left him, and went to Sivás. The rest, on seeing this, under the pretence that winter had arrived, dispersed themselves also, and left him without a man.

An account of these disastrous events having found its way to Angora (Ancyra), where the rebel then was, he hastened forward with the utmost boldness to attack Háfiz Páshá, who commanded in Anatolia. When Háfiz, who was by no means in a condition to face this formidable enemy, heard of his movements, he shut himself up in Kutahia. The rebel advanced and laid siege to the city: but after three days’ effort, in consequence of cold and rain, was obliged to raise the siege; but he set fire to the place, and set off for Karah Hisár, where he went into winter-quarters.

As soon as the Ottoman court had heard of these inauspicious affairs, it appointed Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá to succeed Khosrú Páshá in the chief command. This appointment took place in the month of Rajab.

_Several changes take place._

In consequence of some malicious instigation of the soldiery, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was removed from the káímakámship, and Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá was appointed in his stead. These changes took place on the 20th of Rajab. Alí Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, was also deposed, and his office conferred on Delí Ferhád Aghá, a bostánjí báshí. Sáa’tjí Páshá was conducted to the Seven Towers. On the night of the 22d, the mufti, Mohammed Effendí, was deprived of his high office, which was conferred on Siná-allah Effendí. This is the second time this reverend prelate held this highest office of the priesthood. On this same occasion also the cazí of Constantinople, Abdulmíámin Mustafa Effendí, was appointed to succeed the cazí of Anatolia, Abdul Waháb, who had been in Egypt, and who now became cazí of Constantinople in room of the former.

_Concerning Ghaznafer Aghá and Osmán Aghá, ághá of the palace._

On the 23d of Rajab the spáhí legion requested his majesty, the emperor, to call a general diván for the purpose of taking into consideration the state of the empire, every where torn and afflicted with rebellion and insubordination. His majesty complied with this requisition. Accordingly, the mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, the káímakám, Mohammed Páshá, Siderín Akhí Zádeh, Abdul Míámin Mustafa Effendí, and the ulemá, of all ranks, in all about thirty in number, met in council. On the part of the spáhís, Hasan Khalífeh, Poiráz Osmán, and the secretary Iksámí presented themselves before the royal diván and spoke thus: “Sire, in consequence of the war which you find necessary to carry on at a distance, the glory of the royal house is impaired, and its dignity is diminished. The empire, from one end to the other, is trampled upon. The government of Erzerúm is subjected to Gusah Nefer Páshá’s soldiery and levends (a kind of volunteers); the government of Sivás is under the oppressive rule of Ahmed Páshá; Caramania is in the power of Delí Hasan; the sanjáks of Merzefún, of Kostamúní, and of Kankarí, in like manner, are in the hands of the rebels Tevíl and Karah Seyed. The insurgents and rebels have seized the whole world. Five or six times a commander-in-chief has been appointed, but no good result has followed; nothing has been accomplished.” After talking a great deal in this manner, and pointing out the injustice and corruption which had crept into the administration, they adverted to one or two flagrant instances as proofs of their assertions. It was with great difficulty that Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been confined in the Seven Towers, escaped undergoing the extreme sentence of the law on this occasion. The fourth vezír, Tarnákjí Páshá, was also brought forth, and would have undergone the sentence of death; but in consequence of the intercession of the janissaries he was pardoned. The kapú ághá, Ghaznafer Aghá, who had been the means of raising Khosrú Páshá and Osmán Aghá, the ághá of the palace, who were afterwards presented, were not so fortunate. The emperor, when all these transactions were over, returned to the haram or seraglio, whilst the exclamations of the people ascended to the very heavens in his behalf. The populace soon after dispersed themselves.

_Yemishjí Hasan Páshá returns to Constantinople._

Soon after the grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, had dismissed the khán of the Tátárs, to go into winter-quarters at Petcheví, he delivered over to Lála Mohammed Páshá the whole of the affairs of the frontiers. The magazines of provisions and other stores in Belgrade he committed to Etmekjí Zádeh, the treasurer, and to Mohammed Páshá; and appointed his own lieutenant, Mustafa Aghá, to collect provisions in the districts of Bosnia and Buda.

Having heard of the late transactions in Constantinople which had been occasioned by the spáhís, he imagined, and not without good reasons, that he was in danger of losing his own life; he therefore took a company of unemployed servants along with him, and set out for Constantinople. On reaching Yaghodina he was met by Hasan Aghá, a kapújí báshí, who informed him that Siná-allah Effendí, in compliance with the wishes of the spáhís, had been created mufti. Another messenger, called Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, a khetkhodá of the court, brought him a letter, which stated that if he wished his own existence to be continued, to make all the haste he possibly could. He recommenced his journey immediately, but was considerably impeded in crossing the river Múrov, owing to the masses of ice which floated upon its surface. However, he got safely over it, and when he arrived at Nisa he met another messenger, who brought him a letter apprizing him of the fate of Ghaznafer, who suffered death along with Osmán. At a place called Khurmán he was met by two other kapújí báshís, who brought him a royal letter, and another from the queen-mother, both of which invited him to court, and which also were sufficient tokens of their good-will. He immediately returned a humble answer to these communications by the two persons who brought them to him. On his reaching Adrianople he took up his lodgings for a few hours in the house of Etmekjí Zádeh, his own treasurer, who was then at Belgrade. Yahiah Effendí, who was afterwards raised to the office of high priest, happening to be disengaged when the grand vezír arrived, waited on him, and both together, about seven o’clock in the evening, set out for the metropolis. On reaching Selivría they were met by Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, a kapú ketkhodá, and Sárí Alí Aghá, superintendant of the Soleimáníyeh, who strongly charged them not to delay entering the palace that night, for if they did, the messengers assured them the spáhís would next morning completely prevent their doing so. The grand vezír immediately descended from his chariot, mounted a swift charger, and reached the royal palace about four o’clock in the afternoon on the 25th of the month Shabán. The emperor received him most graciously, and welcomed his arrival in the kindest manner. After the grand vezír had delivered a statement to the emperor, of the affairs on the frontiers, he received a visit from the káímakám, Mahmúd Páshá, who no sooner departed, than the two military judges came to pay their respects to him also. When these exalted prelates were about retiring, he desired them to go to the mufti and give him his compliments; “Tell him,” said the grand vezír, “that had it not been the night-season, I would have called on him to pay him my respects in person at his own fortunate mansion; that as I did not wish to disturb him at so unseasonable an hour of the night, I have preferred waiting till tomorrow, when I shall not fail to visit him. But be sure,” continued he, “to come back and tell me how he received your message.” The reverend prelates, however, did not return. The morning arrived, and no word whatever from the mufti, nor any account of the prelates. This presaged no good. He, however, ascertained by some other means, that the principal actors in the late tumult had gone that morning to the mufti, and complained to him in the most violent manner against him. “This vezír,” said they, “has, by his bad management, and want of skill in the command of the troops on the frontiers, allowed the infidels to gain some important advantages over the orthodox Moslems, and has thus tarnished the glory and pride of the Osmánlís.” Having preferred this complaint, they insisted on the mufti’s giving them a decree to take away his life. The mufti complied. These accusers, after succeeding with the head of their religion, hastened away to the governor, Mahmúd Páshá, to show it to him. In some histories it is said that this decree was delivered to the soldiery by Mahmúd when the grand vezír was about entering the city on his return from Belgrade. However, to make the thing as sure as the accusers could, they went to the two military judges, and asked them to tell them if the instrument which the mufti had issued was legal, and if so, to sign it; which after some little importunity they did.

_Mahmúd Páshá reports these proceedings to the Emperor, who refuses to sanction the deed of the Muftí._

Mahmúd Páshá, the governor of Constantinople, wrote out a report of the proceedings which were carrying on against the life of the grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, enclosed in it the decree of the high-priest, which had been confirmed by the signatures of the two military judges, and sent it to the emperor. In this report the cunning governor assured the grand sultán, that if he did interpose in behalf of his vezír serious mischief would inevitably be the result. The emperor, after receiving this document and its enclosures, caused it to be published that Mahmúd Páshá had stipulated with the heads of the disaffected to give them thirty thousand ducats, and that he, in the event of grace being shown to Yemishjí, had instructed them to raise a tremendous tumult. This was a sufficient answer to Mahmúd’s report. The emperor, moreover, declared that he had perfect knowledge of the whole of his vezír’s conduct, and that if it had appeared that he had acted unworthily of his high station, he, the emperor, knew how to punish him. He was much displeased with the interference which had been made.

After having sent this answer to the proper quarter, he called an officer of the court, and instructed him in the necessity there existed of his going that very night and taking summary vengeance on Mahmúd Páshá, and which he conceived would have the effect of intimidating the disaffected soldiery. This commission was no sooner delivered than the emperor sent the whole of the papers which had been sent to him by Mahmúd to his grand vezír. The person to whom this business had been entrusted was Kásim Aghá, who on delivering the above papers to the grand vezír, informed him that he was on his way to murder Mahmúd Páshá. Mahmúd Páshá, however, had got scent of the purpose which had been formed against him, and either hid himself or absconded. The grand vezír, on examining the documents which had been put into his hand, was, no doubt, greatly astonished to find amongst them an official decree of the highest spiritual authority for the taking away of his own life.