Chapter V: Part 5

Early the following morning, the 4th of the month, the troops were again put into motion; but they left their heavy baggage behind them. The emperor, with his right and left-hand troops, marched at a slow pace, and halted at so great a distance from the enemy as to secure himself from the reach of their cannon. This, however, was considered to be a disgrace; and it was after showing him the impracticability of any contact whatever at such a distance, that he ventured a little farther in advance, when he ordered a general halt.

The royal personage now took up his position in front of his own standard, and was supported by six divisions of his troops. The vezírs, according to their rank, stood on his left, and the reverend prelate Sa’d-ud-dín and two military judges on his right. The whole of their cattle and such heavy baggage as they were obliged to carry along with them, were put under the charge of a party of cavalry in the rear. The Janissaries, full of enthusiasm, and ardent for contest and battle, were placed in advance. The cannon-waggons were all chained and bound together in front of the monarch and his royal suite. Hasan Páshá, Válí of Romeili, and the Beglerbeg of Temisvar, took up their position on one side; and the Beglerbeg of Anatolia, Lála Mohammed Páshá, the Beglerbeg of Caramania, the Beglerbeg of Haleb, and the Beglerbeg of Merœsh, in conformity with ancient custom, took up their position on the other side (_i.e._ these chiefs commanded the right and left wings which were composed of their respective troops). The advance guard was put under the command of Jaghaleh Zádeh.

_The Battle of the first Day._

After the two hostile armies were once confronted, Sinán Páshá, belonging to the Cherkess (Circassian), Fateh Gheráí and Murád Páshá, the Beglerbeg of Diárbeker, besides some other valiant and heroic chiefs, rode forth in front on their prancing horses, and giving the cry of war, rushed forward, sword in hand, to the bloody conflict and to death. They were, however, very much impeded in consequence of the marshy nature of the ground. This marsh, which resembled a small river, and which could only be forded at certain places, was occasioned by water which issued from the valley of Mehaj, and in which the enemy’s camp was strongly fortified. The conflict, however, was begun, and became hotter and hotter. The vezírs stepped alternately forward and encouraged and animated the divisions, as they moved onwards to the mighty contest, and returned again to the emperor and reported progress. In consequence, however, of the enemy’s cannon doing execution at a great distance, the orthodox troops were not able to get sufficiently close to their antagonists. About mid-day a cannon-ball passed over the emperor’s head, but fortunately it did harm to no one; though it clearly showed that the emperor’s person was in a dangerous situation, and therefore his majesty was conveyed to a tent which belonged to Yúnus Aghá, the commander of the cavalry, who afterwards fell a martyr. The well-ordered divisions, nevertheless, maintained their ranks unbroken, and continued firm.

On the opposite side of the marsh there was a dilapidated church which formed a covert to thousands of the enemy, and against whom the Cherkajís had hitherto directed their efforts. It happened, however, that the body defended by this church rushed forth to the amount of several thousands, and like wild swine, or as if enraged with wine, commenced fording the marsh or river, in the intention of coming into close quarters with their assailants. At this favourable moment, the Moslems showered volleys of ball amongst them, and Jaghaleh Zádeh, who was posted behind a hillock, coming up at the same time with his Cherkajís, did immense execution, wounding and killing vast numbers of them: so much so indeed, that he almost filled that part of the marsh with their carcasses. Their drums and kettle-drums were seized, and such of their officers as were taken alive, were conducted before the royal presence. Those of them who escaped were terror-struck, and endeavoured to regain their strong-hold, but were intercepted by a body of Tátárs who made them all prisoners, and brought them bound in chains to the emperor, who commanded that their bonnets (_i.e._ their heads) should be made to roll on the ground.

Fortune, hitherto, declared herself in favour of the orthodox army; but night coming on, and the atmosphere becoming dark and cloudy, both sides retired from the conflict for the night. Several of the Musselman veterans threw down their burdens on the spot, and waited with cheerfulness of mind for a renewal of the contest. Others, however, pitched their tents and went to rest. But, in fact, such was the tumult and confusion altogether, that the greater part of the cavalry chose to rest all night in their saddles. The sentinels were every where placed, and silence at length ensued, till the following morning when the battle was renewed.

_The Battle of the second Day.—The Defeat of the Enemy._

The morning at length arrived. It was the 5th of the month, and the day of the Sabbath (Saturday). His imperial majesty was on horseback by daylight; the drums were ordered to beat; the victorious troops were arranged in proper order; and, placing their confidence in God, they advanced with boldness to meet the enemy of their religion. They perceived that none of the enemy occupied the position where the church, which yesterday afforded them shelter, stood, but that a great number of them had concentrated themselves near a church on the plain, about half a league distant from the left ford, finding it impracticable to defend the other fords. The orthodox army, like the raging sea, rushed forward, crossed the river, and prepared to attack their fortifications: the Janissaries put their hands to their muskets; the field-pieces were properly stationed, and each man stood in his place ready to commence at the first signal. The emperor himself did not cross the river, but remained in a tent which was erected for him on the bank. Jaghaleh Zádeh, who commanded the Cherkajís or vanguard, took up his position immediately in front of the enemy.

Notwithstanding all this hostile attitude in which the Moslem, the orthodox troops, arrayed themselves before their enemies, they, singularly enough, never once showed their faces till about mid-day, though in fact they had made every preparation. Suddenly, however, about that time of the day, their foot soldiery came pouring forth in chariots, and after them the iron-cased dragoons, troop after troop, to the amount in all of fifteen or sixteen thousand, and formed, as it were, an irresistible barrier. Their field-pieces were placed in the most excellent order. At every step almost they fired their muskets and discharged their cannon, and continued advancing on the Moslem army like a horde of swine, whom even _Rustam_ and _Zál_[5] would hardly think of resisting. Their columns resembled mountains of iron, and their lines seemed incapable of being broken. The right wing of the Moslems gave way, and were thrown into confusion: the left, composed of the household troops, after making a mighty and heroic resistance, was overpowered, when the enemy forced their way to the Moslem side of the marsh. At this moment of vehement struggle and impetuous movement, the Tátár troops advanced and supported their chief Fateh Gheráí, and thus checked, in some degree, the progress of the enemy. That part of the enemy which had succeeded in throwing the right wing into confusion made a strong effort to reach the royal tent, and was only restrained for a short time by the Romeilian troops, brought up by Hasan Páshá, who with the utmost celerity attacked them in the rear, but was again repulsed by the briskness of the enemy’s fire. The Spáhís, weakened by the fatigue they had undergone, and hopeless of victory, were obliged to withdraw. The rest of the troops, perceiving the field thus clear of their companions in arms, conjectured at once that the emperor had fled, and therefore immediately turned about, some taking the road to Belgrade, some to Buda, and thus leaving the enemy complete masters of the field. The victorious enemy now commenced the work of spoliation: they entered the Moslem tents and laid their hands on every thing which came in their way. Five thousand of these wretches came within bow-shot of the emperor’s sejada, or prayer-carpet, when the most desperate struggle ensued. Musselman and Káfir, laying aside their muskets, betook themselves to their swords, and fell to cutting and slashing each other with the most deadly animosity. The vezírs and nobles rallied round his majesty’s person, and defended him with the most heroic bravery; and when some of the execrated wretches endeavoured to cut the cords of the royal tent, the ághás who were within it rushed out and slew them. It was a period which might be called an antetype of the day of the resurrection, wherein these Moslems, a mere handful, evinced the warm and genuine feelings of their loyal hearts. The reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín, was not wanting in his duty: he translated, explained, and enforced the following sentiment: “Victory is gained by patience, and after difficulty comes prosperity,” which was calculated both to console and tranquillize the afflicted monarch’s mind: he augured, also, a happy reverse.

The despicable but now triumphant infidels, thinking themselves perfectly secure from any further annoyance from the defeated Moslems, were intent only on acquiring spoil. God did not let them, however, escape without a mark of his signal vengeance. They dispersed themselves among the tents of the royal camp in search of booty, and thus became divided. Their minds were engrossed wholly in this way, and it so happened, by the providence of God, whilst fearlessly thus employed, that the grooms, cooks, muleteers, camel-drivers, grooms, and other servants which remained in the camp, perceiving the scattered condition of their vile visitors, seized, some on axes, some on knives, or whatever other weapon fell into their hands, and fell upon these regardless spoliators, and slew as many of them as they were able. This unlooked-for retaliation so terrified these robbers that they all fled, and never halted till they got beyond their own fortifications. The cry that the infidels were routed was now sounded, and spread like wildfire every where. The affrighted Moslems returned from their hiding-places and commenced pursuing the fugitives, and slew immense numbers of them. According to the most authentic accounts it appears, that in this pursuit the pursuing army, lately vanquished but now triumphant, killed no less than 100,000 of these infidels. The victory was most decisive: the fear of the Moslems so seized upon them that they fled in all directions. The Moslem pádisháh (emperor) was declared conqueror in the battle of Mehaj: his righteous cause triumphed, and the fame of Islamism and that of the Ottoman empire was raised to the highest renown. Never at any former period did any emperor, by so simple and so extraordinary a means, acquire so much glory. Some, however, have given a very different account of this battle.

The Defterdar (treasurer or recorder) Ibrahím Effendí, who himself was present in this war, relates it thus: On the morning of that day (_i.e._ on which the Moslems were defeated, but afterwards became conquerors, as above related), the Moslem army directed their movements towards the church situated near the lake; but finding the enemy had retreated within their fortifications they advanced, after having crossed the ford in that quarter, towards the enemy’s strong-hold, keeping their cannon in the rear. The enemy, keeping close within their fortifications, did not venture to show themselves till near mid-day, when they began to issue forth in multitudes. 1st. The German foot soldiers, all of them covered with mail and carrying arms. 2d. Another body of the same race covered with breast-plates of iron, carrying arms called muskets, which were capable of discharging ten, fifteen, or twenty drachms weight. 3d. A body of Hungarians, consisting of one hundred companies, each company amounting to five hundred men, on foot and carrying fire-arms. 4th. The Hungarian cavalry, whose display of standards and flags made them resemble a mountain covered with trees. Besides all these there were also Germans, Bohemians, Poles, and men of other nations, who were mounted on horses, and carrying some three, some four, some five Hungarian fire-arms. The whole of this immense army exceeded fifty divisions.

This immense number of troops is stated in the infidels’ own history of events belonging to the period referred to. The karals (kings) and dukes of different nations and states who aided the Emperor of Austria in this war, caused the number of their respective troops to be taken down, and the whole put together amounted to more than two hundred legions, besides another army which they say had not reached the field of battle. But to continue. The hostile divisions advanced, maintaining as they did so a constant fire of musketry and other fire-arms. Murád Páshá and the Bostánjí báshí, Alí Páshá, were sent to support Sinán Páshá; but the dreadful effect of the musketry was such that they found it impossible to withstand it, and therefore retraced their steps across the marsh, when they dispersed themselves through the fields. The enemy continued to press forward, with drums beating and the constant roar of cannon and of musketry, directly towards the royal camp. Hasan Páshá and his Romeilian troops were ordered to take up their position at the head of the ford on the right, and oppose them; but this effort proved ineffectual. The showers of musketry which were poured in amongst them prevented their maintaining their ground for a moment, and therefore they retired and joined the main body. The fearless and inconsiderate infidels no sooner reached the royal camp, though the Moslems were by no means broken and dispersed, than they recklessly gave themselves over to the work of spoliation and plunder. Two regiments of them made towards the imperial treasures, dispersed the Janissaries and Spáhís who had been appointed to guard them, drew out the coffers from the tent in which they were placed, threw down their cross-bearing banners, and began to dance for joy; but their joy was not of long duration.

These disastrous appearances altogether were truly afflicting, and to none did they appear more so than to Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí. He counselled his majesty to continue firm and to maintain his position. “Such is the state of matters at present,” said he to his majesty, “and such they frequently were in the days of your illustrious progenitors; but depend upon it,” continued the reverend prelate, “depend upon it, that by a Mohammedan miracle the Mohammedan people, God willing, will yet obtain the victory: keep up, therefore, sire, your spirits, and be of good courage.” It is related that the emperor was informed of the disasters which befell his army whilst he was sitting on horseback, and the reverend prelate standing at his stirrup, to whom he dictated a humble and earnest supplication, which the prelate offered up to God. The Germans have recorded that this prayer or supplication was heard.

Of the enemy’s entering the royal camp, and of their having given themselves over to the work of spoliation, we have already spoken. The enemy were astonished beyond bounds at the sight of the vast riches and wealth which the Osmánlí camp presented to their view. In fact, their eyes had never before seen such a quantity of wealth. In their thirst and greediness to acquire the valuables they every where saw around them, they forgot, or laid aside the art of war. The repulsed Moslems, seeing how their enemies were engaged, and watching their every motion, began to reflect how they might recover their property which their enemies were busily employed in appropriating to themselves. Just at this moment, and towards evening, an army raised up by God himself accomplished the destruction of these wretches. The grooms, cooks, and other menials who belonged to the camp, and who still remained in it, were roused to indignation. Some seized on axes, some on spades, or similar instruments, and fell, with undaunted fury, on the robbers, and slew many of them. The barbarians, by this circumstance, were panic-struck, and began to run away. The cry now resounded that the enemy had fled: the Moslems, who through fear had fled from the field of battle, returned at this exhilarating sound, fell with exasperated rage on the fugitives, and killed every one they were able to overtake. Not a few even of those of them who wore chains perished from fear and palpitation of heart. It may be affirmed, without incurring the charge of overstepping the bounds of truth, that fifty thousand of these hateful wretches fell by the edge of the sword. Very many of them stuck in the mud, and were there beheaded. Twenty thousand of their cavalry perished in one short hour on the right of the camp, by the heroic bravery of Sinán Páshá and his men. Vast numbers of them were drowned in the marsh. To complete their ruin, Fateh Gheráí, with his Tátár troops, pursued them even to their own fortifications, where they attempted to offer resistance, but again their courage failed them. They left all, and escaped only with their heads to the surrounding mountains. Ten thousand ducats, ninety-seven pieces of ordnance, with the whole of their magazines of powder, their mortars, their light guns, and in short, the whole of their arsenal fell into the conquerors’ hands. Thus did these wretches meet with retributive justice. To have slain so many in so short a period, it has been observed, could not have been the work of mere mortals. Those who were eye-witnesses, and who related these other facts, declared, that there was no comparison between the number who died in actual battle to the number that perished otherwise.

This victory was gained on the 5th of Rabia II., 1005 of the Hejirah.

_The Premiership conferred on Jaghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá._

After having finally defeated and put to flight the enemy, as above related, Jaghaleh happened to reach the emperor before the grand vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, had time to do so, and said to him: “Sire, your slave has been the means of obtaining this glorious victory;” and boasted of himself at no allowance. The reverend prelate, and Ghaznafer Aghá, who witnessed his vanity, or who at least heard him tell of his exploits, thought it would be but justice to confer the seals of office on him, and therefore induced the emperor to promise to send them to him.

Being now, as he thought, firmly established in the office of prime minister, he caused himself to be congratulated as such, and to have his hand kissed. It was not long, however, before it began to be rumoured that Jaghaleh was the very first who had taken flight. In the meantime, the grand vezír also arrived and confirmed the joyful tidings which had just a little before been communicated to the emperor; but this had not the least effect in making him alter the resolution he had come to with respect to the seals of office: neither did he give any hint of it to the grand vezír himself, who, soon afterwards, returned to his tent and devoted himself to the duty of conferring gifts and presents on those who had signalized themselves with him in the battle, not knowing that he was deposed. He also sent off couriers to recall such of the Moslem fugitives as had not returned to their duty.

The following day, as Ibrahím was on the eve of accompanying Jeráh Mohammed Páshá and Ja’fer Páshá to the field of battle, and examining the ground lately occupied by the enemy’s camp, as well as all the tents and other furniture which they had been under the necessity of abandoning, the reverend prelate hastened to the royal tents to enquire of Ghaznafer whether Ibrahím still retained the seals or not, and wondered much whether his majesty was sincere in what he yesterday proposed: “it would have been better,” he added, “if his majesty had rejected Jaghaleh’s request.” The other replied, he did not know what the emperor had done with respect to the seals. The prelate observed that the change might occasion, at some future period, a disagreeable tumult and uproar. Ghaznafer Aghá, the emperor’s chamberlain, said he was afraid to say any thing further about the matter to his royal master, but that he was a witness of his royal master’s attachment to Ibrahím.

In the midst of this conversation between the emperor’s spiritual guide and his chamberlain, the grand master of the horse went boldly into his majesty’s presence, and related to him the whole of the prelate’s conduct in this affair, and asked what evil he had seen in Ibrahím that he should be so summarily dismissed. “As for this Ghaznafer,” said he, “he is a Frank by birth, and of the same race with Jaghaleh, the son of Sinán Páshá. It is right and proper therefore,” continued this grand master of the stables, “to make enquiry into Ibrahím’s conduct. Let him be called into your own presence, hear his account, and you will then be convinced that the insinuations which have been made are false.” Whilst this officer went out to order a horse for his majesty, that he might go forth and examine matters on the field in person, the reverend prelate renewed his efforts in favour of Jaghaleh; and the result was, that the emperor, after a few moments of reflection, ordered an officer of the Kapújís to proceed and take the seals from Ibrahím and give them to Jaghaleh. This latter officer hastened to Ibrahím’s tent to fulfil his commission; but not finding him there, he proceeded towards the field of battle whither Ibrahím had gone, and met him returning to the Moslem camp. He told him the purport of his mission, received the seals, and went and delivered them to Jaghaleh.

The late victory and glory acquired by the Moslem army having been acquired under the auspices of Ibrahím Páshá, it may easily be conjectured that Jaghaleh did not much enjoy his promotion. His imprudence and mismanagement, in short, his whole conduct created him many enemies; but we shall hear of him afterwards.

_The Fugitives punished._

After Jaghaleh was confirmed in the premiership, he commenced an inquiry with respect to those of the Moslems who had fled in the day of battle, which inquiry continued for the space of three successive days. The result of this inquiry was, that 30,000 were discovered to have deserted their colours, and were therefore not only cut off from receiving pay and provisions, but permission was given to slay them wherever any of them might be found. Those who did return, in consequence of the late grand vezír’s invitation, were miserably and cruelly put to death. Yúnus Aghá, in whose tent the emperor took refuge during the action, the Aghá of a regiment and many other worthies, he caused to be beheaded. This Yúnus was master of the horse to the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, and was honoured by his majesty’s entering his tent on the day of battle, as already related. Much innocent blood was made to flow by the instrumentality of the new vezír, which roused a spirit of general murmuring against him. By his imprudent and violent conduct in trying to rectify the evil, he not only gave greater prominency to it in the sight of the enemy, but confirmed those Muselman troops who fell into the hands of the enemy in their terror of him, and inclined them to stay where they were, or caused them to seek refuge in their provinces. He executed all those who fell into his hands, and confiscated their property. When he returned to Belgrade he degraded Sohráb Páshá of Egypt, a man of great rank and office, and made him wear old and tattered garments.

So great indeed was the consternation into which his intolerable government plunged every one of the military, that very many of them fled to Anatolia, which so roused the inhabitants of that country that they were constrained to rise in their behalf, and thus caused a rebellion which only terminated with his downfall. Among the many instances of his maladministration, the following was by no means the least: He removed Ghází Gheráí Khán, Khán of the Tátárs, from holding the supreme authority, and placed Fateh Gheráí in his room, a circumstance which caused great disorder and tumult among the Tátárs, and finally led to the murder of the latter.

_The conquering Moslems return to Agria._

After the contemptible enemy had been defeated and routed, as before related, the drums were kept beating and rejoicings celebrated till supper-time that night. Next day a diván was summoned, and congratulations offered on account of the success which the Muselmans had achieved. They remained three days in the valley of Mehaj after the troops were all gathered together. The command of the Janissaries was conferred on Tarnákjí Aghá. The ninety-seven pieces of ordnance taken from the enemy were transported to the fortress of Solnuk, or distributed among the Beglerbegs and Begs of Sanjaks, and other divisions of the army. On the 11th of Rabia II., the whole army returned to Agria. About the middle of the same month, Alí Aghá, Aghá of the household troops, was sent to Constantinople to announce the success of the Moslem arms. One thousand Kúl Oghlí and one thousand Agria Janissaries were registered and left as a garrison at Agria: and Tarnákjí Aghá, and three thousand Janissaries were left there also as an army of observation. The Beglerbeg of Romeili, Válí Páshá, and one thousand Janissaries were appointed to garrison Buda.

_The Emperor returns to Constantinople._

Towards the end of Rabia II., the emperor, the asylum of the world, left Agria, and passing through Solnuk, Segdin, and Waradin, arrived at Belgrade, where he rested two days, appointed the fourth vezír, Hasan Páshá, commander-in-chief of the army, and afterwards set out for the metropolis.

_Jaghaleh, the grand vezír, deposed.—Ibrahím is re-appointed._

Jaghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá’s maladministration secured him, as might easily have been prognosticated, the hatred and aversion of all ranks, high and low, prince and people. As soon as the emperor had reached the place called Khurmán, near Adrianople, he dispatched Omar Aghá, secretary to the Chávush Báshí, to receive back the seals from Jaghaleh, and to deliver them to Ibrahím Páshá, his predecessor in office. Jaghaleh himself was exiled to Aksheher, beyond the Hellespont, where he was doomed to spend his days in obscurity and inactivity.

Ibrahím Páshá was no sooner reinstated in the premiership than he waited on his majesty, and paid him all due acknowledgment for the honour conferred on him. On returning to the camp, he banished Mohammed Aghá, master of the horse, the writer of this account; besides several other favourites of the late grand vezír, whom he turned out of office. Ghází Gheráí, the ex-khán, was reinstated in the regal dignity over the Tátárs of the Crimea. Hasan Páshá, the son of Mohammed Páshá, who was lately made commander-in-chief, was deposed, and Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá appointed in his stead. Thus did Ibrahím Páshá compensate his own friends for the injuries they had sustained in consequence of his deposition. Even the reverend prelate Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was not allowed to escape without feeling the effects of the new vezír’s displeasure. He was deposed from his high office, and to prevent him from carrying on intrigue and fraud with the learned body of which he was a member, he was obliged to live a recluse life, even that of a hermit.

The services and heroism of Jaghaleh Zádeh we have already contemplated. We have seen how he attributed the victory gained over the infidels at Mehaj to his own bravery and proper management; how he endeavoured to throw the services of Ibrahím Páshá into the shade, and, in short, how he succeeded by fraud and artifice to get himself created grand vezír. It is said that the emperor, when he first petitioned to be made prime minister, demurred; and that it was only after he represented the great interest he possessed among the troops, who doubtless would create a tumult in his favour, if he was not raised to the dignity of the premiership, that his majesty at last agreed to confer the seals on him. In fact, he did not scruple even to assert that there were not wanting signs of this disposition in the soldiery at the very time he was speaking to the emperor, and thus urged him to a compliance with his wishes. Jaghaleh was a man of great intrepidity, but wrathful. His heart was unacquainted with gentleness and compassion. In consequence of his reckless and horrible cruelties towards the unfortunate fugitives, and other crimes, the hearts of all were turned against him, and his downfall was sought. When Ibrahím was again raised to the grand vezírship, new life seemed to be transfused throughout all ranks; and all rejoiced at Jaghaleh’s misfortunes. The chancellor, Alí Chelebí, who wrote a detail of the victories obtained in the conquest of Agria, and in the battle of Mehaj, wrote it in the name of Jaghaleh, as if he really were the conqueror, and praised him in the most extravagant manner. For this he was not only sharply rebuked, but also deposed. Okjí Zádeh was appointed in his stead.

When his majesty reached Dávud Páshá, on his return, he was there met by the Káímakám Hasan Páshá, the eunuch, and the mufti, who came thither with a splendid escort to congratulate his majesty on his return, and on the successes which had attended the Moslem arms. On the 6th of Jemadi II. the grandees and nobles preceded the army in solemn procession to the imperial city, and conducted his majesty to his royal palace, and for three successive days and nights the whole exhibited nothing but demonstrations of joy. Núh Páshá was appointed to the government of Caramania; and as a mortification to the reverend prelate, so frequently mentioned in the course of this history, and latterly so very unfortunate, his eldest son, Mohammed Effendí, was deprived of his office of cazí, in Anatolia, which was given to Kúsh Yahiah Effendí, who had been deposed from the jurisdiction of Mecca. Two days after these changes and new appointments had taken place, the prelate’s son-in-law, the governor of Romeili, Yahiah Effendí, just mentioned, and the poet, Bákí Effendí, met and consulted together how they might succeed in again bringing Sa’d-ud-dín into notice and favour. They got the chancellor, Okjí Zádeh, to draw out a document in his favour, recommending him to the cazíship of Mecca. But the grand vezír, the prelate’s enemy, succeeded in getting some of the Aghás about the queen-mother to hinder this document finding its way to the royal presence, and kept it back two days.

In the meantime the reverend prelate was made acquainted with what was going on in his favour, and sent his slaves and other property to the empress, supposing she would, by her interference, prevent his being sent to any place distant from the metropolis. He was mistaken: for an answer to the above document or petition was sent to the petitioner, which intimated that the reverend prelate, to prevent his exercising fraud and deceit in future, should retire to a cell, and there pass the remainder of his life in religious meditation. The learned body of the Ulemá, however, ventured to oppose the grand vezír, and therefore entered into consultation with the mufti, Bostán Zádeh, as to the way they should act.

_Concerning Fateh Gheráí._

After the conquest of Agria, and the subsequent victory gained at Mehaj, when Jeghala Zádeh Sínán Páshá was raised to the premiership, as recorded in former sections of this work, he, in his imprudence, caused Ghází Gheráí Khán to be removed from holding the khánship of the Crimea, and put his brother, Fateh Gheráí, in his place; alleging that Fateh Gheráí had rendered very great and important services in the late war, and therefore ought, as his reward, to ascend the throne of the Tátár kháns. Fateh Gheráí, more virtuous than the prime minister, strongly dissuaded the premier from his purpose, urging as a powerful reason, that were he to accede to the proposal, he would thereby be invading the rights of his brother; of one who had been to him, he said, not only a kind brother, but a father also. The grand vezír’s solicitations, however, were too powerful to be long resisted, and therefore he consented to be made khán. The new vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, however, reversed this arrangement, for he was no sooner reinstated in the premiership, than he meditated the re-installing of Ghází Gheráí in his former dignities. He therefore called a council of the vezírs and the other magnates of the state, and laid this subject as a matter of discussion before them. This council prepared papers, which stated that Ghází Gheráí had filled the Tátár throne with dignity, that he had the esteem and good will of his tribe, and that the whole of the tribe had paid a cheerful obedience to his sway; whereas, the papers went on to say, that if Fateh Gheráí were allowed to usurp his authority and place, a rebellion would doubtless be the consequence: besides, it was further stated, that to place Fateh Gheráí on the throne of the Tátárs would be to deprive the other, the lawful sovereign, of his just rights and titles without his own consent, or even without any shadow of reason whatever, and thus make him appear unworthy of holding the office of khán.

Accordingly, letters were prepared in the name of both these princes and committed to one Khundán Aghá, a Circassian, with instructions to act according to circumstances. He was instructed, for instance, that if he perceived, on his arrival in the Crimea, that the Tátárs still adhered to Ghází Gheráí, he was to deliver to him the letter addressed to him; and on the contrary, if he saw that they were in subjection to Fateh Gheráí, he was in this case to deliver to him the one addressed to him, and invite Ghází Gheráí to come to Turkey.

Khundán Aghá set out with these two royal letters and landed at Kafa, in the Crimea, but found on his arrival there that Ghází Gheráí had already embarked for the imperial dominions, though he had not yet sailed. The officer, forgetting his instructions, attached himself exclusively to the interests of the ex-khán, and without further inquiry delivered the packet addressed to him, and exercised, besides, other unwarrantable liberties. The ex-khán, on receipt of the above packet, disembarked and returned to Kafa, took advantage of the frauds exercised by the officer, showed the documents from Constantinople of which the officer was the bearer, and, lastly, announced himself as recalled by these documents to the exercise of the khánship.

When Fateh Gheráí perceived what was going on to his prejudice, as now mentioned, he bestirred himself in order to thwart the purposes and endeavours of the ex-khán. He, too, produced a royal mandate, which he said had been sent to him, and which confirmed him in the khánship. Hence arose a very serious dispute between these two royal brothers respecting the khánship: the Tátárs became divided. Abdur-rahmán Effendí maintained, that as Fateh Gheráí’s document was more recent, it ought to be regarded as the only one which had any claim, and as dispossessing Ghází Gheráí for ever of the throne of the Tátárs. The mufti of Kafa thought otherwise. He said that all the imperial commands which had been received acknowledged Ghází Gheráí as the legitimate sovereign of the Crimea; that they confirmed him in the exercise of regal authority; and that the document which Fateh Gheráí had presented was altogether doubtful, if not an artifice to impose upon them. One single paper, letter, or written document, he further maintained, was not sufficient of itself for them to act upon; and to do so would be both injudicious and imprudent. There can be no doubt, continued the mufti, that to disobey or disregard the imperial authority, as vested in the person of Ghází Gheráí, will be considered as obstinacy and rebellion. After having delivered this speech he gave forth judgment in favour of Ghází Gheráí, rejecting Fateh Gheráí’s pretensions altogether as spurious. The whole of the tribe followed the high priest, and declared in favour of Ghází Gheráí, leaving Fateh Gheráí the victim of astonishment and surprise. Some forward persons, more zealous than prudent, insisted that he, Fateh Gheráí, should do homage to his elder brother and make an apology to him. The simple-hearted prince, influenced by the arguments which were employed to incline him to do so, went to his brother and did as he was required; but it proved fatal to him. On coming out from his brother’s presence he was met by a body of mirzás, adherents of the former, who fell upon him and murdered him, cutting him to pieces. Not satisfied with this, they also extirpated the whole of his family, leaving neither root nor branch.

Ghází Gheráí having been reinstated in the regal authority, the Mirzás and Tátárs yielded obedience to his firmáns, and all rancour and dispute was at an end. Fateh Gheráí, it must be acknowledged, was an excellent man, a great hero, and well qualified to fill a throne. By Jeghala’s uncalled-for interference in his favour he eventually lost his life, and his whole family were rooted out from the face of the earth.

Ghází Gheráí, now absolute and supreme, commanded a fortress to be erected in the heart of Circassia, which was afterwards fully completed. Khundán Aghá returned with great joy to Constantinople, and related the success of his mission to the Crimea; but the emperor was so very much displeased with him for the conduct he had pursued, that his case was deferred for future consideration.

_New appearances of hostilities._

The loss of Yanuk on a former occasion, the conquest of Agria, and the immense loss sustained in the valley of Mehaj this year, were disasters, no doubt, which must have sensibly affected the Emperor of Austria. He soon showed that this was really the case; for the grand sultán had scarcely returned to his metropolis, when the Austrian emperor again assembled another vast army, which was ordered to march on Yanuk. Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who was appointed commander-in-chief, wrote a statement of the ill condition of the troops under his command to the grand vezír, who again laid it before his majesty. Accordingly, stores of all kinds and ten thousand ducats from the imperial coffers were immediately voted for his use. The grand vezír himself made a present of his own horses and beasts of burden, and the other vezírs followed his example. Five regiments or legions and ten thousand Janissaries, under the command of Alí Aghá, the deputy of the ághá of the Janissaries, were appointed to take the field. Ahmed Effendí, son of Etmekjí, was appointed military treasurer, and one thousand yúks of money were put under his charge for the purpose of defraying the expense of the war. The troops of Romeili, of Anatolia, of Caramania, of Sivás, of Diárbeker, of Merœsh, and of Ruka, were all ordered on this expedition. Letters were also issued to the Tátár Khán, ordering him to be present with his troops.

The serdár or commander-in-chief, after the above arrangements were fully attended to, commenced his march to Adrianople, reached Sofia on the 7th of Dhu’l hijja, and the plains of Belgrade on the 29th of the same, which concluded the year.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1006 H.

On the 2nd day of the new year, _i.e._ the 2nd of the month Moharrem, the commander-in-chief entered Belgrade with his army, and there they rested for the space of twenty days, during which time provisions and other necessaries were distributed among the various troops.

The beglerbeg of Anatolia, Mohammed Páshá, joined the grand army with his provincial troops on the 8th of the month, on which day the whole camp moved forward, crossed the Save, and marched towards Serim. The Serdár followed on the 23rd, and joined his camp in the plains of the last-mentioned place. The beglerbeg of Bosnia, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, joined himself and his provincials to the grand army at Zemún, and Murád Páshá, the válí of Diárbeker, at Usk. The beglerbeg of Romeili, Válí Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Buda, Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, met the grand army at the head of the lake, near Buda.

Information having been given that the enemy had laid siege to Yanuk, it was determined, in a council of war, to march to the relief of that fortress. Ten pieces of ordnance, small and great, taken from the fortress of Buda, were put under the charge of the troops under Válí Páshá and Ahmed Páshá. The grand army reached the plains of Dál on the 20th of the month, where it encamped; and here also it was joined by the beglerbegs of Sivás and Ruka, with their respective troops. Here also they received information confirming the intelligence they had formerly obtained respecting the siege of Yanuk. By some prisoners which were brought in they were assured that Maximillian, with forty or fifty thousand troops, was busily engaged in the reduction of that place. This information induced the Moslem army to go over to the little island called Komran.

In the meantime, however, the veterans of Yanuk having a favourable opportunity offered to them did not let it slip. They impetuously rushed out of their strong-hold, seized about one thousand prisoners, and slew twice that number.

As soon as the pieces of ordnance were brought forward, the Moslems removed to Tata, placed their guns against it, and commenced firing them on the 26th of the month Sefer. This fortress had undergone the same fate with Yanuk, and was now in the hands of the enemy. It was therefore considered of importance to attempt its reduction.

Towards the end of the month, the household troops were divided into two divisions. One division was stationed near Osterghún, and the other near Komran, as armies of observation. Mines were laid with the utmost diligence; but to enter the breaches which had been effected was found too difficult a task, owing to the steepness of the place. When the attempt was made, the veterans who did so were driven back by the bursting of shells, and by the stones which were hurled at them. But though they did not succeed in entering the breaches, they did not fail to distress the besieged by their field-pieces and mines. Such, in fact, was the effect this mode of operation had on the minds of the besieged, that they supposed that if they continued to hold out one day longer, they would fall victims to their own temerity and obstinacy; and, therefore, under cover of night, they left the fortress, fled through the rushes and long grass, which grew in abundance about the place, and made their way towards the fortress of Komran. Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, having that night the charge of the watch, perceived their motions, pursued them with vigour, slew a number of them, and made others of them prisoners. But it is necessary to observe, that in consequence of the abundance of rushes and long grass which grew along the sides of the lakes and in the channel between it and Komran, many of these heathens escaped by hiding themselves among them.

The place was taken on the 1st of Rabia II. after the enemy had abandoned it, and those of the enemy who besieged Yanuk also fled. The breaches made in the fortress of Yanuk were repaired in about eight days, and afterwards about a thousand measures or bags of flour were deposited in it. The garrison who had charge of it, and who were hired to keep possession of it, came with their officers to the commander-in-chief, and told him they had fulfilled their engagements, demanded their stipulated hire, and, at the same time, to have their names enrolled as worthy of promotion. They were continued in the garrison for another year, and their case was represented to court.

On the 8th, the grand army was joined, whilst encamped at the head of the lake, by Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Caramania, and on the 10th the whole camp removed to Old Buda.

_A Council held.—The army marches on Wáj._

In the meantime the inhabitants of Buda sent in a representation to the Serdár of the danger in which they considered themselves. They stated, that ever since the reduction of Osterghún, Buda became, by that event, a frontier city, and was, therefore, more in danger from the enemy. They insisted that that was the only time for recovering so important a place. “The summer,” they said, “is nearly at an end, and the enemy are not so numerous as on former occasions. God willing,” they added, “the vanquishing of it will not be difficult. If, on the other hand,” the Budians still speaking, “you will not attempt what we think you should attempt, we will in such a case send letters of complaint against you to court. This is what we will do.”

In consequence of this representation by the Budians a council was immediately held, and the subject seriously discussed. The Janissaries decidedly opposed the measure as altogether out of time. They alleged that the time of the year for making trenches and raising mounds was past. Osterghún, they said, was not of such importance as some other places, and therefore they did not think the request of the Budians should be complied with. The Serdár, when he perceived that the Budians insisted on his following their advice, turned round upon them and said: “if you all come forth and assist in making the trenches and mounds requisite in such an enterprise, and with heart and hand engage to labour in the undertaking, we with the whole of our Moslem army will return to lay siege to Osterghún.” The Budians promised to comply.

It so happened, however, that, after the head of artillery had embarked twenty badlooshkas (a kind of ordnance) and ten pieces of large cannon on board the transports which lay in the river (Danube), and all were in a state of readiness to march, a heavy fall of snow, about a cubit deep, fell during the night, which at once put a stop to the whole of the enterprise. It was agreed on all hands to postpone the expedition to some future but more advantageous period.

On the 12th of the month Teryákí, Hasan Páshá arrived in the camp and informed the Serdár that the prince of Transylvania had attacked Temiswar. In consequence of this intelligence, the beglerbeg of Sivás, Mahmúd Páshá, the beglerbeg of Ruka, Alí Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Adna, Mohammed Páshá, were all ordered with their respective troops to march to the aid of Temiswar. About the same time, also, the Moslems learned that a body of the enemy’s troops had passed Osterghún, and had gone towards Wáj. This determined the Serdár to alter his plans, and to march against them. In the space of five days the Moslem army passed through the plains of Pest; and on the 15th of the month crossed the bridge of the above place, when a tremendous fall of snow, the very next day, began to fall, and occasioned much pain and uneasiness to the troops. On the 18th, the army halted at a place called Armúdlí. Here they waited for the arrival of their ordnance, which had been embarked as before mentioned.

In the meantime a party of Tátárs brought into the camp about twenty prisoners they had seized, and who informed the Serdár of the state of the siege carried on against Temiswar. On the 21st, they encamped before the fortress of Wáj. A considerable body of the enemy lay encamped on a narrow kind of pass a little above Wáj, on the Danube. On the land side they were guarded by a ridge of high mountains, and by an extensive ditch in front. Within this trench or ditch they had erected ramparts and bastions, and were every way supplied with all sorts of implements of war. The Moslems finding it impracticable to attack them in front, or on the mountain side, determined to attack them from behind. They, accordingly, made arrangements with this view. The advance guard of the Moslems, after four days’ march round the mountain, advanced on them in the rear within the range of their artillery, and were met by a few companies of Hungarian troops who feigned resistance, but who soon retired within their works—thus seeking to bring the Muselmans within the range of their artillery.

The beglerbegs of Anatolia, of Caramania, of Bosnia, of Sivás, with their respective provincials, formed the right wing: the troops of Romeili and of Buda formed the left: the Janissaries, with the commander-in-chief at their head, formed the centre: the beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Murád Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Uskudár, Delí Nasúh Páshá, were attached to the advance guard. On the following morning (_i. e._ the morning of the fifth day after commencing their march round the mountain), and just as hostilities were about to begin, a celebrated Spanish captain belonging to the Spanish infantry in the enemy’s army submitted himself to the Osmánlís and embraced Islamism. In the meantime, the Moslems considered that if they could succeed in dispossessing the enemy’s foot soldiers of their position on the heights of the mountain, who were very annoying to the Moslems, they would be sure of gaining the victory. To accomplish this desirable object, some of the most daring of the Janissaries and _Atoghláns_ rushed upon them with knives and other similar instruments in their hands. These were supported in their attempt by the Bosnian and Budian troops who were engaged with those of the enemy stationed on the out works. The beglerbeg of Romeili was sent forward with a detachment to succour those combatants, and by his dexterity succeeded in forcing a considerable number of the enemy into the open field, where a great many of them perished. This, however, only made room for more of them. They issued forth, troop after troop, and by their cannon and muskets, it must be acknowledged, committed serious mischief among the Moslems immediately in contact with them, and whom it was found absolutely necessary to aid by a body of Salihdárs. On this detachment having been sent forward to aid the Moslem combatants, Maximillian, the commander-in-chief of the infidels, came forth with his mighty hosts, who, along with the guns on the fortifications, very much distressed them; though they continued to fight manfully till night came on, when the drum warned them to retire.

Those troops who attacked the infidels on the heights of the mountain were led on by Delí Nasúh Páshá, the páshá of Uskudár, and who, descending from his horse, fought on foot with the utmost bravery. It would be impossible to relate all the heroic deeds which he and his veteran associates achieved on that day. The day following, however, the Moslems offered no battle, but attended to their sick and wounded, and interred those martyrs who had fallen in the mortal contest. On the second day they again commenced their military operations. The troops of Romeili and Buda, supported by other divisions, presented themselves before the enemy’s fortifications, when another desperate struggle commenced, which lasted till night, as on the former day; but which, alas! brought no victory to the Moslem arms. The Osmánlís now thought it advisable, seeing they had been unable to conquer, and because the winter had set in, which was unfavourable for warlike operations, to retire and seek their safety in retreat. But lest injury should happen to the bridges on the Danube and the Drave should they retire in confusion by them, they chose another way of saving themselves; and accordingly sent off their heavy baggage on the 28th, and soon afterwards commenced their retreat, which they accomplished without sustaining any serious injury. Such was the result of this campaign.

The orthodox troops, with their Serdár at their head, returned by Armúdlí and Pest, and encamped before the mills near the island of Koyún (or Sheep Island).

Whilst the camp continued at this place, another deputation arrived and presented themselves before the serdár, and informed him of the progress of the Transylvanians against Temiswar. The beglerbeg of Sivás Mahmúd Páshá, with the Bosnian troops and some Romeilian chiefs, were appointed to march to the aid of Temiswar, which they did on the 2d of the second Rabia.