Chapter XII: Part 12

When Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was sent to the Seven Towers, and his property seized, that part of it which was not considered fit to be appropriated to his majesty’s own use was ordered to be sold. Kásim Aghá was the person appointed to execute this business in the first instance; but the grand vezír, on the part of the diván, associated with Kásim the son Poghacha, the third treasurer. The latter, perceiving some disposition to purloin in the former, withstood him. Kásim, fired with indignation, said that the emperor had committed to him the sale of the confiscated property, and asked him, with an air of disdain, by whose authority he had ventured to mix in matters that did not belong to him. The other defended himself, and maintained that it was the special duty of the defterdárs to attend to matters of that kind, and not to ághás. “Why,” said Kásim, in wrath, “I hope it will be my lot one day to dispose in this very way of your property, and of the property of him who sent you hither.” The treasurer, who was not possessed of superabundant meekness, communicated these unguarded sayings to the grand vezír, and of course displeased him exceedingly. When Kásim, some time afterwards, appeared before him, he reproved him for his conduct, and threatened to be revenged on him. This, then, was the cause of that hostility and ill will manifested by Kásim Aghá, as above related, and which also led him to other actions not less vindictive and cruel. After the murder of the grand vezír had been perpetrated, he not only got the treasurer, Altí Poghacha’s son deposed, but succeeded also in keeping him confined in the Seven Towers for a considerable time, and caused the whole of his property to be confiscated—thus verifying, in part at least, the truth of his own prediction. Yemishjí Hasan Páshá’s secretary he caused to be arrested, and made him advance security for his future conduct. Yáishá Zádeh Hamzah Effendí, the _reïs-ul-ketáb_, or _reïs-effendí_, was by his means sent to prison, and the whole of his property would also have been confiscated, had it not been for the good offices of the ághá of the salihdárs, who interfered in his behalf. Kátibmim, the secretary to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, was made reïs-effendí in room of Hamza Effendí.

This Kásim, though only an ághá, seems to have acted with as much authority and controul, in fact, as if he had been possessed of absolute and supreme dominion over the lives and fortunes of men. We shall hear more of him just now, and still more afterwards.

_Kásim Páshá is made Governor of Constantinople._

In consequence of the káímakám having been afflicted with the gout, he found himself unable to attend his duty in the diván, and therefore did not appear there, except on the days on which petitions were presented to his majesty. Hamza Páshá, the lord high chancellor, acted for him, and gave him a detail of all such matters as usually came before that assembly.

One day, however, Kásim Páshá (very lately only an ághá) invented some means or other of getting the reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí, invited to the royal palace, where the emperor conversed with him on topics of a general nature, and afterwards suddenly adverted to the case of the afflicted Jeráh Páshá; spoke of the excellent fitness of Kásim Páshá for the despatch of public affairs, and so forth. It now began to be circulated abroad that the mufti had said that Jeráh Páshá, the most laborious and active of all the emperor’s servants, and the most beloved among the list of vezírs, was, in consequence of disease, unable to attend to the arduous services which his responsible situation demanded, or even to be present in the diván. The part which Hamza Páshá, the lord high chancellor, had acted in the diván, was mentioned with approbation, and, in words, encouraged; but the affairs of government, it was said, had become so very great and numerous, that it was absolutely impossible for him, however willing he might be, to fulfil the duties of the governor or deputy of Constantinople; and therefore it was considered more advantageous to the state to allow Jeráh Páshá to retire, and appoint another able person to the deputyship. It was urged that Kásim Páshá was a man every way qualified for the high situation, and on the 8th of Jemadi II. Jeráh was informed that his further continuance in office was dispensed with, and that Kásim Páshá was appointed to succeed him.

Kásim Páshá entered on the duties of his high station with zeal and alacrity, and, along with the mufti, attended incessantly to all the variety of business which came before him, with the most consummate skill and prudence. Mustafa Páshá, one of the vezírs, on account of some impropriety which appeared in his conduct, was sent to Anatolia, and Kúrd Páshá was appointed to fill his situation in the diván.

The mufti and the new deputy took care, however, to get their own friends and favourites into comfortable and snug places, by turning others out.

Yemishjí Hasan Páshá was deposed in the month of Rabia II. and assassinated in Jemadi II. following of this current year. In consequence of there having been no vezír in the diván at the death of the late grand vezír, who was considered worthy of wearing the robes of the premier, the seals were deposited, in the meantime, in the treasury of the Soleimáníyeh. Jeráh Páshá, the deputy of Constantinople, and his successor Kásim Páshá, attended to the duties peculiar to the premier’s office till a new one was appointed, which was not long after. Yávuz Alí Páshá having been recalled from the government of Egypt, he appointed the oldest of the emírs of that province to act as his deputy, and immediately commenced his journey towards Constantinople. His near approach to that city was no sooner ascertained, than the seals of the grand vezírship were sent him by the hands of Kúlí Dilsiz, a relation of his own. This took place in Jemadi II., about the time the late grand vezír was assassinated.

_The commencement of a rupture with Persia._

This year, one thousand and twelve, is recognized in the history of the empire as a year of defection and rebellion. It was this year that the ungracious Sháh Abbás, the king of Persia, violated his engagements with the Sublime Porte, by stirring up rebellion and exercising tyranny and oppression on her frontiers. The governors and commanders on the frontier provinces had hitherto manifested the strictest obedience and good government, but now became tyrants through the influence of Persia. Neglecting the law of God and despising the commands of the emperor, they began to exercise their tyranny and oppression not only on the peasantry but even on those in power. In short, the Persians succeeded amazingly in perverting and corrupting the hitherto faithful Moslems on the frontiers.

Amongst those who had been thus gained over by one means or other to the side of the heretical Persians was one Ghází Beg, a descendant of Sháh Kúlí of Kúrdistán, and governor of Silmás. He and some of his followers dreading the resentment of the Sublime Porte, wrote letters to the Persian sháh to take them under his protection, and requested him to send them aid. The fox-like sháh, however, cunningly put off granting them their request for some little time, thinking it too early for bringing about the base designs he had formed against the Osmánlís. He, however, sent to Ghází Beg, by a hypocritical impure wretch of the name of Jemshíd, a cap, a sword, and a shawl, flattering him with every sort of promise of support from the sháh. Ghází Beg, thinking he had got all he wanted, began to force the people of his government to wear caps similar to the heretical one which was sent to him, instead of those they usually wore. In short, Ghází Beg and his associates became complete heretics and did not scruple to show it.

The people of Tabríz were thrown into a state of great rage and indignation at this conduct, and determined on making Ghází Beg and his followers to feel it. They accordingly resolved on calling to their aid the people of Nakhcheván, a city not far from Tabríz, in the view of bringing the people of Silmás to an account for their infidelity and heresy. This mission was committed to the care of the válí of the province of Tabríz, Alí Páshá, who, along with others who had accompanied him, no sooner reached Nakhcheván, than they made known to the citizens the purport of their embassy. Adherence to the emperor of the Muselmans, on the one hand, and the chastisement of the apostate sháh, on the other, was the burden of their message and the subject of consultation. The enlightened vezír, Sheríf Páshá, válí of Reván (Erivan), in the view of suppressing the rising rebellion and corruption, wrote to all quarters, exhorting every one to lend his aid to this good work; but without any good effect. Finding his exhortations had not been attended to, he ordered his deputy, Osmán Aghá, to march with a general army against the heretics; but carefully warned them to show the heretics, in the first instance, forbearance and compassion. “If they,” said the mild páshá, “abjure their heresy and return to the bosom of Islamism again, well; if not, then you must commence a regular war against them.” The troops from Nakhcheván and those of Tabríz met at a place which had been previously fixed on; but before proceeding to extremities they, in conformity to the orders received from the páshá, first despatched a messenger to recall the heretics in question to their ancient faith. The proud and haughty apostates, however, were not to be gained over in that way. They had taken refuge in the fortress called Karní Yáruk, and from their batteries answered the Moslem messenger with the sound of cannon and musketry, as a token of defiance. This was enough: the means of recalling them to the true faith had been employed, but were contemptuously rejected; it was therefore proper to attempt their reduction by force. The Moslem and orthodox army accordingly advanced and environed Karní Yáruk with the view of laying siege to it, notwithstanding its immense elevation and great strength. With the utmost care, and avoiding, as well as possible, the showers of bullets and arrows which were discharged from the ramparts of the garrison, they succeeded in mounting so far as to place their standard on its walls. After employing a whole week in scattering fire and death among the besieged, the author of the evil began to perceive that all further resistance would be vain, and, therefore, leaving his wife and child, threw himself over the wall of the garrison, and made the best of his way to the sháh. His sons and followers maintained their resistance for a day or two longer, and then proposed to capitulate. The orthodox permitted them to retire to any place they chose, and to take the whole of their property along with them; every Osmánlí having been prohibited, in the strongest manner, laying a finger on them, or on their goods, which they were allowed to take along with them. After this fortress and a few others had been reduced under the Ottoman power, the troops of Nakhcheván and of Tabríz returned to their respective homes.

_The Sháh of Persia marches upon Tabríz._

After the Kúrd, Ghází Beg, had made his escape from Karní Yáruk, as above related, he made his way to the court of Persia, at Ispahan, where he related the dangers he had undergone and escaped, the success of the Osmánlís, and earnestly and vehemently urged the Persian monarch to instant and open hostility against the Turks. He represented the country of the fire-worshippers, especially the principal city in it, Tabríz, as abounding with wealth, and that the treasury of it at that moment was full of money. He said, moreover, that the troops were very few, if any, and that that was a proper time for pillaging it.

This representation of the Kúrd was all that was necessary for awakening the cupidity of the perverted sháh, who at once resolved on reducing the whole of that country under his own authority. This avaricious sháh, regardless of treaty and common faith, thought of nothing else but how he might succeed in the attempt. Two or three thousand of his best troops, Mamlúks, were pushed forward from Ispahan to Tabríz, by means of caravans, a journey of twenty days, but which these caravans accomplished in nine, such was the mighty haste they had made. On the 19th of Rabia II. they erected the standard of hostility in the plains of Tabríz.

A day or two after the appearance of these invaders the treacherous Zulfekár Khán, and a number of other rebels, to the number of fifteen thousand, collected together at a village belonging to some súfís, with the view of intercepting the Tabrízian army returning from Nakhcheván; and there they proposed to give them battle as soon as they arrived.

The Tabrízian warriors, after having parted with the Nakhchevánís, began to retrace their steps homewards, and had reached within a short distance of the very place where their enemies lay encamped, with the view of intercepting them and cutting them off. Their commander-in-chief, Alí Páshá, was made aware by letters of the state of matters, and of the defection which the presence of the Mamlúks had occasioned. These letters were sent him from some of the emírs on the frontiers; but to prevent discouragement arising in the minds of the Tabrízian warriors, and in order to keep them together, he kept the information he had received to himself, determined to meet the Persian heretics with his little orthodox band, only fifteen hundred, whatever might be the number that should oppose him.

On the morning of the 22d of the month last-mentioned, at sun-rise, the enemy presented themselves in battle array, their unfurled banners streaming in the air; and such was the majestic but terrific appearance which this host of heretics showed, that it completely awed the little band of Tabrízian troops into something like terror. The sháh of the _red heads_ (_i.e._ of the Persians) put his host, numerous as ants, into order, and his trumpets began to be sounded. This sight increased the terror of the Moslems; but they were determined to meet them, whatever might be the result. They did so, and fought the infidel host with a bravery altogether unparalleled; the skill and management they manifested was extraordinary. They scattered death and fury amidst the odious heretics. By their immense ardour, their hearts burning bright with the purest zeal, they successfully repulsed the successive assaults of the cold-hearted heretics, and fairly despoiled them of their vain-glorious appearance of valour. A noted rebel of the name of Gholám Alí Oghlí, who had acted in the capacity of a cherkají báshí to the enemy, and who had manifested great bravery among the heretics, fell by the hands of the heroic Karah Hasan. When this circumstance happened, the cowardly and heartless heretics began to give way; they were evidently disheartened. It so happened, however, that at this time one Timúrjí Oghlí, a well-known person, but whose principles were more detestable than even those of the heretics, though he pretended every thing valorous, went over, nevertheless, to the enemy with a hundred of his followers; a circumstance, it must be acknowledged, which had a powerful effect in depressing the hearts of the faithful few.

But soon a fire broke out within them, which not only destroyed every thorn of doubt, but also burned up all the rubbish of their suspicious speculations, with regard to the point to be gained, when again, with redoubled valour, they set their faces firmly to the contest, and fought with such desperate courage as can hardly be described. The contest, however, was most unequal: a few hundreds against many thousands; but yet a most bloody one. Many a sultán’s head remained bonnetless on the field of battle; many a khán’s family was left unprotected in this most desperate struggle, which lasted from sun-rise till mid-day. True it is that the Tabrízians are a most bold, fierce, and heroic tribe; and yet, notwithstanding these qualities which shone in them so conspicuously on the above occasion, their caution and acuteness was such, that only ten or fifteen of them tasted the cup of martyrdom, a circumstance which seems truly wonderful. It is recorded, that a man of immense strength, belonging to the Tabrízians, vanquished by his sword about sixty of the enemy, the greater part of whom he made thorns and briars for the fire of hell.

The result of the bloody contest we have to record was fatal to the Tabrízians. The hateful heretics, like a multitude of ants, ran upon their antagonists and overcame them by dint of numbers. On that lamentable day, Mohammed Páshá, who had formerly been governor of Nakhcheván, and the beglerbeg of Akhiska, Khalíl Páshá, after having blotted out of the book of life many of the red heads, fell martyrs on the field. Alí Páshá, himself a Tabrízian, the válí of the province, performed, on the above day, the most incredible acts of bravery recorded in history. The sháh himself could not help admiring the heroism which inspired Alí Páshá, and spoke with approbation of the wonderful feats he performed before him. In short, the sháh himself declared that had there not been treachery somewhere, the victory would not have been so easily won. Such of the brave Tabrízians as had not the good fortune of falling in battle contending with these hateful heretics were, of course, subjected to a fate which they esteem truly vile and abject. They were made prisoners.

The city and fortress of Tabríz, about the middle of the first Jemadi, after a siege of twenty-two days, yielded, on the conditions of their persons and property being respected. These the heretics promised, but failed most shamefully in fulfilling them. As soon as they got possession of Tabríz, they began to plunder and rob the inhabitants without mercy, made their persons slaves, and furthermore began to annoy them with the delirium of their heresy. The cazí effendí of the city, not choosing to submit to heretics, fled the city, and endeavoured to make his way to Wán, but he was pursued by some of the red heads, who cruelly murdered him on the road.

The heretical sháh, in addition to all the other enormities he and his despicable soldiery committed, violated also the chastity of the females of Tabríz, without ceremony and without compunction.

After Tabríz had fallen into the hands of these heretics, its inhabitants robbed and made slaves, and the women ravished, the sháh turned his thoughts towards vanquishing other cities, and accordingly sent off troops in all directions. The sháh himself determined on the reduction of Nakhcheván, and therefore made every preparation for the attempt. Two days were spent in the plains of Tabríz in making them, during which time the heretics enjoyed themselves in eating and drinking.

One of those detachments sent out by the sháh was headed by a vile person of the name of Kesáb Hájí, a noted heretic of Urdúbád, his native city, and famous from ancient times for its heresy and atheism. When the Osmánlís first conquered this city, for it was at the time we are speaking of under the Ottoman dominion, it was wonderfully raised and exalted by means of the self-evident and convincing doctrines of the Koran, which were introduced amongst its inhabitants; but the wicked people, notwithstanding, turned again to their beloved heresy. Kesáb Hájí, with the troops committed to his charge, marched upon this city. His thorough acquaintance with the people, and his knowledge of the country round about, pointed him out as the most fit person for the undertaking. When this corrupted fellow, and his no less corrupted soldiery had crossed the river near Urdúbád, and appeared before the walls of the city, the hypocritical and disaffected inhabitants came forth to meet them with demonstrations of joy, and hastened to show them all the honour and respect they were able. As a proof of the sincerity of their joy they garnished their houses and streets, shaved their under-beard, and changed the make of their garments. In this way, and by these means, the city of Urdúbád, or otherwise called Sawed Kallah, was taken.

For a day or two the Ottoman garrison in the fortress showed some disposition to maintain the place and respect the honour of the sultán; but the inhabitants of the country came forward to the aid of the invaders, and with their assistance the walls were thrown down, the arms of the garrison and also their property, whatever it was, the conquerors distributed among themselves, and afterwards gave themselves up to eating and drinking.

Another, of the name of Cherak Sultán, commanded a second of those companies or cohorts sent out by the heretical sháh, and was ordered to attack a village called Gelha, which, with the aid of its inhabitants, he took without opposition. Mustafa Aghá, who had been sent thither by the court of Constantinople for the purpose of collecting and managing grain and fruit, with difficulty escaped with his head.

Several other places were subjected in a similar manner, and the heretics spared no means whatever in accomplishing their purposes against the Osmánlís. Information reached Nakhcheván of the success which had attended the enemy every where, and of the tyranny and oppression they exercised over the lives and fortunes of those who had been so unhappy as to fall into their hands. The Nakhchevánís were greatly distressed, and fear seized them. However, a reverse of fortune seemed to be awaiting the orthodox believers. Kesáb Hájí, who had subdued Urdúbád, remained in it as governor and commander in the name of the sháh of Persia, but his exaltation was not of long duration. The válí of Reván, Sheríf Páshá, an aged and experienced general, perceiving the general defection, and that there was no end to it, was roused to indignation, and determined on endeavouring to stop the torrent that seemed to threaten the whole of the Osmánlí dominions in that quarter. He accordingly deputed Mohammed Páshá, son of Khezer Páshá, to march against Urdúbád with five or six hundred veterans and surprise its new governor. These veterans, with the speed of messengers of death, arrived one morning before daylight at the place of their destination, and, as a visitation from heaven, fell upon the wretched heretics with such sudden fury and effect, that only a few of them escaped the edge of the sword. Those of them who did escape the vengeance of the orthodox Moslems, fled into holes and caves in the mountains and in the fields and hid themselves. Kesáb Hájí, who by some means or other had been deprived of his horse, scampered off from the scene of carnage, and, like a fox, secreted himself in a den, leaving his associates to struggle the best way they could: but it was to no purpose; he did not save himself; for one of the veteran Moslems having perceived him, followed him into his hole, and seized him. His associate in the government of Urdúbád, one Beyendur, suffered the death due to his villany and crimes; but Kesáb Hájí himself, though he was afterwards put to death, had the honour of having a crown of infamy placed on his head, was dragged by Mohammed Páshá to the residence of the válí, and along with the whole of the severed heads of the infidels of Urdúbád, was presented in his presence. The judicious and experienced válí failed not to pay all due respect to the hero of the victorious Moslems.

It is worthy of remark, however, that the enemy no sooner came to know of the movements of the Moslems, in reference to Urdúbád, than they sent off a considerable force in the view of succouring the heretics in it, in the event of the Moslems offering to subdue that city. They were too late, however, to gain their object, and when they heard of its fate they retraced their steps.

_The capture of Nakhcheván._

The fortress or city of Nakhcheván was a place of no great strength, having been built of weak materials. Most of its buildings were made of clay and mortar; its walls low; and ever since the time the greater part of them were thrown down, provisions have not been very plentiful in it. But it was near to Reván, and if it happened at any time to be deprived of the aid of the military, and was in danger from enemies, Reván formed a near and accessible asylum for their families and property, and whence they might easily annoy their enemies. Reván itself was exceedingly strong and well fortified, having abundance of cannon and provisions within it. A river, like Kokjeh-sú, ran under its walls, and the country every where around it was fertile. Such at least was the account of it which its rulers, at that time, sent to the sháh when they had reason to expect the place was likely to be subjected to difficulties, and which was conveyed to him by one Mohammed Aghá, an officer of the páshá.

The heretics, notwithstanding the several checks which they had received, continued, nevertheless, to make encroachments on the Moslem frontiers. Nakhcheván fell into their hands, and some other places also; but though they struggled hard, for three successive days, to reduce Reván, they were, in the end, obliged to retreat, leaving nearly two hundred of their number on the field, whilst only six or seven of the Moslems met their death in the contest.

When the news of the sháh’s perfidious breach of the peace, and of the disastrous events which followed thereon, reached the court of Constantinople, the emperor and his ministers were plunged into a state of the greatest surprise and consternation. The communications which had announced this unwelcome intelligence were despatched by Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been sent to the government of Erzerúm, and by Sheríf Páshá, governor of Nakhcheván and Reván. The intelligence referred to, not only spoke, in particular, of the conquests which the sháh had gained on the frontiers, and of his having put Alí Páshá, beglerbeg of Tabríz, in irons; but also depicted, in the strongest and most explicit manner, that unless a speedy and efficient reinforcement were afforded the Moslems in Asia, not only Reván but other important cities would, unquestionably, fall into the hands of the heretics.

Such were the alarming accounts which, at this period, troubled the Sublime Porte; but they were no sooner received than the káímakám, the civil and military governor of Constantinople, immediately despatched an officer to assemble together the mufti, the vezírs and the military judges, in order to lay these important matters before them. This council, after having fully considered the various topics which had been submitted to them, sent a report of their deliberations to his august majesty, who was pleased to express his approbation of their resolutions. Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was, accordingly, appointed to the chief command in the east: and whatever number of troops and apparatus of war he might require for effectually repelling the heretics, were likewise ordered to be sent to him forthwith. An imperial edict, in conformity with these resolutions, was immediately issued to the various commanders in the eastern provinces; but in consequence of the emperor’s translation to another world, an event which took place soon after the issuing of the above edict, the preparations in favour of Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá were necessarily postponed for awhile.

_Death of Sultán Mohammed Khán, son of Murád Khán._

On the 22d of Jemadi II., as the emperor, Sultán Mohammed Khán, was returning to his royal palace from some place where he had been, he was met by an inspired person, at the head of the street which conducted to his royal mansion, who cried out, that in fifty-six days a very important event would happen, and then warned his majesty to take care of himself. This extraordinary and unexpected mode of salutation not only surprised his august majesty, as well it might, but also the whole of the citizens. It so happened, that on the 14th of Rajab the emperor’s constitution became so very much altered and weakened as altogether to baffle the skill and advice of his medical advisers. Nothing that they could devise had the least effect in affording him any relief, and in four days afterwards, on the 18th of the above month, his triumphant spirit, in the thirty-seventh year and eighth month of his age, took its flight to the upper world; having reigned nine years and two months.

Sultán Ahmed Khán, the heir apparent, was declared his father’s successor, and early on the following morning, the whole of the vezírs, emírs, and other magnates of the state, assembled in the royal diván to express their allegiance to the new emperor, and to do him the honours peculiar on such an occasion. The royal coffin for the deceased monarch was brought into the court of the palace, where an immense multitude had collected to hear the funeral service performed by the reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí. This ceremony being over, the royal remains were removed and deposited in a tomb in St. Sophia, near that of Sultán Selím.

Sultán Mohammed Khán was a prince who possessed rare talents and acquirements. His manners were grave, and his deportment polite and dignified, though it had something of severity in it. He was kind, generous and benevolent, and most attentive to the duties of religion, but at the same time most strict in the administration of justice. He uniformly maintained a punctual regard to the appointed or canonical hours of devotion; and, in short, was a bright example of religion and piety to the whole of the community. The fame of his virtues, like those of his exalted progenitors, have all been embalmed in the poetry of his people.

Of his noble and exalted sons, Sultán Selím entered Paradise on the 3d of Ramazán 1005. The cup of martyrdom was administered to Sultán Mahmúd on the 27th of Dhúl hijja 1011. _Note._ It has been recorded that a certain sheikh had announced to Sultán Mohammed Khán, that this young prince had formed the design of ascending the Ottoman throne, for which reason his father, as soon as he was made acquainted with the fact, employed the above sheikh to deprive him of his life. The prince, however, was innocent of the charge laid against him. He was buried in the mausoleum allotted to the princes of the blood. Ahmed had the good fortune of succeeding his father, as we have already noticed, and Sultán Mustafa chose a retired life, though in the course of his eventful life he twice became emperor. Sultán Jehángír died in infancy.

_Of learned men._

Ja’fer Effendí died in 982 of the Hijrah; Haider Effendí in 988; Azemí Effendí in 990; Nováí Effendí in 1003.

_Concerning Grand Vezírs, and other great men._

Sinán Páshá was three times grand vezír, and commander-in-chief of the troops which had been employed against Yanuk. When returning to Constantinople he was ordered into exile; and Ferhád Páshá, who was at that time káímakám, was created grand vezír a second time, and also commander-in-chief. He was, however, deposed at the time he was employed in erecting a bridge on the Danube when on his march to Valachia, and was murdered in 1004. Sinán Páshá was again created grand vezír in 1003. He went in great haste to chastise the rebel Michael, but after having surmounted great difficulties in the mud, in which he was very nearly lost, he returned in disgrace to Rusjuk. Lálá Mohammed Páshá succeeded Sinán in 1004, but died ten days after his exaltation to the premiership. Sinán Páshá succeeded a fifth time to the dignity of grand vezír. It was he who had induced the late emperor to take a personal share in the war with the infidels of the north. In Shabán of that same year he took his journey into the eternal world. Sinán was a native of Arnáúd, or Albania. He was, at the commencement of his career, a cup-bearer in the court of Selím II., and became successively military commander in the sanjáks of Malatiyeh, Kostamúní, Gaza, and Tripoli. He was afterwards made beglerbeg of Erzerúm, then of Haleb, and then again of Egypt. In consequence of some disturbance which had taken place in Yemen he was sent thither, though in the seventy-seventh year of his age, to quell it, which he did most successfully. He was again sent to Egypt, but was recalled to Constantinople, where he at once became vezír and head of the admiralty. In 980 he conquered Tunis, and returned at the time Sultán Murád Khán mounted the throne, and became one of his vezírs. In his eighty-eighth year he was appointed to conduct the war against the Persians, and succeeded Ahmed Páshá in the grand vezírship. In 994 he was governor of Syria. In 997 he was again in the vezírship. In 999 he was deposed. In 1001 he was a third time created grand vezír. In 1003-4 he was out, and again in the same office. He was now very far advanced in age, being beyond ninety, when he fell ill of a very severe cold he had caught, and died of it on the 5th of Shabán 1004, and was buried near Tevekil Cheshmeh (the fountain of hope) in his own tomb. He was five times grand vezír and as often commander-in-chief. One hundred orations were pronounced throughout the empire in praise of this extraordinary man, who was considered third in rank to Raslim Páshá and Mohammed Páshá of former days.

Ibrahím Páshá, being second vezír, was raised to the premiership, and went out to the war. At the taking of Agria in 1005, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá was created grand vezír in Ibrahím’s room; but forty-five days afterwards the latter was made grand vezír a second time. Khádem Hasan Páshá was created grand vezír in 1006, but was soon afterwards deposed and murdered. Jeráh Páshá succeeded him in office. Ibrahím Páshá was called a third time to adorn the office of premier, and died a short time after the taking of Kaniza. Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, who had arrived at the lofty preeminence of filling the offices of grand vezír and commander-in-chief, was, for his obstinacy and inhumanity, assassinated. Yávuz Alí Páshá, who had been recalled from the government of Egypt, was, in 1012, raised to the premiership. Khalíl Páshá was by birth a Bosnian. On his leaving the royal harem he advanced by degrees to various honours and places of trust, and at last became grand vezír, and son-in-law to his majesty. He was succeeded in the deputyship of Constantinople by Ibrahím Páshá, who was also created second vezír. He died on the 19th of Rajab, and was buried near Tekelí Tásh, opposite Alí Páshá’s mosque. The eunuch, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, was also governor or deputy of Constantinople; and so was Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, but was afterwards degraded. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá succeeded to the same high office, but having been implicated in one of the late tumults, he fled and remained concealed for a while. He rose again, however, to the dignity of vezír. Hasan Páshá, son of Sokollí Mohammed Páshá, was shot by a musket-ball at Tokat. He was válí of Baghdád, and having marched to quell the rebellions which began to assume a formidable appearance in that quarter, he fell a martyr by their rebellious hands. The reader may easily recall to his memory this part of his history as recorded in a former part of this work. Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who had conducted the unsuccessful war against Warad, was assassinated at Belgrade. Mustafa Páshá was the son of the honourable Rázieh (a lady), and became a vezír of the kubba.[12] Hájí Ibrahím Páshá having been routed by the rebels in the east, was deposed, and afterwards died a martyr in Egypt. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá, who had been appointed governor of the province of Baghdád, on coming out from the royal palace after he had paid his respects to the emperor for the honour he had conferred on him, killed Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the late grand vezír.

_Concerning the ulemá, or higher order of ecclesiastics._

Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí Ben Hasanján, tutor or domestic chaplain to the late emperor, a very reverend judge in all ecclesiastical affairs, counsellor of state and privy counsellor to his majesty, was raised to all these high offices during the reign of the late monarch, and died on the 12th of Rabia II., 1008, whilst employed in celebrating, in St. Sophia, the service peculiar to his majesty’s nativity. His remains were conveyed to the mosque erected by Sultán Mohammed, and were afterwards interred in a select spot in Abúaiyúb. Siná-allah Effendí performed the funeral ceremony, and his four sons, all of them ulemá and pillars of religion and of the state, conveyed their father’s remains to the place of interment. The very reverend Mohammedan father, Bostán, filled, on two occasions, the office of high priest: he died in 1007. Abdulmomín Mustafa Effendí succeeded Siná-allah Effendí during the disturbance which had taken place in the affair of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, which we have already recorded. He was judge in Anatolia, and was raised by Yemishjí to the muftiship, but he became afterwards the cause of his benefactor’s death. Abdulbákí, the famous Turkish poet, was repeatedly chief judge in Greece, but died whilst out of office in 1008. Hesám-ud-dín, the son of Karah Chelebí Effendí, was repeatedly chief judge in Romeili, but died out of office in 1008. Ahmed-ul-nasárí was descended from Abdullah: he was one of the most excellent of men. Ibrahím Chelebí has given a very full and complete exposition of his Multeka al Bahrín.[13] He was more than once chief judge in Greece; was thence translated into Egypt, and thence again to the Ka’ba, where he died. Muselleh-ud-dín Bostán Zádeh died after he had retired from the cazíship of Greece. The very reverend and learned Bostán Chelebí Zádeh died during his incumbency in Turkey. The dignified Mustafa Ebn Abú-as-sa’úd-al-omádí was successor to the last-mentioned, and died in 1008. The respectable Abdul helím died out of office. Kúsh Yahia Effendí retired from office in 1006, and died the following year at sea, on his way to Egypt. Many more names might be added to this list of learned and excellent men, but there would be no end of them, they are so numerous.

_Of the Mesháiekh, or priests._

Sheikh Muhad ul hamíd wrote a commentary during the time he was preacher or lecturer in St. Sophia: he was a learned divine. Sheikh Khezer, the son of a distinguished officer, was a very learned man, and translated some excellent works. He fell a martyr in the battle of Agria. Sheikh Shems-ud-dín was a man of such uncommon abstemiousness, piety, sympathy, and fine feeling, as were not to be imitated. He exerted himself in the battle of Agria. He translated Imám A’zím’s system of ethics into Turkish. He is the author of several other works. Sheikh Mírmírán was very conspicuous for his great temperance and piety. He was one of those authors who embellished their writings with drawings. He fell a martyr at the battle of Agria in company with Beyabáshí Zádeh, and his pure body was not afterwards found. Sheikh Mahmúd Effendí is noticed in the register of the reign of Murád: he was a man of great eminence, and was much esteemed by the reigning monarch in consequence of his political abilities. Sheikh Hasan Effendí was sheikh in Ibrahím Páshá’s religious establishment: he went on a journey to Yemen, where he died. Sheikh Váa’z was a man of the first-rate talents: he was preacher in the mosque of Soleimán; on the days of assembly he expounded the doctrines of religion to the people, and immediately after answered and explained difficult questions. He was strongly opposed to every thing inconsistent with religion, and laid the severest prohibitions on those who were guilty of transgressing the precepts of the true faith. Some of the nobles, on account of this very great strictness, spoke reproachfully of him, and once or twice got him banished the city; but by the gracious assistance of God he overcame his enemies, and was again allowed to return to the metropolis. Sheikh Ismáíl employed himself in the chapel or monastery of Galata in translating poetry. He left behind him a beautiful paraphrase or commentary on the Mesnevi, or book of moral doctrines. His seven published volumes have not escaped the censure of some of the learned; but it must be acknowledged that he was a man of charming and excellent qualities. He died in 1012.

Sultán Ahmed Khán ascended the throne of the Ottomans on the 18th of Rajab, and began his regal authority by a written message to Kásim Páshá, the káímakám. This written message was folded in a napkin, and handed to a certain officer, who was desired to deliver it into Kásim’s own hand. The officer being informed that the message committed to his charge was a royal one, hastened with all speed, and delivered it to his excellency the deputy. The deputy, however, found himself unable to read the communication, and therefore applied to the officer for information as to the person who sent it. The officer replied that the ághá of the palace had delivered it to him, and had told him at the same time it was a royal message. Kásim appeared exceedingly surprised, and said, the writing wanted the points, and was, therefore, unlike his majesty’s manner of writing. The letters, continued he, cannot be deciphered, and of course the meaning cannot be discovered. He appeared as it were perplexed and confounded at this unaccountable circumstance, and called Hasan Beg Zádeh to read it to him. Hasan drew near to the páshá, and read and explained the mysterious document, which ran thus: “Thou art Kásim Páshá. My father, in the providence of God, is now no more, and I have ascended the throne of power. You shall maintain order and good government in the city. If any villany or wickedness should happen, I shall cut off your head. The conclusion of the sultán’s words.” Kásim had no sooner heard and understood the import of the _khati sheríf_, than he became absorbed in grief and astonishment: so much so, indeed, that many of his friends were led to think his health was affected; for none, except those in the palace, knew as yet any thing of the decease of Sultán Mohammed Khán, which had happened only a few hours before the message had been sent to Kásim. Kásim, however, thought of a contrivance by which he might know the utmost of a matter which he had reason to fear presaged no good to him. Accordingly, he wrote to the ághá of the palace, and stated, that he, a poor insignificant creature, had just received an imperial note, the meaning of which, however, he was incapable of discovering. “Perhaps,” continued the sly and cunning deputy, “it may have been intended to try us, or it is an intimation that our services are no longer necessary. In either case, we hope you will have the goodness to remove our doubts upon the subject.” This note was sent by the same person who had been the bearer of the imperial edict to himself; and it was not long before he was called into the chamber of audience, where he beheld Sultán Ahmed Khán sitting in great splendour on the chair of state, and who explained to him the meaning of the document which had alarmed him so much. Kásim Páshá kissed the ground and retired, and the sultán proceeded to the diván and took his seat on the royal chair. A messenger was immediately afterwards sent with a note to the mufti, informing him of what had happened at the palace, and orders were issued also to the ághá of the artificers to get a royal bier prepared; the nobles and grandees of the state were invited to assemble. The servants of the diván, when they saw the preparations that were going forward, supposed Sultán Mohammed Khán was coming forth, and that all the arrangements which had been made, and were making, were on his account. It was no such thing. A throne was erected, but it was not for him. Their eyes, however, were soon opened to the whole secret. The mufti, Mustafa Effendí, arrived, and proceeded along under the golden arch, accompanied by all the vezírs, until he and they reached the foot of a throne, which had purposely been erected for the occasion. The young prince, dressed in mourning, advanced towards them and saluted them; then approached the throne, and desired he might be inaugurated thereon. The Chávushes immediately raised their voices, and sounded his praises to the third heaven. Silence being again obtained, the reverend mufti, the vezírs, and all the other dignitaries, approached him and congratulated the new emperor. This ceremony ended, the emperor made his saláms and retired; the throne which had been erected was removed, and shortly afterwards all the vezírs, ulemá, and great men, were supplied with black crape for their turbans; but such as were not furnished with this emblem of sorrow and respect for the deceased monarch, put black bands on their arms. All now waited without at the gate of the mansion of felicity for the appearance of the remains of Sultán Mohammed Khán.

At this time, notwithstanding the delicacy, as well as solemnity, of the occasion, Kásim Páshá could not hide the ambition which filled his breast. His eye and heart were on the grand vezírship, and without incurring the risk of delay, he tried to persuade the reverend mufti to sound his majesty on this point. The project, however, did not succeed.

The royal remains, after having been put into a coffin, were brought forth, and the reverend mufti performed the funeral ceremonies, according to custom. Ahmed, the new emperor, retired within the palace; and the vezírs and great men accompanied the royal bier to St. Sophia, where the corpse was interred in the royal sepulchre. Provisions were distributed amongst the poor and orphans in the city, for the benefit of the soul of the deceased, and other acts of charity were performed with the same view.

The ambitious Kásim Páshá sought to ingratiate himself into the favour of the new emperor, and desired to be called into his presence. His efforts, however, not only failed, but terminated in a prohibition of his approaching his sacred majesty on any account whatever. Once more despair became his companion; he however found courage and confidence to try his fortune once more. Having neglected or forgotten on the day of inauguration to show respect to Mustafa Effendí, the emperor’s spiritual guide, and hearing that he was held in great estimation by his master, he sent a deputation to him with splendid gifts and presents, with the view of gaining his good offices in his behalf; but he was again thwarted. Alí Páshá, _i. e._ Yávuz Alí Páshá, the grand vezír, who was now in power, and possessed great influence in his majesty’s counsels, was the person who caused Kásim Páshá’s removal and banishment from court altogether.

_The arrival of the fleet.—Concerning the grand vezír, Yávuz Alí Páshá._

It so happened that the very day on which his majesty’s inauguration was performed the royal fleet arrived from the Mediterranean, and the admiral, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, had the honour of kissing the new emperor’s hand. The admiral, by that imperial command, was decorated with a robe of honour.

Yávuz Alí Páshá had been recalled from Egypt with the view of being raised to the premiership; and though the seals of office had been actually sent to him when it was known that he had arrived in Turkey, yet he did not reach Constantinople till the 25th of Rajab. On arriving there he waited on his royal master, and afterwards went to the royal diván where he took his seat in it. The vezírs and the military judges also attended, and sat in their respective places. To the new minister was committed the distribution of the emperor’s munificence on his exaltation to the throne of his fathers, and he, it must be observed, brought with him from Egypt two years’ arrears of taxes; a circumstance, no doubt, which rendered it more easy for him to be liberal than perhaps he otherwise could have been. Seven hundred thousand pieces of gold were accordingly taken from the royal treasury, and sent to the various troops throughout the empire. This fact alone was a sufficient indication of the wide extent of the pecuniary resources of the Ottoman government, and may well excite surprise: but the fact is certain, and Alí Páshá, by whose means this handsome, but vast sum, was allotted for the use of the military and naval services, had no sooner made the necessary arrangements respecting its distribution, than he dressed himself in his ministerial robes, and went to the palace of Siávush Páshá to hold a council. Hereupon Kásim Páshá, the káímakám and second vezír, and Kúrd Páshá, third vezír, by virtue of their offices, entered and took their seats. The result of the deliberations of the council (at which Alí Páshá, the grand vezír, presided), was in the passing of some wholesome regulations with respect to just and equitable government, which materially affected the iron hand of oppression and tyranny in some quarters. The council, after having fixed the tariff or tax to be paid to the government, and settled other points of importance to the due administration of law and justice, the people were regularly warned to take care not to trespass on these and similar regulations.

In the beginning of Shabán, the orthodox emperor went in solemn procession to the tomb of his fathers, and there performed the duty and showed the respect due to their memory. On the second day of the month the money which Alí Páshá brought with him from Egypt was transferred to the imperial treasury. On the same day Mustafa Aghá, the ághá of the kapú, who was very old and infirm, was removed from office, and Kor Mohammed Aghá, the ághá of the seraglio, was appointed in his stead. On the 6th, the mother of the deceased emperor was removed to the old palace. Abdulrezák Aghá, ághá of the royal palace, was removed from office, and replaced by Mustafa Aghá. On the 20th his majesty attended divine service and performed his devotions in the mosque of Soleimáníyeh; and at night a convivial meeting was held in the royal palace in honour of the founder of the Moslem faith, with every demonstration of joy. The same religious ceremony was also observed throughout other cities. But on the festival day, which soon followed, the fear of increasing a disorder with which the emperor was afflicted, prevented his showing himself to the people, a circumstance which turned their joy into sorrow. He was confined the whole of the day to his palace, owing to the great pain he suffered, which, however, soon abated; and he speedily recovered.

_Alí Páshá, grand vezír, is appointed Commander-in-chief over the troops employed against Hungary, and Jeghala Zádeh is appointed to the command in the East._