Chapter XVI: Part 16

A very short time before this tragical event, a tax of a thousand akchas for each of the palaces in Constantinople was ordered to be levied upon the inhabitants, but which the death of Dervísh Páshá fortunately saved them from paying, and for which they were most thankful.

Dervísh Páshá perished about the commencement of Shabán, and on the 10th of the same month, Siná-allah Effendí, after mature deliberation, recommended the celebrated Murád Páshá for the office of grand vezír, who, in consequence of this, was immediately recalled from Belgrade to the Sublime Porte.

The following is a copy of the letter which the emperor sent him on that occasion.

“Murád Páshá, thou art my vezír. Without the advice or persuasion of any one, but by our own special royal will, we have thought fit to confer on you the grand vezírship, and have sent you the imperial seals. It is hoped the Divine Majesty will assist you and further you in your labours. We shall carefully attend to the endeavours you make in every department. You will, therefore, be solicitous to come to our sublime city.”

Murád Páshá, at the time he was thus honoured, was busily engaged in carrying on negociations for a final peace with Austria, the preliminaries of which had been entered into some time before. Several important personages who had an interest in the making of the treaty, on the part of Hungary, had been invited to Belgrade to consult with Murád Páshá.

The time we are now speaking of was one of very great pressure and distraction to the vezír, who found himself involved in pecuniary difficulties of no small moment; but by the kind intervention of Chelebí Effendí, cazí of Belgrade, who was become very rich, he was considerably relieved by a loan of two thousand pieces of gold. But yet such were the urgent demands made upon him that he found it beyond his powers to carry on the government. One day some of those soldiers who served for their food, were detected plundering some shops, and about fifty of them were publicly scourged before his own tent.

When the vezír Murád Páshá was raised to the dignity of grand vezír, he did not forget the friendship and generosity of the reverend cazí, and even before he left Belgrade raised him to the cazíship of Aleppo.

_Peace concluded with Austria._

When Lálá Mohammed Páshá was recalled to Constantinople, the power of concluding a peace with Austria, as well as the command of the army of the north, was committed to the vezír, Murád Páshá, who was sent off to the frontiers of Hungary immediately on his being chosen to succeed Lálá Mohammed. On reaching Buda he there assembled the troops who were to act under him, gave a favourable answer with respect to the conditions proposed by Austria, and nominated his son-in-law Kází Zádeh, Alí Páshá, beglerbeg of Buda, Hábel Effendí, the cazí of that place, Nezir-ud-dín Zádeh Mustafa Effendí, a grandee of Buda, and Khádem Ahmed deputy to Alí Páshá, to proceed to the Straits of Sidova, somewhere between Komran and Osterghún, where they met the Austrian commissioners composed of German and Hungarian princes and ambassadors. Botchkai’s consent and permission had been obtained. The Austrian commissioners were lodged on the north side of the Danube, and the Moslem commissioners at Osterghún.

On the 1st of Rajab, the commissioners, on both sides, embarked in boats on the Danube, and in the middle of that river, they, after some considerable debate, altercation, and warm contest, concluded a treaty of peace, the articles of which, we shall here insert. It is to be observed however that, according to the contract entered into with Botchkai, the whole of the Majar nation was put under his jurisdiction, as were also the fortresses of Filk, Yanuk, and all the other places of strength. Matters remained in this state till the demise of the late grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, when Botchkai ceased pressing his claims. Murád Páshá, therefore, met the wishes of the other contracting power, gave his consent to the treaty agreed on by the comissioners. The following, in substance, is a copy of the articles of that treaty. The Austrian commissioners, who were vested with full powers, say, in the document which they signed and presented to the Moslem commissioners, that they, in the name of Adolphus II., who, by the grace of God, is emperor of Alaman (Germany), Hungary, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia, and of the maritime provinces, concluded a treaty of peace with the commissioners of his sublime majesty, Sultán Ahmed Khán, for the space of twenty years. (Here the names of the Moslem commissioners are introduced, and are the same as those formerly mentioned.) The names of the Austrian commissioners are mentioned at the commencement of the above document, and are as follows Yanúsh Amoorlardi, councellor of state, governor of Komran, and captain of all the frontier troops; Adolphus Ehwalanjan, counsellor of state and commander-in-chief; Nicolas Ashtwan, kapúdán of the other side of the Danube; Francis Gusenlegan, kapúdán of this side of the Danube and counsellor of state; Claudius Rewaid, count of Farsewer.

_Article_ I. That ambassadors of the emperor of Austria shall be permitted to proceed to the Sublime Porte, and that the correspondence between the court of Constantinople and that of Vienna be expressed in such friendly terms as a father writes to his son, or a son to a father.

_Article_ II. That the Ottoman royal letters shall style the emperor of Austria, Roman Emperor; not king.

_Article_ III. That when, by the grace of God, peace is once concluded, neither Tátár tribes, nor any other military force belonging to the Sublime Porte, shall commit any hostility against any of the territories belonging to the Roman emperor.

_Article_ IV. That the territories belonging to the contracting powers, whether surrounded by water or not, shall not be injured by either party; that the villages on the confines of Hungary shall not be molested by the Osmánlís; that the king of Spain, if he agree to the treaty, shall also not be molested.

_Article_ V. That all the inhabitants on the frontiers be prohibited from tresspassing on the confines of either party; that should any person, from either side, be guilty of the refraction of this article, and be seized, he shall be presented before the governor or kapúdán of that place, who shall make proper enquiry as to what he has been guilty of, and punish or acquit accordingly.

_Article_ VI. No castle or fortress, during the peace, shall be plundered, attacked, nor taken by any stratagem. If any one of the fortresses be taken by fraud or craft, it shall be restored. Those places given to Botchkai shall remain as they were fixed at Vienna.

_Article_ VII. All captives taken before the peace shall be set at liberty for the ransom that may be stipulated: such as are not ransomed shall be exchanged for other captives; and no captives shall be taken after the ratification of this treaty. If by any means any captive be taken, the party who took him shall liberate him gratis. The contracting powers agree, that persons who shall be convicted of seizing captives shall be punished by the government to which they belong.

_Article_ VIII. If any of the inhabitants of Temisvar, of Bosnia, of Agria, or of Kaniza, offend against this treaty, information must be given to their respective governors; and in the event of such offenders not being punished, the beglerbeg of Buda, who shall be appointed superintendent of all these districts, shall be requested to see justice fairly administered. In like manner must the governor of Yanuk, the kapúdáns on this side (the Ottoman side), and the banis of Croatia be instructed to see this treaty respected.

_Article_ IX. The fortresses belonging to both the contracting powers may be repaired; but no new fortress or palanka shall be erected on the frontiers of either country.

_Article_ X. As to the two hundred thousand dollars promised to his Sublime Majesty by this treaty, it is stipulated, that so soon as the imperial ambassador shall have arrived with this sum at Constantinople, the exalted serdár shall send a Sanjak prince with a present suitable to the dignity of the Ottoman court to give to the duke. When the royal presents destined for the Ottoman sultán shall have arrived, the sultán shall return a gift of greater magnitude than usual to the Roman emperor.

_Article_ XI. The Austrian ambassador shall proceed at once to Constantinople with the stipulated sum of money and the royal presents.

_Article_ XII. The peace now concluded shall continue to be maintained for the space of twenty years, commencing from the 1st of the thousand and fifteenth Rajab (_i. e._ from 1st of Rajab 1015) of the Mohammedan era, which is the 1600th of the Christian era: but no more presents than those now mentioned shall be sent for the space of three years. Whatever presents may be thought necessary to be sent after these three years are expired, shall remain undetermined. If during the term of this peace the emperor of the Moslems, or the emperor of Austria, or the king of Hungary, should depart this life, their sons, successors, and relations shall be bound to respect the articles of this treaty, and not to violate the peace on any account.

_Article_ XIII. The palanka of Wáj shall remain in its present (dilapidated) condition, and shall not be enlarged.

_Article_ XIV. When the Austrian ambassadors arrive at Constantinople they shall be allowed whatever they may stand in need of.

_Article_ XV. The villages which paid tribute or taxes before the reduction of Agria (_i. e._ the villages of that district) shall continue to pay the same still.

_Article_ XVI. Those villages which belonged to Filk, Sichan, and Novograde, but now connected with Agria, Khutván, Buda, and Osterghún, shall pay their accustomed dues.

_Article_ XVII. Those villages which were accustomed to pay taxes when Osterghún fell into the hands of the Austrian emperor shall still continue to pay him their dues as formerly. All the other villages on the frontiers shall continue to pay their usual taxes to whichever government they may belong. In consequence of the unsettled state of the district of Kaniza, a person shall be nominated by the Moslem government, who, along with Bíkám Oghlí, shall make enquiry into the state of matters, and determine which of the villages of that district belong to Kaniza, and which not; when their taxes shall be regulated according to what is right.

_Concerning Nesúh Páshá._

On the 4th of Moharrem in this year, Nesúh Páshá, who, by the instrumentality of the late grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, had been appointed to the government of Baghdád, went to take possession of his new government. On reaching the Euphrates he learned, that Píáleh Páshá, the deposed governor of Bassora, had succeeded in gaining the good-will of the people of Baghdád, and that by means of flattery and promises he had secured the affections of the soldiery. He also received intelligence concerning the rebel Mohammed, son of Túyel Ahmed Oghlí, who had been válí of Irák. The beglerbeg of Wærka, Mír Sheríf, whom Nesúh met on his march to Baghdád, showed him much respect, and promised him his support. Nesúh was furnished with letters and robes of honour to Seyed Khán Beg, one of those Kúrd princes who, before Nesúh’s time, had come on business to Baghdád: also to the begs of Sehran, and to Obrish Oghlí Emír Ahmed, an Arab prince. These letters enjoined the several parties above specified, in the most flattering manner, to attach themselves without delay to the interests of Nesúh Páshá, the emperor’s commander-in-chief, and to proceed with him to Baghdád then in the hands of the rebels.

Obrish Oghlí, and the other chiefs, sent the commander-in-chief deceitful answers; and after waiting at Mosul for nearly six weeks for their arrival, he found at last that he had been duped by their fraud. To add to his distress, he found also, that the letter which he had sent off to Seyed Khán had been intercepted, and that the rebels were thus apprized of his march upon Baghdád.

It may be proper to observe, however, that before the imperial letters above alluded to arrived, the Válí Páshá, Píáleh Páshá, and Emír Sheríf Páshá, had advanced as far as Arabel, whence they wrote to Seyed Khán, and to the emírs of Seheran to join them, but without any good result. The Turkoman tribe, however, which for some insignificant advantage had been tempted to revolt, joined the rebels. Upon this, and trusting to the promises of Abúrish Oghlí, they entered the city of Baghdád on the 3d of Shabán, the very day fixed on by him, but they neither heard nor saw any thing of him. The Kurds and Arabian insurgents, who had been sent by Arazil and Abúrish Oghlí, and who now supported Túyel Oghlí in his rebellion, also entered Baghdád, and prepared for resistance. Túyel, it would appear, had secretly succeeded, by means of 30,000 ducats, in bribing a number of faithless mercenaries, who served in the army under Nesúh. Túyel, in consequence of the success his bribery had met with, ventured out of the city and offered battle to Nesúh. At the commencement of this engagement, the superiority of Nesúh’s troops over their adversaries seemed evident; but a body of the mercenaries who had been bribed joining the insurgents, the remainder of the army fled from the field. This catastrophe was attended with terrible consequences to Nesúh; yet although his army, by this revolt, was considerably weakened, he nevertheless, with Válí Páshá, Píáleh Páshá, and Mír Sheríf, fought with unparalleled bravery. Válí Páshá fell on the field of battle, and Nesúh was wounded in two places. A considerable number of brave soldiers who fought under the banner of Nesúh, besides many princes who had attended Mír Sheríf, also died martyrs in this bloody contest. Nesúh and Mír Sheríf however, when they perceived the battle turning against them, succeeded in getting their fighting Muselmans to retire from the unequal conflict. Nesúh retreated to an island which belonged to Mír Sheríf, where he remained until the severe cold weather set in, and thence he sent a report of his misfortunes to the court of Constantinople. Túyel, not long after this victory which he had gained, was murdered in the city of Baghdád.

_Death of Botchkai._

Petrus, the pope’s legate in Hungary, and Arúmendi, Botchkai’s intimate friend, informed the court of Constantinople that King Botchkai Ashetwan had departed this life on the 5th of Ramazán. Some time before his death he summoned to his presence the two above-mentioned persons, and nominated as his successor his sister’s son-in-law, his own vezír, the bravest prince that was in Hungary, one Hemon; and whose name had been inserted in the contract between Botchkai and the Ottoman government as the successor of Botchkai to the crown of Transylvania. Hemon having been raised to the throne of Transylvania, as now described, the Sublime Porte sent him a robe of honour lined with wolf-skin, and a sanják, as tokens of esteem. This Hemon, called also Hemon Baturi, was a descendant of the ancient kings of Transylvania, and on this account was chosen successor to Botchkai.

_Other events of the current year._

On the night of the 4th of Moharrem a destructive fire broke out in the Jewish quarter of the city: the desolating element reaching as far as Khoaja Páshá’s bath, and Khoaja’s academy, and destroying squares and streets in its progress. The damage which this fire occasioned was immense.

On the 27th of the month Gúrjí, Mohammed Páshá, lately removed from the government of Egypt, was appointed to the government of Bosnia; and the government of Kaniza was conferred on Aghá Khosrú Páshá. On the 11th of Rabia II., in consequence of the rebel Kalander Oghlí having gone to the vicinity of Kewah, all the cavalry, Chashingírs and Chávushes, who had any property in that quarter, were ordered to repair thither. On the 16th of Jemadi I. the government received information that the insurgent Jánbúlát had suddenly fallen on the governor of Aleppo, Hasan Páshá, brother to Tarnákjí, and had slain him. On the same day intelligence was also received that Alí Páshá, the son of the same Jánbúlát, who had raised the standard of rebellion in the jurisdiction of Aleppo, had fought and overcome in battle Emír Seif Oghlí, beglerbeg of Tripoli, in Syria, who had been obliged to take refuge in that city. On the 21st, the master of the horse, Ja’fer Aghá, having been appointed governor of Ethiopia, his predecessor was removed to Yemen, where he succeeded Sinán Páshá, who had been ordered to return to Turkey. On the 18th of Ramazán, Kalander Oghlí, with the rebels under his command, most completely overthrew and defeated Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia; also Ahmed, the former governor of that province, and the beg of Sarúkhán, Hájí Beg, in the neighbourhood of Sarúkhán. Kalander Oghlí, after having obtained this decisive victory, threatened to attack Magnesia, and it was, therefore, found necessary to strengthen Brúsa. On the third of Dhu’l hijja, several of the youths attached to the royal house were promoted to offices of honour, according to the usual rule. A number of other promotions and changes took place, but they are not worth while mentioning.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1016, H.

_The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, returns to court._

Murád Páshá, after the peace between Turkey and Austria was fully settled and agreed to, enjoyed, at Belgrade, some degree of quiet and tranquillity, until he was suddenly recalled to court. The official messenger who had carried to Murád Páshá the emperor’s orders, no sooner arrived at the place of his destination, than Murád Páshá, along with the Austrian ambassadors, who had carried with them thither the sum of money stipulated by the treaty of peace, set out in the greatest haste for the Sublime Porte, where they arrived about the end of Moharrem.

Not long after his arrival in the metropolis, it was resolved, in consequence of the harrassing state of the eastern provinces and the continued aggressions of the Persians, that the grand vezír, Murád Páshá, should be sent with a splendid army to bring the countries of the east into a state of tranquillity and subordination, and to act against the Persians.

In consequence of the long-continued war which the Ottomans had been obliged to carry on against the northern infidels, and which drained to so great a degree the military resources of the empire, the inland provinces were, in a manner, left destitute of sufficient military force to preserve them quiet and peaceable. Anatolia, when thus freed of the presence of the military, became much disturbed by every kind of faction, rebellion, and insubordination: each faction had its own leader or chieftain. They procured supplies of arms, formed themselves into companies of foot and horse, and presented every where a most formidable appearance.

One of the leaders of these rebels was Abdul helím, better known by the name of Karah Yázijí (usually called Scrivano), who was at one time in the suite of the governor of the province. At first he was only segbán, but afterwards he became súbáshlik. The discontented portion of the inhabitants of Anatolia chose this man for their chieftain, who, by his wicked devices, soon brought the whole country into a state of insubordination and violence. In 1009 he pillaged and sacked the countries of Chorum, Sivás, and Tokat. Sometimes victorious, sometimes defeated, he was, at last, obliged to betake himself to the mountains of Jánbeg.

Another of these rebel-chiefs was one Hasan Páshá. Being governor of the province, his cruelty, oppression, and injustice became so intolerable, that he was necessitated, for the safety of his life, to take flight. He joined the infamous Scrivano at the moment he was beset in the fortress of Ráh, and effected his deliverance, but he himself being taken, was delivered over to the Moslem commander, who sent him to Constantinople, where he suffered the punishment deserved by his crimes.

His brother, Delí Hasan, was another of these rebel-chiefs. He followed in the footsteps of Scrivano, and was murdered, as the reader may remember, when on his way from Temisvar to Belgrade.

Kalander Oghlí, called also Mohammed, likewise headed the revolt. He was at first in the service of some of the beglerbegs, and afterwards a lieutenant to a great man who had employed him. When Jeghala Zádeh was commander-in-chief in the east, Kalander Oghlí insinuated himself, in some way or other, into his favour, from which he received some benefit. In 1013 he selected a number of rebels and became their chief. Being bold and intrepid as well as wicked, he committed very serious evils; but we shall afterwards have to advert to his history.

Another of these malignants was one Karah Seyed, a wretch who was so thoroughly embued with evil qualities, as to be an object of general detestation and hatred. The miseries, murders, and spoliation which this fiend committed were horrible. He joined his fortunes with those of Kalander; but placing confidence in him was like placing confidence in a mud-wall.

The next of these villains that we shall notice are Túyel and Yúsuf Páshá, who, like those already mentioned, met with the fate they deserved. The greater number of those who had been engaged in the recent and former rebellions were either killed or dispersed, or perished in some other way. The most infamous of those who still remained in open rebellion were Alí Beg, son of Jánbulát, and Kalander Oghlí; but Murád Páshá was preparing to chastise them.

_Murád Páshá gains a victory over the rebels._

The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, no sooner returned to Constantinople, than he commenced preparations for the war in the east. On the 19th of the 1016th Sefer (_i. e._ on the 19th of the month Sefer of this year) he passed over to Scutari, and on the 7th of Rabia I. he marched direct towards Aleppo. The beglerbegship of Romeili was conferred on Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá, and that of Anatolia on Marjol Hasan Páshá. Khalíl Aghá, colonel of the janissaries, was appointed chief herald. Bákí Páshá was made treasurer for the army, and the dignity of káímakám was conferred on Mustafa Páshá, of the garrison of Brúsa, who took possession of his new office on the 22d of the month Sefer.

When the serdár, Murád Páshá, conspicuous in dignity, reached Iconium, Kalander Oghlí, who on two former occasions had opposed and defeated two páshás, and who had spread the most terrible consternation throughout the country, hearing of Murád’s march on Iconium, determined to fall upon Ancora, the inhabitants of which had done him considerable injury. Thinking this was the best time to be revenged on them, he left Sarúkhán and directed his movements towards Ancora.

In the meantime, however, Murád, after a few days’ rest at Iconium, made some new arrangements. He appointed Bábá Akhí Zádeh, who was orthodox in his views and sentiments, to the high-priest’s office, which happened at that time to be vacant. A considerable number of the inhabitants, who had been active in the rebellion, he caused to be executed; and filled the wells of Iconium with their vile bodies. One of those who suffered death on that occasion was a cursed heretic of the name of Ahmed Beg. Murád Páshá also crucified a man named Mustafa, stabbed the deputy-governor, when Abdur-rahmán was cazí of Iconium, burned the palace of Delí Ahmed, the governor of Caramania, the owner of it losing his life in the flames, and put to the sword more than a thousand souls, who had either been infected with heresy, or who had taken part in the rebellion. In short, Murád Páshá marched about in the character of a prince, and put to death whomever he pleased. When this Ahmed Beg, the scourge of the whole country, was brought before this deep-discerning commander, the páshá thus addressed him: “I am about leaving you at Iconium till my return from taking vengeance on the son of Jánbulát: guard the city and keep a good look out. But should you require aid for this purpose, what number of men do you think you could muster?” The fearless wretch replied, “thirty thousand at least.” The commander expressed, though feignedly, his approbation, and dismissed him: but in an oration to those who, it would seem, had pleaded in his behalf, he observed that to leave alive upon the earth a man, who, in his absence, could raise thirty thousand men, and to permit him to have the power of fortifying the city against him, would not be acting wisely. In this way, and by these arguments, he put to silence the friends and advocates of Ahmed Beg; and shortly afterwards, caused him to be strangled, and his carcass thrown into a well.

_Ebn Kalander goes to Ancora._

Kalander Oghlí, well knowing that to encounter the serdár would be his certain destruction, retired, as we have already seen, towards Ancora. On his march to this place he picked up all the cattle and horses which fell in his way, and passed by the confines of Caramania, plundering and robbing every town and village through which he marched. On approaching Ancora he forwarded a messenger to announce his arrival, as if he had been commissioned by royal authority.

In the city of Ancora there lived, at that time, one Ahmed Effendí Zádeh Waldin, who had been present in the royal camp during the war that was carried on against Hungary; and who, from the high opinion entertained of his abilities, was appointed cazí of Ancora, with the view of seeing its unfinished fortifications completed, and of preserving the place against the aggressions of the rebels. When the above messenger, accompanied by four hundred men, presented himself before the city, this judge of the law proposed answering him thus: that it was unlawful to permit an armed troop of criminals to enter the city; that the gates must not be opened to them; and that if it should be necessary to act on the defensive, they would sooner fight than allow them entrance. This decisive method of answering the intruders was not only approved of by the rest of the citizens, but communicated by them to the messengers, who carried it to Kalander. This information enraged him greatly, but he soon hit on a stratagem which he put into practice. He appeared before the walls of the city, and sending a messenger, with conditions of peace, requested the judge of the law to come out and confer with him on certain points; intimating, at the same time, that he would be entirely swayed by the judgment of the reverend Effendí. The judge prepared himself, and came forth with a certain number of horsemen, to meet his opponent, who was attended by his suite; and both, sitting on horseback, entered into close conversation. Kalander commenced thus: “The emperor has assigned to me, in perpetual possession, this province, and has given the adjacent sanjáks to my followers. Why have you declined receiving us into the city? Why have you shut its gates against my herald?” The judge boldly replied, “If this country be conferred on you, as you say, why are you not come with the royal standard unfurled? You have the appearance of a band of robbers. You have trampled down the corn-fields belonging to the Muselmans; you have violently carried away the property of the country; you have driven your cattle into our corn-fields. The eyes of the citizens are afraid to dwell upon public robbers; and their hearts failed them when they heard of your approach. This, then, is the reason why they have shut their gates against your herald. They were alarmed, lest, as soon as you should enter, you would commence the work of cruelty, robbery, and death; but now that you have exhibited the royal pleasure, we are your servants. Therefore, we request that you draw out a list of what you deem necessary, and send it to us by faithful men. But, in order that you may tranquillize the fears of the citizens, it will be proper for you to retire to some considerable distance from their view. When they perceive your peaceful conduct, I shall not fail to do what I can to interest the people of the city in your behalf; then I shall come forth to you into our own camp, and learn from you what honours you will confer on me, in return: as soon as the people are quieted you may enter the city.”

This seemingly gracious reception so intoxicated Kalander and his followers, that about thirty of these wretches, accompanied by their chief’s deputy, actually went into the city and delivered to the judge a list of such things as they principally required—such as trowsers, coats, and other articles. Whilst they were waiting a few days for the articles in question, Kalander’s deputy began to discover the villany of his base nature. In fact, he was hardly two days in the city when he began to lay his hands on the beautiful young females he saw, which exasperated the people to such a degree that they were on the point of murdering him. The judge, at the moment they were about to take summary vengeance on the wretch, interfered and restrained their fury, by representing to them that by their acting in such a manner they would endanger the lives of other Muselmans as well as their own. Under the pretext, therefore, of delivering the audacious wretch out of their hands, he thrust him into prison in the inner fortress. His companions he distributed among different families in the character of guests, as they supposed, where he told them they would receive the rights of hospitality, and where they would be protected from insult in case of any tumult arising. The cazí, in this way, got them all safely lodged within the citadel, and not one of them was able to make his escape.

During this interval, Kalander was impatiently waiting for the return of his men; but he little knew the person he had to deal with. The reverend judge had no sooner secured his prize, than he wrote off an account of the whole affair to Murád Páshá, who, in return, congratulated his correspondent on his adroitness and success; and informed him, by letter, that an army would soon be in pursuit of his visitors, cautioning him, at the same time, to be on the look out. The person who had the charge of this letter was way-laid and intercepted, by which means Kalander became acquainted with the whole of the mystery. He now perceived the design of the cazí, and determined on attacking the city: but he was just as little aware of the heroism and skill in war which cazí Effendí, the son of Waldin, possessed, as he before was of his powers of stratagem. The citizens too were not without spirit. They formed themselves into regular companies, and fell with ardour on their assailants, maintaining the struggle with desperate heroism, and hurling defiance at Kalander, who made no less than eight different assaults, so intent was he on reducing the Ancorians. But the showers of musket and cannon-shot from the batteries made such havock among this besieging horde as both cooled and repelled them, until at last they seemed to have given up all idea of success. At this moment it began to be rumoured that a body of troops, under the command of Tekelí, Mohammed Páshá, was marching on Ancora, which rumour induced the besiegers to retire to the distance of one stage. Tekelí, it would appear, had some little skirmishes with these rebels, but their numbers were so very superior to those under his command, that he chose rather to hasten into the city than to risk any general engagement.

It was not long after these things, that Tekelí was put in possession of the sanják of Komstamúní, when he pursued Kalander Oghlí with additional forces, and forty pieces of cannon.

The commander-in-chief having determined on the total destruction of Jánbúlát, seems, for the time, to have overlooked the rebel Kalander. He removed his troops from Iconium; and marching towards Aleppo, where Jánbúlát then was, he encamped before the city of Larendo; whence he dispatched the regiments of the red and yellow standards, under their respective leaders, and a body of janissaries to Selukeh, in Syria, with orders to destroy Meseli Chávush, a powerful and noted rebel in that quarter. This expedition, on reaching its destination, found the rebel had taken refuge in the mountains, and had there fortified himself. The ardent and zealous Moslem troops, however, pursued him even into his strong-holds, one or two of which they took, slaying all his followers that fell in their way, and dispersing the remainder. A few of the principal leaders, who had acted among the insurgents, were seized and sent to the commander-in-chief.

The exalted serdár, bent on falling in with Jánbúlát, removed from Larendo and came to Arkalah, where he found himself opposed by Jemshíd, another of the rebel chieftains, from the neighbourhood of Adna, and who scrupled not to give battle to the royal troops. He and his rebel army, however, were soon broken and overthrown. He himself escaped by flight, but his deluded followers were either destroyed or made prisoners. Such of them as were taken alive were conducted into the presence of the serdár, and there ordered to be beheaded.

When the grand vezír, Murád Páshá, reached the confines of Aleppo, he was there informed, just as he was on the eve of approaching the pass of Bukras, that Jánbúlát, with twenty thousand foot and twenty thousand horse, was strongly entrenched within this pass. The exalted serdár, on hearing this report, changed his route, and went forward to the plains of Gozarjinlik. This movement he effected on 29th of Jemadi II. The royal camp was joined at this place by the beglerbeg of Merœsh, Zulfekár Páshá, with a powerful auxiliary army. In three days afterwards he removed his camp to Durma, on the river Kunuk. Jánbúlát Oghlí, on learning that the Moslem army had passed on to Durma, left his position; and, on the 2d of Rajab, marched with his army of forty thousand half the distance, intent on giving battle to the serdár, and encamped in the valley of Uruj. The advance guards of both armies met, and a sharp skirmish took place; but that of the rebels was totally defeated; the greater part of them perished, and those who were made prisoners, being conducted into the presence of the serdár were, without mercy or compassion, instantly put to death.

The following day, Tuesday, in the morning, the grand vezír prepared for a general engagement, put his numerous troops in order, and then encouraged and fortified the hearts of his soldiers.

Jánbúlát, in like manner, prepared for the contest. He placed his deputy with a division of his rebellious troops, against the army of Anatolia, which formed the right wing of Murád: his segbáns he opposed to the Romeilian troops, which formed his left wing, and he himself took up his position immediately opposite the centre of the royal army.

It has been said, that Jánbúlát had written before this to the Moslem commander-in-chief offering to make peace, but that the latter did not believe him sincere. He even, whilst endeavouring to bring this about, stepped to the front of his army and forbade them to fight; but they, by oaths and curses, caused him to retire, and erected their banners. However these things might be, the battle commenced, and it was a bloody one. Zulfekár Páshá, beglerbeg of Merœsh, fought with uncommon bravery, and caused the heads of the enemy to roll along the ground. Jánbúlát attacked the left wing of the royalists, composed of the Romeilian army commanded by its intrepid válí, Hasan Páshá, but was met with heroism, on the part of these troops, exceeding all imagination. The conflict was awful and bloody, and lasted till night. Twenty-six thousand heads were conveyed into the presence of the powerful Osmánlí chief, and heaped up before his pavilion: twenty persons were incessantly employed in cutting off the heads of the vast number of prisoners which were brought in alive. The janissaries, headed by their chief, as well as the other troops, distinguished themselves in the most brilliant manner on this occasion.

Jánbúlát, after this severe defeat, fled to Kilis. But finding it unsafe for him to remain there, he marched on to Aleppo, plundered the rich men of the city, threw some of his troops into the citadel, and the following morning, as he was going out at the gate, to continue his flight—for such was the fear he was in, that he remained only one night at Aleppo—the women and children raised a tremendous hue and cry after him, loading him with anathemas, and covering him with dirt and mud. After he was once fairly out of their sight the inhabitants commenced a search after such of his followers as had hid themselves in the city, and succeeded in finding out and killing more than a thousand of these wretches before Murád Páshá arrived at Aleppo.

The day after the battle a council was held in the victorious and glorious pavilion, when the grandees of the army pressed in to congratulate their commander-in-chief.

It has been related that the son of Máín Fekhr-ud-dín had headed the sons of Gilibi and the Dirzi soldiery, and fought under Jánbulát in the above-mentioned battle. Fekhr-ud-dín fled to the fortress of Shukif, in the desert, where he shut himself up.

The exalted commander-in-chief, when on his march from the field of battle to Aleppo, touched at Kilis, where he seized on the whole of the property belonging to the last-mentioned rebel. On the 19th of Rajab he erected his pavilion in the Kokmaidan of Aleppo, whither all the great men of the city repaired in order to pay him their respects, and to congratulate him on his success against the rebels. Some few vile wretches, who had hitherto eluded detection, were now brought forth and executed. The few troops which Jánbulát had left in the citadel, after a day or two, offered to surrender. The officers were furnished with letters of protection, but the common soldiery, on coming out of the citadel, were all executed. The government of Aleppo was conferred on Dishleng Hasan Páshá, and the cazíship of the same on an old acquaintance of the cazí of the royal camp, Cheshmi Effendí. Hasan Páshá, válí of Romeili, having been advanced to the rank and dignity of a vezír, returned to Turkey, and Marjol Hasan Páshá succeeded him as válí of Romeili.

_Murád Páshá winters at Aleppo.—Troops are sent to Baghdád._

The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, with the view of preserving the peace and tranquillity of the country, determined on keeping a certain number of his best troops somewhere near Aleppo, where he himself resolved on passing the winter. Accordingly, the spáhís were sent into the territories of Damascus, and the Salihdárs to Tripoli, in Syria. The janissaries remained with the commander-in-chief at Aleppo, and the troops of Romeili, of Anatolia, and of Caramania were allowed to return to their respective countries.

In Aleppo the serdár and his janissaries spent the six months of winter in every sort of pleasure and festivity. Rebels, from one hundred to two hundred, were every day brought to Aleppo and there executed without compassion or commiseration.

The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, in the midst of the various scenes of pleasure which Aleppo afforded, was one day astounded at learning that about the time he had entered into winter quarters, Mustafa, the brother of Ahmed Túyel Oghlí, who had met with his death at Baghdád, had succeeded the deceased in the command of the rebels in that quarter, and who amounted to several thousands. Murád Páshá was not long in considering how to act: he determined on their overthrow. Accordingly, he conferred the government of Baghdád on Mohammed Páshá, son of Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, giving him a body of paid troops; and he appointed Mír Ahmed, son of Abúrish, prince of Annet and Hadisa, and Kúrd Mír Sheríf Páshá, besides several other provincial lords, to accompany him to the conquest of Baghdád, now in the hands of the rebels.

The expedition just mentioned had no sooner arrived within a small distance of Baghdád than they were met by Mustafa, who had prepared to oppose the Moslem army. This happened on the 1st of Shevál; but Mustafa, who had not rightly estimated the courage and heroism of the Osmánlí troops, found, to his sad experience, that he and his rebels were no match for them; in a word, he was defeated and routed, and shut himself up in the city, thinking there to defend himself. This, however, was a delusion. The heroic Osmánlís were not long in approaching and laying siege to the city, and perceiving that resistance would be worse than useless, he proposed to deliver up the city on the condition of personal security. This was agreed to, and he was allowed to embark; but the boat into which he had entered had no sooner moved away from the bank or wharf than, from its unequal weight, occasioned by the vast numbers of segbáns who had crowded in along with him, it upset, and all, with the exception of Mustafa himself and a few others, were drowned in the river; even those few who did escape were nearly all killed by bullets which were sent across after them. Mohammed Páshá, after having thus vanquished the rebels and dispersed them, entered into Baghdád triumphant and victorious.

_Jánbulát Oghlí seeks refuge in Constantinople.—Kalander commits new depredations._

Kalander Oghlí, after having sustained the defeats and disappointments formerly mentioned, and knowing that Murád Páshá had passed on to Aleppo, again resolved on mischief. After leaving Ancora, finding himself kept in awe by Tekelí, he passed into Anatolia, and proceeded to the neighbourhood of Brúsa. Here he was joined by Kanalí Oghlí, the chief of a sanják in that country, a disaffected villain, with a number of others of similar character, amounting to very near a thousand; and here he again commenced his usual depredations.

Jánbulát Oghlí Alí Páshá, of whose history and fortunes we have already spoken, finding nowhere any asylum to which he might flee for safety, took his winding-sheet on his shoulders, as it were, and resolved on returning to Turkey. With this view he went to the vicinity of Eskí-sheher with a certain number of volunteers, whence he sent a humble letter by one Haidar Beg, his fraternal uncle, to the court of Constantinople.

About the time Jánbulát Oghlí came into the vicinity of Brúsa, Kalander Oghlí sent some of his principal adherents to meet him, and to assure him that he also had repented, and inviting him to come and take counsel with him, and proceed together in company. Jánbulát Oghlí accepted of the invitation and went; but Kalander Oghlí had changed his tone and said, “Do not you separate from me, and you shall see me take ample revenge on our opponents: this is the very moment for accomplishing it.” Jánbulát Oghlí, not relishing the views and intentions of his entertainer, purposed with himself to escape secretly from him; and with this view he one night cut a hole in the wall of the apartment in which he lodged, and getting out, hastened off with all dispatch towards Constantinople, taking only a few of his nearest relations along with him. More disaffected fellows, who had accompanied him to Brúsa, joined themselves, when they found he had absconded, to the infamous Kalander Oghlí, who, when he first went to that quarter, found himself surrounded with serious difficulties. Having been thus strengthened, however, by the levends who had accompanied Jánbulát Oghlí, he marched on Brúsa, to which he set fire, and robbed and spoiled several other places besides. This daring robber, however, was soon obliged to decamp. Nukásh Hasan Páshá, with a body of troops, was ordered to attack him on one side, and vezír Yúsuf Páshá to do the same on the other. But he did not wait their arrival. On leaving Brúsa he set out towards Mikhalij, and continued his route till he was opposed by the Lake of Ulú-ábád. This lake is surrounded on the south by very steep rocks, which extend northwards, along the river, to the Mediterranean Sea. The infamous robber, on approaching this lake, perceived that it formed the natural boundary between Brúsa and the countries of Mikhalij, Garem-asta, and Pighala. At the foot of this lake was an ancient bridge, which was the only passage by which the rebel could cross. On the opposite side, however, there was a fortified castle; but how to get across the bridge with safety to himself and followers, and make his way to a narrow gap which he knew to exist somewhere in the mountains or range of rocks on the south of the lake or river, was to him the subject of the utmost concern. He prepared, however, to take it at all hazard; but finding the castle was in the hands of the people of Garem-asta, his courage failed him, and without attempting any farther the execution of his plan, he proceeded to a place in the neighbourhood called Chatalú, where he remained till the commencement of the feast which follows the Mohammedan lent: when, as he thought, he might succeed better. On the arrival of this festival, the garrison, intent on celebrating it, began to do so on the first evening, and left the castle exposed and defenceless. The villain taking advantage of this neglect on the part of the garrison, crossed the bridge, and entered the country of Garem-asta, where he unfurled the standard of rebellion, traversed the country, and took possession of the town of Mikhalij. His pursuers, at least one of them, Nukásh Hasan Páshá, following hard after him, reached Ulú-ábád, where he encamped. The rebel and his followers no sooner discovered this to be the case, than they fell back upon the bridge by which they had passed in the manner described, and effectually prevented Nukásh from crossing. The rebels took good care not to disturb any of the towns and villages in this neighbourhood: they were therefore all quiet, and took no part against them; and winter coming on, Nukásh, on account of its severity, was unable to act against them.

In the meantime, a reinforcement under the command of the governor of Silistria was sent off to join the dispirited Nukásh. The rebels met this reinforcement at Gunan, where they gave them battle. In this engagement, Ahmed Páshá, governor of Silistria, fought with such ardent and daring bravery, that there was not a part of his body which remained unhurt, and he was, at last, obliged to be carried from the field of battle, and soon afterwards he expired. The orthodox Moslems lost the day: and the victorious rebel-chief marched into the districts of Aydin and Sarúkhán, with fire and sword, and passed through Caramania, when he was joined by some of his former associates, who brought him a considerable increase of strength, and thus this detestable rebel, who but very lately had only a few followers, became now a most formidable enemy.

On the arrival of spring, the troops, who had been dispersed into winter-quarters, began to assemble at Aleppo, around their celebrated chief, Murád Páshá. As it was of the utmost importance that the treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá, who was to carry funds for the use of the army, should, for safety sake, accompany back the Romeilian troops, he was appointed to take the command of these troops, and to conduct them to Aleppo. The rebel, Kalander Oghlí, so lately victorious, was at this time in Caramania; and knowing that Etmekjí Zádeh was a person unskilled in war, he determined, as soon as he learned that he was on his way, to intercept him, and, if possible, seize the money he was carrying to the grand army. Etmekjí Zádeh was apprized, however, of his intentions, and sent the troops and the money by the way of Ancora; both of which reached the commander-in-chief in safety.

_Jánbulát Oghlí meets with a happy reverse of fortune._

Jánbulát Oghlí, whom we lately spoke of as on his way to Constantinople, after having escaped the snares which the notorious Kalander Oghlí had laid for him, arrived at Bazarjik on the 9th of Ramazán. His uncle, Haidar Beg, and his deputy, Hasan, whom he had sent to the court of Constantinople with letters of submission, arrived there on the 21st of the same month, and soon afterwards appeared before the emperor, to whom they expressed themselves thus: “We are come to confess our misdeeds, and to receive the punishment due to them. Our lives are in your hand.” Their crimes were forgiven, and Jánbulát Oghlí’s deputy was sent back to his master with the emperor’s letter of forbearance and grace; whilst his uncle, Haidar Beg, was allowed to remain in the metropolis. The bostánjí báshí was sent back to Nicomedia with the galley in which he had brought Haidar Beg, to take in Jánbulát Oghlí, and convey him to Constantinople. It is remarkable that it was at the very time that this galley arrived at Nicomedia to receive Jánbulát Oghlí, that he had been inveighled by Kalander Oghlí. The bostánjí báshí, not finding him at Nicomedia, and being anxious of discharging his duty, ignorant alike of what had become of him, and of the trap which had been laid for him, he and his bostánjís set out for Brúsa in search of him, where they met him as he was fleeing from Kalander Oghlí, from whose snares he had made his escape in the manner we have already described. His deputy advanced towards him, put his majesty’s letter of clemency into his hand, when all of them proceeded to the galley, on board which they embarked, and reached Constantinople about the end of Ramazán. Jánbulát Oghlí, in conformity to the promise which had been given to him after he had been introduced into the royal presence, was again received into favour. He remained about a whole week in the imperial gardens, and went every day to converse with his majesty. Not long afterwards he was created beglerbeg of Temisvar, and sent off to take charge of his government. After having, for the space of two years, sustained this high rank and office, he began again to manifest the baseness of his nature. His innate scorpion-like disposition developed itself in the acts of tyranny and oppression which he perpetrated on the inhabitants, whom he robbed and spoiled without mercy. The people seeing themselves thus subjected to this merciless plunderer, determined on ridding themselves of him, and raising a tumult, threatened to murder him. Alarmed by these symptoms of revenge, he fled to Belgrade, where he remained in prison till the grand vezír, Murád Páshá, returned to Constantinople, and sent orders to cazí Zádeh Alí Páshá, protector of the frontiers, to put him to death.

_Some more particulars belonging to this year._

In the month of Sefer, the commandant of Brúsa, Mustafa Páshá, was called to fill the office of káímakám in the city of Constantinople. On the 10th of Rabia II. Yemenlí Hasan Páshá was removed from the government of Egypt, and returned with the fleet which conveyed the annual taxes. By the same conveyance also, seventeen begs and four beglerbegs, who had been removed from office by the advice of Mohammed Páshá, the válí of Egypt, arrived at Constantinople. Hasan Páshá, however, was again, in Jemadi II., reinstated in his vezírship, and died on the 9th of Rajab. On the 11th of Shevál Nukásh Hasan Páshá was appointed commandant of Brúsa (probably when he was sent after the notorious Kalander Oghlí). On the 28th of this month, after having received the very distressing and afflicting intelligence of the progress and success of the insurgents, and of their having nearly reached Brúsa, a general council of the great men of the state was summoned for the purpose of consulting what methods ought to be adopted for stopping the further progress of the rebellion. It was immediately agreed to fortify Brúsa; and to send vezír Dávud Páshá to Nicomedia, and Khezer Páshá to Scutari, to see these places fortified also; and to which they repaired. On the 22d of Shevál, Háfiz Ahmed Aghá, chief of the falconers, in consequence of the splendid talents he possessed, both as a man of science and a soldier, arrived at the dignity of becoming the emperor’s favourite. This led to a vezírship, when he became lord high admiral, in room of the European, Ja’fer Páshá.