Chapter VII: Part 7

Whilst the Páshá and his men stood contemplating the loaded waggons as they approached nearer, and suspecting no danger, suddenly a body of troops made their appearance, and fell upon the astonished gazers without allowing them a moment’s warning for self-defence. These were Michael’s troops, and they amounted to more than twenty thousand, whilst those under the command of Háfiz did not exceed three thousand, and most of them, at that moment, were without any sort of defensive weapon whatever. The waggons which were said to have been conveying treasures and presents to the Páshá, turned out to be cannon which they carried. The Moslems finding themselves thus miserably duped, and seeing they were unable to resist such a force, had no alternative left them but either to perish by the hands of these barbarians, or to seek their safety in flight. This last appeared the most advisable, and they endeavoured to accomplish it. The Páshá, in a state of madness, mounted his horse, and all who were fortunate enough escaped to Maternevi. Alas, many of the followers of Mohammed fell martyrs on that sad day. The whole of their property and wealth fell into the hands of Michael the apostate, and of those wretches who followed him.

The odious Michael, after having gained the advantage in the manner above described, marched on Nicopolis, and laid siege to it; but he was at length repelled. The struggle between the besiegers and the besieged lasted twenty days, but the barbarians were at last obliged to retire without having effected their purpose, and went towards Bekrish.

The unfortunate Páshá, like the rest of his men, lost all he had. It has been said that some of Michael’s men brought him the garments and shash which Háfiz usually wore, and that in derision of the Páshá he put them on a decrepid old woman, whom he presented, thus dressed, before his men, telling them, that he had caught the Moslem Páshá, and thus excited their mirth at the poor Páshá’s expence.

The Páshá, however, made his way to Nicopolis, and repaired the breaches which had been effected by Michael on that fortress. When on the point of going into winter-quarters at Hazargrade, he received information from the court of Constantinople that he was succeeded in the command on the banks of the Danube by the fourth vezír, Mahmúd Páshá. He accordingly returned to the metropolis about the middle of Jemadi II., and was honoured with the dignity and office of fourth vezír in room of Mahmúd.

_The grand Vezírship conferred a third time on Ibrahím Páshá._

When the want of that success which had attended the late campaign had been fully considered, and that Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief, had effected no good, or had acquired no advantage whatever, but, on the contrary, had been the cause of much evil; that it was owing to his want of military skill that Buda was allowed to be laid siege to, and in a great measure destroyed; and, in short, that it was to him and to the grand vezír, Jeráh Páshá’s, mismanagement, conjointly, the whole of the misfortunes which befell the orthodox troops during the late campaign were to be attributed, it was considered wise to remove both from their respective offices. Ibrahím Páshá, though more than once deposed from the grand vezírship, was yet considered a man of great talent and strength of mind, fully competent to fulfil the duties of the premiership, and at the same time those of commander-in-chief. He was therefore again created grand vezír, and the seals were accordingly sent to him. This appointment took place on the 9th of Jemadi II. Jeráh Páshá was sick when this resolution passed, and did not of course attend the diván on that occasion. He was, however, carried to the palace of the chancellor, where the accusation against him was read to him, and he was informed, pro formâ, that he was deposed.

Four months after Ibrahím’s appointment to the premiership, it was determined that he should assume the office of commander-in-chief also, and proceed to Hungary. Kapúdán Khalíl Páshá, the káímakám, and Jeghala Zádeh, Sinán Páshá, the second kapúdán, attended to the necessary arrangements for the new army, which the grand vezír and commander-in-chief was to conduct to Hungary. This new army left Constantinople on the 27th of Shevál. Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, ághá of the Janissaries, commanded six divisions of the household troops: the victorious banners were unfurled, and a declaration of war was immediately issued.

Hasan Beg Zádeh informs us in his history that the winter was so excessively cold when Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the late commander-in-chief, commenced his journey back, that it was with great difficulty he was enabled to reach Constantinople. On his arrival there, he found Ibrahím Páshá firmly installed in the office of grand vezír, and busily employed in the discharge of the duties of that high and important station. It was said, however, that in consequence of the asylum of the world having hesitated about advancing from the home treasury the necessary supply of money required for carrying on the war, the noble commander-in-chief delayed his departure for some time; and that, as a last resource, he had applied to the emperor’s spiritual guide in the most earnest manner to get his master to grant the supply required. The reverend effendí, in the greatest haste, and under the pretext of calling a council, wrote to all the great men to meet, and to them he made a representation of the urgency of the commander-in-chief’s demand. The empress-mother also lent her aid, and the thing at last was agreed to. Borhán Effendí was appointed defterdár to the army: Lám Alí Chelebí defterdár to the governor of Constantinople: Okjí Zádeh was made secretary: and Mudehí Chelebí was appointed Reïs-ul-ketáb. Other appointments also took place. The all potent commander-in-chief and the ághá of the Janissaries proceeded on their march towards the seat of war. On reaching Selivría, Abúlsa’úd Zádeh Effendí died, and the Muftí Effendí, through the intercession of the father of the emperor’s principal eunuch, was appointed to the presidency of Romeili; the grand vezír had, however, appointed before this Ma’súm Effendí to the same office. Músá Chelebí, son of Mohammed Effendí, was deposed from the office of high treasurer, and Borhán was appointed in his stead. The latter, after having provided for the army as far as Adrianople, returned to the metropolis. The ághá of the Janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, separated from the grand army at Chatalija, and marched his troops by way of Kirk Kilis to Belgrade.

_Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá murdered. Etmekjí Zádeh imprisoned._

Ibrahím Páshá, on his journey to Hungary, reached Adrianople in the space of twelve days after his departure from Constantinople, whither Etmekjí Zádeh Mohammed Páshá, who had been degraded from the office of treasurer, which he held during the last war, had also come, but who kept himself concealed. By means of Ibrahím’s lieutenant, Mohammed Ketkhodá, he was introduced to the serdár or commander-in-chief, and by means of large presents he got himself appointed high treasurer in room of Borhán, whom the serdár contrived to send to Uskúb. But this, however, was only the affair of a month; for a royal letter soon arrived which ordered him to be apprehended and the whole of his property to be confiscated. This order was issued in consequence of a report which had been sent to his majesty respecting his conduct and demerit; and the result would have been equally the same some time before it did take place, had it not been secretly delayed for awhile.

Hasan Beg Zádeh says, that when the serdár had arrived in the plains of Philippopolis he received some account of some manœuvres carried on between his royal highness the khán of the Tátárs and his predecessor, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. They had concocted a scheme prejudicial to the interests of the Ottoman empire; the result of their manœuvring, however, was fatal to Satúrjí. The serdár passed through Philippopolis and arrived in the plains of Sofia, where he halted, and sent for the ághá of the Janissaries, who was a stage or two in advance, and held a consultation with him relative to some important affairs connected with the object of the expedition. The ághá afterwards returned to his troops. The commander-in-chief, it is to be observed, however, had received injunctions from the court of Constantinople to deprive Satúrjí of his life, the execution of which was committed to the ághá above-mentioned, who was also instructed to accomplish this commission on his arrival at Belgrade, where Satúrjí then was. This said ághá made all the haste he was able; and on the 12th of Dhu’l hijja, when he reached Hisárjik, near Belgrade, the serdár, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, sent some of his ághás and other officers with their troops as far as the plains of Belgrade to meet the ághá; unconscious all the while that his head was devoted. His friend, the khán, had sent him an invitation to come to him, and even warned him of his danger, but his mind was totally indifferent to all danger; in consequence, moreover, of his having received some friendly letters which had been sent him in the name of the new serdár, though the serdár neither wrote nor sent them, he heedlessly confided himself to the very person instructed to take away his life. The ághá, to accomplish the deed, prepared a feast and invited Satúrjí and his great men to dine with him at Hisárjik. On their arrival they were individually presented with a robe, and other tokens of respect which were conferred on them. Whilst they were thus cheered and elated by the kindness of their host, and harbouring no suspicion in their minds, this very host suddenly drew out of his pocket the royal document or rather death-warrant, and caused his soldiers, who were in readiness to obey, to slay the whole of his guests in cold blood. Thus ended the unfortunate and afflicted life of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The cheerful feast became to him and his associates the feast of death. His lieutenant, Ibrahím, was sick, and did not accompany his superior; and when he learned his fate, he went on board a vessel with Satúrjí’s khatíb, his friend, and put himself under the protection of his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea. He so terrified the khán with the horrible stories he related to him, that he resolved on setting out for his own country, and was only prevented from doing so by some of his own mirzás, who were not so easily alarmed.

In the meantime the commander-in-chief continued his march towards Belgrade; and when he arrived at Batchina a messenger from the ághá met him and informed him of the fate of Satúrjí. His whole property, and that of his lieutenant, were seized and registered; at the same time orders were also given to take possession of Etmekjí Zádeh’s property, who was still at Belgrade, in order that that, as well as the property of the other two, might be examined. On the 17th of Dhu’l hijja the grand vezír and commander-in-chief reached the plains of Belgrade.

Etmekjí Zádeh, who, we have seen, was ordered to be imprisoned and his property confiscated, lay without hope at this very time in prison at Belgrade; but some who were well acquainted with the state of affairs, and the necessities of the army in regard to their being properly supplied with every thing requisite for their expedition into the enemy’s country, as well as Etmekjí Zádeh’s fitness for this and similar objects, obtained his release, and had him reinstated in his former office. By the vigilance which he manifested in the discharge of his duty he afforded no ground of uneasiness or discontent to the Moslem troops, as he had done in the late campaign. He took good care that the treasury and other departments under his inspection and management were properly attended to.

The grand vezír remained at Belgrade till about the end of the month last-mentioned (Dhu’l hijja), and saw that all the magazines and storehouses were well filled with all sorts of provisions: he also put a number of boats into a state of preparation.

_Strange conduct of the new Grand Vezír Ibrahím Páshá._

It is related by Alája Mohammed Aghá that he himself, at the time Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá was killed, was present with Ibrahím Páshá when on his way to Belgrade. His words are: “I was present in an assembly, called together by the Páshá, when it was announced that Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá was murdered. The Páshá fell into a great rage, and asked furiously who had brought the intelligence. ‘It is false: it is totally without foundation,’ said he, and then again asked the person who announced it: ‘whence and from whom have you received this story?’ When the informer was about to say that he had been a witness to the deed, the commander-in-chief broke out again in a furious rage and said: ‘behold, this infidel utters falsehood in our presence; by the head of the emperor, if this story turns out to be false you shall be punished with death.’ After having thus exhausted his fury upon the informer, he turned to the persons who composed the assembly, and thus addressed them: ‘Muselmans, what an unlikely story is this! That an ághá of the Janissaries should be guilty of the murder of so celebrated a vezír as Satúrjí, without the emperor’s permission and unknown to me, is unworthy of a moment’s belief: it is false.’ So great, indeed, was the rage into which he put himself, that he actually foamed at the mouth like a rabid animal.” The same historian goes on to say, that at this time he stood before him, and on the páshá’s beckoning to him to approach him he obeyed. “Go,” said the grand vezír, “and whereever you find Etmekjí Zádeh take him to your tent and make him your prisoner.” The narrator adds: “I immediately went in search of him and found him in the tent of the ketkhodá. On asking him to accompany me he got up, and we talked together till we arrived at my tent, when I invited him to step in. He immediately appeared confused”—for this Alája Mohammed Aghá was the chief executioner—“and asked the reason of his inviting him into his tent. On informing him of the nature of the firmán which had been sent to me regarding him, he instantly sent a person to inform the ketkhodá of what had happened to him. The ketkhodá got into a violent passion at the conduct of the ághá, and went directly to the serdár and complained of him. The serdár swore he knew nothing of the matter, and said it was false. ‘What is the ághá of a regiment,’ said he, ‘that he should, without my permission, be so bold as to put a defterdár into confinement;’ and many more words to the same effect. He then called the ághá, asked him if he had done so and so, and by whose authority he had so acted; and turning to the members of his diván, said: ‘look, ye members of the diván, what times have appeared, that an ághá of a regiment, without right or necessity, should take it upon him to imprison a public functionary of so high rank as that of Etmekjí Zádeh! I will certainly have him slain.’ After having thus poured contumely on the poor ághá, he looked him in the face, and exclaimed: ‘you infidel;’ then pressed his thumb in the palm of his hand, and ordered him to be conveyed to prison: but he soon caused him to be released again.” The same narrator says, there was no end to the strange, deceitful, and injurious actions of which this ághá was guilty. Etmekjí Zádeh found opportunity afterwards, however, of getting the aforesaid ághá examined; his property, even to his bed, sold, and himself degraded in the public estimation.

_Some other events of this year._

By some delusion of the devil, a fellow, under the pretext that he was Sultán Soleimán, son of Selím II., who had been put to death, began to exercise royal authority in one or two cities and villages in the neighbourhood of Constantinople; but he was seized, his head cut off, and his miserable body suspended from a tree.

This year, in the month of Rabia II., five French galleys, laden with troops and military stores, entered by mistake into the harbour of the island of Scio, and overpowered the garrison of that place. In consequence of a strong gale of wind, however, these galleys were driven from their moorings, and finally out to sea. Four hundred Frenchmen were thus left upon the island, and these the inhabitants, after the galleys had disappeared, slew with the edge of the sword.

In the month of Ramazán the emperor of Túrán (Scythia), Abdulkhán, by means of his superior army took possession of the kingdom of Khorasán, but was soon afterwards called to visit the world of spirits, when his son Abdulmo’min reigned in his stead. The Usbek Tátárs not having been satisfied with his administration, however, murdered him, and called Núrud-dín Mohammed Khán, surnamed _Telún Khán_, to the government of Túrán and Khorasán.

This same year also, the sháh of Persia, Sháh Abbás, marched his forces against him into Khorasán, and slew him at Herat. He subdued also the whole of that province, which contained twenty-four places of strength. Under a show of justice, and of fidelity to the Ottoman court, he sent an embassy to Constantinople, making an offer of them as a present to the emperor.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1008. H.

_Account of Ibrahím Páshá’s further operations._

In the beginning of Moharrem (the first month of the Mohammedan year) the commander-in-chief Ibrahím Páshá, after having given orders respecting all the boats and vessels at Belgrade, marched forward in the utmost haste to the plains of Zimnún, where he encamped. On the 18th he reached Usk, where he remained nearly a whole week. On the 24th he crossed the bridge of that place, and reached the plains of Mehaj on the 27th. Here he was joined by Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, and by Alí Páshá, the beglerbeg of Rika. On the 29th the serdár reviewed his army.

His royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, having been much afflicted in consequence of the death of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and having been also very much perplexed on account of the share he had had in his affairs, did not, on this occasion, join the grand army with his auxiliary Tátárs. The fear he had entertained on this score, as well as on account of some other parts of his conduct, strongly inclined him to retire to his own country, lest he should be incarcerated, and thus meet a fate similar to that which his late coadjutor, Satúrjí, had met. In this moment of perplexity and doubt his mind was completely relieved by the sight of handsome presents, which were brought him by Ahmed Páshá, of Michaelej, Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, and by the ághá of the Salihdárs, who also, with great deference and respect, invited him to join the grand army.

After a week’s halt at Mehaj, the grand army, on the 7th of Sefer, moved forward to Banús, and were there met by Bálukjí Zádeh Mustafa, accompanied by a messenger from Transylvania. On the 11th, the army encamped at the head of a lake near the banks of the Danube, where the commander-in-chief was apprized by letters from his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, that the court of Vienna had sent him proposals of peace. On the 21st he encamped in the plains of Ján Kúturán. On this day (about the 19th of August) commenced the season of autumn. On the fourth day after the above date, his royal highness reached the opposite shores of the Danube, when his excellency the commander-in-chief stepped into a boat and crossed over to pay him his respects. At this stage, two pieces of cannon, which had been abandoned by the enemy, were brought to the royal camp by the warriors of Alba Julia. On the 27th, the army encamped with great eclat in the plains of Kiris Elias, near Buda, and the Tátár army went to Pest, which lies on the other side of the Danube. The navy which was ordered from Belgrade also arrived. The inhabitants of Buda were inspired with courage and joy at the sight of such an army and fleet as those which now presented themselves before them. The beglerbeg of Buda having also arrived with provisions from Kupán, orders were issued that same day for commencing a bridge across the Danube. For accomplishing this object, a considerable body of men were sent to Kizil-hisár to cut down trees. Orders were also issued to put the grain and flour which had arrived into granaries in Buda. The bridge above-mentioned was finished in four days, and the grand army passed over to Pest. The serdár crossed over on the 7th of Rabia II., having previously formed the resolution of attacking the contemptible infidels, who happened to be posted at Jegirdilin, opposite to Osterghún. On the same day, a beautiful horse, with rich furniture, a splendidly ornamented dagger, and a number of other costly presents, were sent to his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea. On the same day also, Jánbúlád Zádeh Hasan Páshá joined the royal camp with the troops under his command. On the 10th of the month, the grand army reached Amrúdlí. But the infidels of Wáj set fire to this place during the night, and fled. On the 21st, whilst the grand army remained encamped in the vicinity of Wáj, messengers arrived from the enemy’s camp, proposing that the Moslem grand army should postpone any further movement for the space of three days, in order to bring about, if possible, a pacification. When the third day arrived, the messenger waited first on the khán, and afterwards on the serdár, when Murád Páshá, Ahmed Aghá, belonging to his royal highness the khán, and Mohammed Ketkhodá were appointed commissioners, and ordered to proceed to the enemy’s camp or tábúr, and negociate a peace. They returned, however, in two days afterwards without having accomplished any thing; and the Moslem army, without any further delay, put themselves again in motion, passed under Novograde, situate on a hill, without having sustained the least injury from the cannon of that fortress; and arriving at a new palanka near Waragil, on the banks of the Danube, opposite Vishégrade, they found it deserted by the enemy’s troops who had held it in possession. The inhabitants endeavoured to escape, but were all either killed or made prisoners. This palanka was surrounded on three sides with a morass: the whole of its cannon and powder fell into the hands of the Moslems, who set fire to the place and burned it to the ground. Waragil, on the following day, was evacuated, in like manner, and burned: nothing but the badness of the roads saved the infidels of Waragil from experiencing the fate of those of the palanka.

By this time, the infidel army discovered, as they thought, that the Moslems meditated an attack on them about the 20th, and conjecturing they would endeavour to cross by the two bridges which they had erected below Osterghún, they stationed some of their bravest men in that quarter, in order to resist them. The serdár, however, pursued the plan he had first formed, and without a moment of unnecessary delay, made towards Jegirdilin, where a considerable number of the enemy was concentrated. Mohammed Khetkhodá thought it would be more advisable to postpone any attack on the enemy for a day or so, and the khán was of a similar opinion. The serdár, therefore, delayed; but on the 22nd he entered with his grand army the plains of Jegirdilin, which so terrified the infidels that they quickly crossed the river and concentrated themselves somewhere below Jegirdilin, but found that the two bridges which had been erected there had been cut down. A number of sick men whom they had left behind were all put to the sword: the grand army advanced upon Osterghún.

In order to deceive the Moslems, and to retard their progress, the project of negociating a peace was again had recourse to. The serdár having received letters to this effect, he appointed Murád Páshá, Mohammed Khetkhodá, and Ahmed Aghá to proceed to the head-quarters of the enemy and negociate with the Archduke Matthias, the Palfi, and the Groof. The Moslem commissioners laboured to get Agria exchanged for Osterghún, but their proposals were received with coldness, and insurmountable objections started, so that the Moslem commissioners had to return without accomplishing any thing. Both parties, indeed, withdrew from the conference, and the enemy retired to Komran.

The commander-in-chief, in a council of the khán’s omerá, determined, in consequence of the royal firmán for carrying on the war this year having restricted him to a depredatory mode of warfare, on putting this method into execution. Accordingly, he sent off a number of warlike troops along with a Tátár army into the enemy’s territories, to destroy and seize what they could.

On the 2nd of Rabia II. the army crossed the rivers Abyúl and Warad, and on the 5th reached the lake of Segmehal, near Uiwar. The predatory army before-mentioned succeeded in making a number of captives, and seizing some cattle, but by no means to the extent so powerful an army was expected to have done. Whilst the serdár remained at Segmehal, the beglerbegs went to Uiwar, and there learned for certain that the enemy had retired to Komran.

As the winter was setting in, the ághás of the regiments were put in mind of this, and instructed to return home. In the Nokhbeh Tarikh it is said, the grand army returned on the 28th of Rabia II. to Jegirdilin, passed by Filk and Khutván, and arrived at Pest on the 6th of Rabia II., when each hired soldier received, in lieu of provisions, two pieces of gold. On the 14th they reached Buda, when his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Tátárs of the Crimea, took his leave, and set out for his own dominions. The exalted commander-in-chief did all he could to dissuade him, but in vain. His royal highness was certainly not well pleased, and when he was urged to remain he replied, that the time for the Tátár army to retire had arrived; and accordingly he set off. It does not appear that there was any particular intimacy between the khán and the serdár, though the latter was not wanting either in politeness or attention. The fact is (for what reason does not appear), that the khán was never once pleasant, nor even showed an agreeable countenance. He never once entered the serdár’s tent, and their intercourse, for the most part, was on horseback.

The grand army, after passing through Geshgæmida, Sonbúr, and Baj, arrived on the 22nd at a place opposite to Fúidwar, where they were met by kapújís from Constantinople, who brought the serdár intelligence of the death of the learned and reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, and of the appointment of Sinán Effendí in his stead; also that Yúsuf Páshá, whilst conducting back the boats and vessels to Belgrade, had been attacked by a party of the enemy, in which struggle Yúsuf Páshá fell to rise no more. On the 25th the army reached Agria, of deceitful name,[6] where they halted a few days to thwart any further mischievous purpose which the enemy might have against their boats. It began to be reported that the odious Michael had subdued the whole of Transylvania. On the 29th letters were brought to the serdár which confirmed this report. On the 3rd of Jemadi II. the serdár crossed the bridge of Waradin, at which place he caused the household troops to be paid their wages. On the 7th he reached the plains of Belgrade. Here the ághá of the janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, took his leave of the serdár and departed for the metropolis. The troops of Anatolia and the rest of the army were allowed to go into winter quarters at Belgrade.

By the good providence of God the army, notwithstanding the great heat and droughts, returned without having sustained any particular hardships in this campaign.

_The French soldiers stationed at Papa join the Osmánlís._

About three thousand of the French troops who had been sent to assist the Germans against the Osmánlís, were appointed to garrison the fortress of Papa. Having been in this fortress for about a whole year, and having received no wages for the service which they had rendered, they quarrelled with the Hungarian soldiers of that place, had frequent sharp skirmishes with them, and at last slew them. On this account they applied to Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, who was at Buda, and offered to deliver up Papa to him if he would agree to pay them the wages which were due to them. They made a similar application to Dervísh Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, and who was stationed at Alba Julia. Mohammed Páshá complied with the request of these Frenchmen, and sent his lieutenant, Abdí Aghá, with four hundred men, and also the beg of Alba Julia, Arnáúd Hasan Páshá, with his troops to support the above renegadoes against all who came against them, and to avenge the death of their brethren. The Moslem aid which was thus sent them did it effectually; for they slew all who came to oppose them, carried away with them all their wives and children, and distributed them for slaves among those of the troops who had been most active. Three of the most respectable and most honourable of these captives they sent, under the charge of Hasan Páshá, to Belgrade. In the meantime a statement of the amount of wages due to the Frenchmen by the Austrian government, and which amounted to fifty thousand pieces of gold, and for which they had stipulated to deliver up Papa to the Osmánlís, was sent off to Constantinople without any unnecessary delay. The government readily agreed to the proposal; but before the money could be sent to them, the Germans surrounded Papa with cannon and soldiers, so that, in fact, neither the money nor any thing else could be sent to them. The poor Franks remained more than a month in this besieged condition, and thinking it hopeless to wait any time longer in this state of suspense and danger, they, under covert of the night, secretly left the fortress, and tried to escape to the mountains near Alba Julia, about six leagues distant. Not being acquainted with the road, they were soon overtaken by German and Hungarian soldiers, who slew the greater part of them. Nevertheless, five or six hundred of them, who escaped falling into the hands of their pursuers, eventually found their way to Alba Julia in a very weak and wounded condition. Five hundred of them remained at Alba Julia, and the remainder went or were sent to the serdár or commander-in-chief. This account of the Frenchmen of Papa is taken from the Fezliké, but Hasan Beg Zádeh and Abdulkádír relate the story somewhat differently.

From their account of the fact it appears, that the French who had garrisoned Papa had written to Dervísh Páshá, proposing to deliver up that fortress on the condition of receiving a sum equal to what was due to them by the Austrian government; also of being received into regular pay, and that pay to be regularly paid to them at the end of every three months. Their number amounted, they stated, to two thousand, and they promised to be every way serviceable to their new masters, provided their offer was accepted. Sixty thousand ducats was the sum they demanded, which the exalted serdár agreed should be advanced to them, and immediately sent an account of the whole affair to the court of Constantinople. The money required, and ten thousand ducats in addition, for paying travelling expenses, were sent to Dervísh Páshá, who sent it to the Franks. To the principal or leading man among these Franks, who was a cardinal, a gold chain was sent along with the sixty thousand ducats. As soon as the money and the gold chain were delivered to the Franks, they put the Osmánlís in possession of Papa and immediately joined Dervísh Páshá. They were afterwards escorted by one of the ághás to Belgrade, where they entered into the service of the Turks. The exalted serdár some time afterwards showed them very great respect in the siege of Kaniza, they being the very first who entered the trenches on that occasion. The same night on which they entered into these trenches, the serdár gave them fifty thousand ducats over and above the pay which was due to them. This race was found most active and useful in the following campaigns, and were always preferred to other infidels. Several hundreds of them afterwards accompanied Sultán Osmán Khán in his wars, and were most serviceable to him whilst engaged against the northern nations. These French or Franks did not kill in the ordinary way. Such of the Russians and Cossacks as fell into the hands of the Moslems were delivered over to these Franks, who first fixed them alive on spits, and then roasted them before a fire, turning them round and round till they perished by the process.

_Laudable qualities of Ibrahím Páshá._

Petchoghli says that Ibrahím Páshá, the commander-in-chief, was a man of exemplary humility, possessing great benignity of nature and extreme meekness. So great was his compassion and commiseration when any one was brought before him for any crime, that he not unfrequently betrayed weakness. On a certain occasion, when some peasants were brought into his presence for rising up against the cazí of Púzgha and murdering him, he took the blame to himself, and gave them a certificate which signified that he had given them permission to perpetrate the crime of killing the cazí. The reason he alleged for having acted thus was, that if the peasants of the borders were too strictly dealt with, they would, to escape the process of examination, go over to the enemy. He manifested on several occasions similar compassion and forbearance towards many of the enemy when they were brought before him.

It belongs to this part of our history to observe, that in Rabia II. of this year, the janissaries of Shám (Syria) having exercised excessive oppression towards the poor inhabitants of the province of Haleb under the pretext of raising taxes, the governor, Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, beglerbeg of Haleb, in order to suppress this mode of oppression, caused seventeen of these Syrian janissaries to be seized and put to death. This circumstance, however, gave rise to very serious commotions afterwards, and was the cause of the shedding of much innocent blood.

The Georgian nation also revolted this year. Simon, the Hákim or governor of this province, a faithless infidel, raised the standard of rebellion and suddenly attacked Gúri, which he soon obliged to submit to him; and afterwards razed part of the city to its foundation. By the assistance of God, however, the governor-general of Tabríz and Ván, Ja’fer Páshá, succeeded in getting him into his power, put him in irons, cut off the head of Alexander, another of the Georgian princes, seized upon his sons, and sent them along with Simon to Constantinople. Simon was confined in the Seven Towers, but soon afterwards embraced the Moslem faith. He died during the reign of Sultán Ahmed Khán.

Among the events which took place during this period, the following is worthy of being remarked. There lived in Constantinople a certain Jewess, who by means of an unlawful traffic acquired notoriety, and was the means of seducing and corrupting several individuals of some note. Her corrupt practices awakened the displeasure of the spáhís, who raised a tumult, and prevailed upon the governor of the city, Khalíl Páshá, to deliver her up, in order that the evil of which they complained might be removed. The governor, who seemed to have some fear of this wretch’s wickedness, and thinking it probable the queen-mother might hear of her, ordered Kazánjí Zádeh, a Chávush báshí, to go and demolish her dwelling. He did so; and not only caused her children to be seized, but also hurried them and her away to the governor. They had no sooner reached the stairs of the senate-house than the spáhís lost all patience, drew their weapons, and murdered every one of them. Their odious carcases were thrown out into the Meidán. But the perpetrators did not stop here. They cut off the Jewess’ hands, the instruments of bribery and corruption, and nailed them to the door of some of those who had been involved in her crimes. The emperor, however, was much offended at the shameless violence which the spáhís had exhibited, and therefore removed Khalíl Páshá from his office for not having restrained them. He appointed the eunuch Háfiz Páshá in his stead.

_Concerning Abulhelím._

This person, commonly called Karah Yázijí, or Scrivano, was one of the principal actors in the rebellion which began to rage in the east.

Whilst the Moslem army was necessarily employed in repelling the aggressions of the Hungarians and protecting its frontiers from the inroads of these and other infidels, several insurrections broke out in the east. Karah Yázijí, known by the name of Abdulhelím, the commander of a cohort, headed a band of lawless and disaffected peasants, and unfurled the standard of rebellion in the district of Rohá.

This same Yázijí was formerly beglerbeg of Ethiopia. Towards the close of 1007, when Hasan Páshá was called on by the court of Constantinople to give an account of his maladministration in Anatolia, the deputy of Caramania, Mohammed Chávush, went with a thousand men to chastise him; and after an hour or two’s fighting, dispersed Yázijí and his band of rebels. Yázijí fled to Iconium.

When the government of Constantinople heard of these things, it appointed Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, and third vezír, to the office of commander-in-chief of all the Asiatic troops; and he immediately sailed for Alexandria.

When the new commander-in-chief arrived in the vicinity of Iconium, he found that Hasan Páshá was two stages in advance of him, and had joined himself to Karah Yázijí, who had subverted the fortress of Rohá. Mohammed Páshá soon surrounded Rohá, and was not long in forcing Yazijí to terms of accommodation. Yázijí was promised permission to return to his own sanják on condition of his first delivering up Hasan Páshá, which he accordingly did by letting him down by the wall of the fortress: thus sacrificing his friend to save himself. Yazijí, without any further ceremony or security, set off for Amasiah (a city in Cappadocia), that being the sanják assigned to him.

It has been said of Karah Yazijí, that on finding that all his lead was expended during the siege, he caused dollars to be melted down and made into balls; and that it was only after these had been also expended he was necessitated to sue for peace. Hasan Páshá was carried in chains to Constantinople, had his hands and feet cut off in the diván, was afterwards mounted on a beast of burden and exposed through the streets of the city, and lastly, was empaled at the Woodgate as a public spectacle.

Karah Yazijí not thinking himself secure, and fearing Mohammed Páshá might be disposed to take vengeance upon him for his former practices, again commenced to exercise cruelty and to excite rebellion; and it was only after Mohammed Páshá’s lieutenant and several other ághás had perished by his hands, that he was at last overpowered by the serdár, Mohammed Páshá, himself. He now fled into the district of Sivás, and fortified himself in the mountains which border on that district. The winter season having arrived, Mohammed Páshá went into winter-quarters at Diárbeker, determining that as soon as the winter was over he would pursue the fugitive into his strong-holds.

In the meantime, however, Mahmúd Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, went to Constantinople, and not only succeeded in obtaining a suspension of hostilities against the wicked rebel, Karah Yazijí, but was himself, in consequence of his representation, again received into favour. He made it appear that his rebellion was owing to Mohammed Páshá’s tyranny, and that it was on this account he had gone into the mountains. He, in fact, represented him as a man worthy of important trust. The mufti and the káímakám were so thoroughly persuaded of the truth of this representation, that he was not only forgiven, but advanced to the sanják of Chorum. When Mahmúd returned to Sivás, he and Karah Yazijí were both employed in quelling the turbulence and insubordination which existed throughout the country. The commander-in-chief, Mohammed Páshá, was recalled. Hasan Beg Zádeh says that Chelebí Kází, the son of Siná allah Effendí’s brother, had received large sums of money from Karah Yazijí, and that he eagerly laboured by his representations, not only to procure a pardon for Yazijí, but also obtained the sanják of Chorum for him. He used his utmost efforts also to get Mohammed Páshá removed from office.

_The state of Yemen._ (Arabia-felix.)

After the beglerbeg of Yemen, Hasan Páshá, had completely subdued, in a series of battles, the rebels of that country who had raised the standard of rebellion against the Ottoman government, the chief amongst them, who appeared in the name of Imám Mehdí, and several other Arabs, suffered death by decapitation; and the whole of his followers were visited by retributive justice. The governor of Kokbán, Mohammed, and the governor of Haja, Abd ur rahmán, having returned to their obedience, afforded their aid to Sinán, the deputy, who was there left to quell all disturbance, and things soon became quiet and settled.

_Ibrahím Páshá’s movements against Kaniza._

About the return of spring, and after the celebration of a religious fast, which was about that time observed at Belgrade, the exalted serdár, or commander-in-chief, pitched his camp in the plains of that city, where he remained for the space of a month, making all the necessary preparations for commencing a new campaign, and also to afford time to the other troops to join the royal camp. Tarnákjí Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, the ághás of other regiments, and officers of artillery, left the metropolis for Belgrade, about the commencement of Dhu’l hijja of the last year, and reached the royal camp towards the end of the same month. In consequence also of royal letters which had been transmitted to his highness the khán of the Crimea, he furnished a considerable supply of Tátár troops; and it was not long before the serdár was informed that the troops which his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, had supplied, and which amounted to several thousands, had arrived, under the command of a sultán, in the neighbourhood of Belgrade.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1009, H.

All things being now in readiness, the grand army removed from the plains of Belgrade, crossed the Save towards the end of Moharrem, and encamped in the plains of Zimnún; whence boats loaded with provisions were forthwith sent to Buda. On the grand army’s arrival at the seventh stage of its journey, it was determined to march upon Usk, with the view of reducing Osterghún.

It is necessary to observe, that the infidels of Kaniza (Canischa, in Hungary) were in the habit of perpetrating murders and committing robberies on both sides of the Drave and of the Danube, and, in short, had become very proud and exceedingly troublesome. Persons either going to, or coming from, the mills of Belgrade, were frequently attacked or carried off. About this time, or a little before it, they burned down to the ground a palanka called Púrnawar, not far from the bridge on the Save, by which the Moslem grand army had crossed that river, and committed some other devastations besides. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá, who had been removed from Buda, and who at this time lived at Petcheví, no sooner heard of these cruelties than he immediately set out with a party of his followers in pursuit of the incendiaries, and on coming up to them on the banks of the Drave, they fled across a bridge, and afterwards destroyed it. This did not save them; for Hasan Páshá and his men crossed the river on rafts, again pursued the fugitives, killed some of them, made others of them prisoners, and the remainder of the vile incendiaries perished in the Drave, and so went to hell. The páshá and his men, after having performed these praiseworthy exploits, repaired with flying colours to the camp of the grand army, carrying their prisoners along with them, and for which service the serdár immediately granted the páshá his due meed of praise. He made some enquiry of the captives relative to the condition and strength of the enemy, to attack which the Moslem army had so far advanced. The exalted serdár, in a council of his great officers, when the subject concerning the reduction of Osterghún was adverted to, said: “Behold, great preparations have been made, many difficulties have been overcome, and just as we were on the eve of entering the enemy’s territories, these infidels of Kaniza have destroyed the bridge by which the Moslem army was to pass on its return. I am much concerned on this account, and therefore think it of the utmost importance that Búbofché, which is not far off, should be first reduced. This effected, we shall be able to command the whole of this quarter by placing a garrison in it, and, at the same time, keep the road to Buda open.” All the military chiefs, princes, and ághás approved of this proposal, and the serdár’s mind was bent on vanquishing Kaniza. Accordingly, Hasan Páshá, after the above consultation, set his men in order, crossed the bridge at Usk, and sent his heroes towards Búbofché.

At this juncture of affairs, Dimoo, the odious Michael’s messenger, arrived in the camp with letters and presents for the court of Constantinople, (for Michael had submitted himself before this to the Osmánlís,) and along with the reïs effendí, Hamza Effendí, set out for that city on the 16th of Sefer, the day on which the army crossed the bridge of Usk on its way to Shuklúshka, where they took among other things an eighteen wakáyat cannon.[7] From Shuklúshka, a considerable number of troops under the command of the beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Murád Páshá, and Ketkhodá Mohammed, were ordered to advance upon Búbofché and lay siege to it. On the arrival of the army before Búbofché, the infidels made some little display of courage, by impetuously rushing forth upon the Moslems, who had just commenced the siege. In this sortie, one of the Mohammedan leaders fell a martyr, _viz._ the beg of Sigetwar, Delí Nasúh Beg. After they were repulsed, the Moslems commenced filling up the ditch which surrounded it, and in three days afterwards the serdár appeared with the grand army before Sigetwar. The contemptible enemy within this fortress, when they heard that the serdár was coming to attack them, were so powerfully overcome by terror that they yielded it up without resistance. Mohammed Ketkhodá conducted them all to Novograde, on the lake Platten. In the meantime, the serdár passed through Petcheví from Shuklúshka, and halted at Sigetwar. From each of these fortresses he took some pieces of cannon, and on arriving before Búbofché he found it occupied by his own troops.

In a council held at Búbofché some concern was expressed regarding Buda, when Hasan Páshá said: “Thank God, Búbofché has been conquered on very easy terms. It was the key, on this side, to Mekumúriah, and the places of strength on the sea of Platten. Kaniza is the strong-hold of the infidels in that quarter. If it can be easily reduced, a great advantage in such a case will be obtained. Let us, therefore, whilst the enemy in that quarter has no suspicion of our movements, advance and take it at once.” The rest of the chiefs concurred in these sentiments of Hasan: but the serdár again expressed some doubts respecting the safety of Buda and the country adjacent. The chiefs, however, were decided. “Let Hasan Páshá,” said they, “be sent to Buda and attend to its safety: we are determined on marching against Kaniza.” Hasan Páshá, accordingly, set out that very day for Buda. Lála Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, and who had occupied Buda, was ordered to join the royal camp with the troops under his command. Taking five large pieces of cannon from Buda, and a party of those Frenchmen formerly mentioned, he marched by way of Kopan to join the grand army. On his way thither, he came upon a palanka, which after two days’ fighting he took, and destroyed every soul he found within it: for those who occupied this palanka were peasants who had thrown off their allegiance to the Ottomans. The palanka called Lawah they found deserted, took possession of it, and soon afterwards joined the royal camp, which had now arrived before Kaniza. The serdár, on leaving Búbofché, and arriving in the plains of the palanka of Perezancha, issued orders to the Tátár troops to commence their depredatory mode of warfare, and on the 1st of Rabia II. appeared with his grand army in the plains of Kaniza, where he was joined by Lála Mohammed Páshá and his provincials, as before observed.

This Kaniza (or Chanisca) was a very strong place, situate in an island in the river Brak, which issues from the lake Platten, and unites itself with the Drave. It was most difficult of access, being surrounded on two sides by wood and marsh, which reached to both branches of the river. Cannon could have no effect upon it, on account of the earthen mounds which served as out-works for its protection: neither was it found possible to make any impression upon it by the springing of mines. Nevertheless, the serdár, putting his confidence of success in God, gave orders to form the siege. Every day four or five hundred balls were directed against it, but without any advantage whatever. Seventeen days were spent in battering it at the gate which opens towards Sigetwar with no better success. At length they constructed, by means of branches of trees, a path across the river sufficiently strong and broad to bear a waggon, but it stood only one day. This temporary path or bridge was called Lassa, and was a second time renewed.

On the 15th day of the month, about mid-day, the Moslems were put into a state of consternation and surprize by a most tremendous report, and the sight of huge pieces of rock and earth, as large as the human body, flying through the air, and for the space of two hours Kaniza was enveloped in smoke and dust. After the smoke and dust had cleared away, they perceived that one of its two mighty towers had been carried away. It would appear that the preceding evening, when some of the Moslem prisoners who had been there confined, had been sent to fill up some breaches which by this time had been effected, they saw the door of the powder-magazine standing open, when one of them conveyed a lighted match into this magazine, and so placed it that it might, in the course of some hours, reach the powder. This then was the cause of the Moslems’ surprise. More than one thousand kantars[8] were thus ignited, and produced the explosion described, carrying off by its irresistible force the tower already mentioned, the prison in which lay one hundred and seventy Moslem captives, women and children, the arsenal, and the palace of the prince or governor, and himself along with it. For several days after this catastrophe no guns were fired from the fortress, but they continued the use of their musketry.

In their distress and great amazement they sent word to the king (of Hungary), informing him of what had befallen them, and beseeching him to render them his aid.