Chapter XIII: Part 13

The emperor of Austria continuing to carry on his hostilities in the north, and Sháh Abbás having unfurled the standard of rebellion against the Ottoman empire in the east, it was considered absolutely necessary, in order to support the glory of the empire, to aid in the most vigorous manner the troops which had been sent to both these quarters. Accordingly, on the 1st of Ramazán, the grand vezír, Alí Páshá, was appointed to command the troops employed against the perverse and wicked Hungarians; and, in three days afterwards, he relinquished for a while the premiership. The actual kapúdán, or admiral, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, was appointed at the same time to conduct the Moslem armies against the mixed horde of red-heads (_i. e._ the Persians). These two military heroes made all due preparations for their respective expeditions. Jeghala, with the troops appointed to accompany him from Constantinople, passed over to Scutari on the 15th of Dhu’l hijja. The grand vezír, however, put off his departure till the commencement of the following year. Hasan Beg Zádeh says in his history, that it was in a council held in the grand vezír’s palace that Jeghala Zádeh was appointed to the command of the eastern troops; but that the grand vezír himself, preferring to remain at the helm of affairs, wished some one of the other vezírs to be appointed general against the infidels in the north. He proposed this himself, and added that he would attend to what was necessary for both armies, and send them such a supply of men and arms as they might require. This proposal was not opposed by those who were present on the occasion; but the mufti hearing of it, declared it to be absolutely necessary that the grand vezír himself should take the command; and in a subsequent council, where he was present, maintained that unless the grand vezír took the command nothing would be done. “Therefore,” said he to his face, “you must be the person to take the command of the troops in the north, and setting aside all excuse, you must prepare to set out.” Such was the bold and intrepid way the mufti addressed him, and at length persuaded the emperor to issue his firmán accordingly. The grand vezír, however, tried several methods to rid himself of the appointment; but finding his efforts unsuccessful, he commenced making arrangements for the journey which lay before him.

_A variety of changes in the ecclesiastical and military establishments._

Asa’d Effendí succeeded to the spiritual jurisdiction of Romeili in the room of the mufti’s son-in-law. On the 22d of Dhu’l hijja, the cazí of Constantinople, Káfzádeh Feizallah, was degraded, and his office conferred on Yehiá Effendí. Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Yemen, was appointed, towards the end of Rajab, to the government of Egypt; and his deputy, Sinán Ketkhodá, was made beglerbeg of Yemen in his room.

Kásim Páshá, lately deputy or governor of the Sublime Porte, who, as we have seen, had been anxious to be made grand vezír, was sadly disappointed in his views. The grand vezírship had been conferred by his late majesty on Alí Páshá; and however fit Kásim might have been for holding that high office, yet it could not, without a breach of faith and the most palpable injustice, be conferred on him. His conduct, in fact, showed him, in every point of view to have been wholly unworthy of the high distinction he so ambitiously and so perseveringly sought. He was, however, appointed to hold some office in the city of Baghdád, but neglecting to set off for that city he awakened the displeasure of the grand vezír, who ordered him forthwith to set out for Scutari. Here again he loitered away his time, and it was not till the expiration of several months that he was again forced to proceed. On reaching Yenísheher, he soon began to oppress and tyrannize over the inhabitants in the most shameful manner, but this he expiated with his life. We shall have to advert to this man’s conduct and death when we come to relate the events of the following year. About the end of Shevál, Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Shám (Syria), but had become a vezír, was created beglerbeg of Caramania. Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, who had risen from a defterdár to the rank of beglerbeg, was appointed to the government of Mesir (Egypt); and Mustafa Páshá, son of Rázieh Khán, was raised to the government of Shám. Ferhád Páshá, who at first had been only a bostánjí báshí, but was at this time commandant in Shám, was raised to the beglerbegship of Haleb (Aleppo), and the válí of Haleb to that of Sivás. All these appointments were effected by the instrumentality of Alí Páshá, the grand vezír. Evils resulted from some of those appointments, and there were not wanting a class of persons who were much dissatisfied. Murád Páshá, the heroic commander in Buda, was appointed to a special vezírship; and he, with the vezír Hasan Páshá, who had been válí of Yemen, were recalled to the Sublime Porte. Súfí Sinán Páshá, on whom the dignity of vezír had been conferred, but who had not hitherto had the honour of taking his seat in the diván, was now called on to do so. On the 6th of Dhu’l Kadah, Khoja Ahmed Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, was degraded, and the second kapújí báshí, Nukásh Hasan Aghá, was appointed in his stead.

_Some further account of Delí Hasan (brother of Scrivano)._

To a considerable part of this man’s life and conduct we have already adverted. We have related how he succeeded to the command of the insurgents whom his brother, Karah Yázijí (Scrivano, literally the Black Writer) had headed: how he defeated and slew Hasan Páshá at Tokat. These things are well known; and it is not to be denied, that it was only when it was found impracticable to overcome him by arms that the tempting offer of the government of Bosnia made him at least feign submission. Many were the enormities which this man committed, and his success was wonderful. When he went to Belgrade, as observed in a former section of this work, he sent his lieutenant to Bosna Serái. This deputy, whose name was Kúrd Ketkhodá, had imbibed the spirit of his superior; for he perpetrated the most dreadful acts of tyranny and savage oppression throughout the country of Bosnia. So terrible and so numerous were the base deeds of this execrable fellow, that the inhabitants determined on resistance. It was not long ere an opportunity offered for putting their determination into practice. Having one day seized on a servant belonging to some tanners he put him in chains, and this so roused the resentment of the inhabitants that they all rushed towards his palace and set fire to it. One Khulpil, an apprentice, slew Kúrd Ketkhodá himself, and the whole of his mansion perished with him. The people of Banialúka also, with one consent, drove out of their city such of his creatures as were in it.

As to Delí Hasan himself, he appeared at one time worthy of confidence, and at another the very reverse. Most of the men who had accompanied him from Asia perished in the late war, and those of them who returned with him to Bosnia met with no kind reception there. The inhabitants could not endure the sight of them, and therefore appointed to themselves a leader from among their own emírs, whose name was Sefer. They also wrote to the commander-in-chief, Mohammed Páshá, declaring they were resolved to oppose the tyrants who had come among them; and they kept their word; but in their first attack on Delí Hasan and his barbarians they were worsted. However, gaining experience by their disaster, they were better prepared for a second attempt, in which they were completely triumphant. They not only defeated the barbarians, but seized on the whole of Delí Hasan’s baggage. Delí Hasan escaped with his life with great difficulty by swimming across the deep river which passes Izvernik, and sent Sháh-verdí, his acting lieutenant, to the commander-in-chief at Belgrade with a complaint against the Bosnians. Sháh-verdí, however, never once thought of returning to tell him what success he had met with. The commander-in-chief, more generous than his ambassador, sent him an officer to console him, and afterwards succeeded in persuading the government of Constantinople to appoint him to the jurisdiction of Temisvar in lieu of that of Bosnia.

_Continuation of the account of the war carried on against the heretics.—The Sháh reduces Reván._

We come now to relate, that though the sháh’s troops had been repulsed before Reván in their first attempts against that city, they at last prevailed. The sháh having again resumed his operations against Reván, pressed the besieged exceedingly, and afterwards sent a messenger to the inhabitants, calling upon them to capitulate. The Revánís, however, were not so disposed, and in their zeal slew the messenger, in order to convince the sháh how determined they were. The sháh was exasperated at this, collected his whole force against their city, and redoubled his efforts; and in consequence of his having succeeded in destroying the aqueducts which conveyed water under-ground into the city, he by this means subjected them to a famine of water, a most dreadful privation. They, however, managed to collect so much of this necessary element in wells and ditches within the city, as in some measure to assuage their thirst, and were thus enabled to maintain their defiance of the enemy. Finding, however, that continued resistance only augmented their danger; that their resources were daily becoming less, and that they were wholly cut off from receiving any succour whatever from the Moslem army, they became totally dispirited. Exertion and deaths weakened them so much that the enemy at length, by one vigorous assault, took the city. Many of the Sunnís were made prisoners by the conquerors, but the greater part of them perished by their swords. Thus fell Reván, after a siege of seven weeks. At the commencement of the siege the number of the inhabitants amounted to five or six thousand. One thousand five hundred of this number died in defence of their city, and about five hundred were carried off by death. About one half of the whole became traitors, so that, in fact, only five hundred, at most, was the whole strength of Reván when it fell into the hands of the red-heads.

_The Sháh conquers Shirwán._

According to the celebrated historian, Hasan Beg Zádeh, Ketábjí Omar Páshá succeeded Khádem Hasan Páshá as governor of Shirwán; but he having been deposed, the government was conferred on Mahmúd Páshá, son of Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá. Alája Atlú Hasan Páshá, who had distinguished himself by his bravery and heroism in the wars in Hungary, being appointed to the government of Erzerúm, sent thither one Mustafa Chávush, a relation of his wife, a most extraordinary man, as his deputy, but this man from the severity of his conduct excited the people of Erzerúm, proverbial for their ferocity, to acts of violence. They stoned and banished the poor deputy out of the city, and grasped the whole of his property. The governor himself, on hearing of these outrages, went to Shirwán, but the inhabitants were determined that neither he nor his deputy should enter their city; they however delivered back the things they had seized. Hasan Páshá had no alternative left him but to send a representation of the case to the court of Constantinople, whence he received a letter, appointing him to the government of Shirwán. This new appointment, it would seem, was made before Mahmúd Páshá, also a vezír’s son, and governor of Shirwán, was apprized of his having been superseded by Hasan Páshá. Hasan Páshá, however, having spent about a month before he thought of proceeding to his new government, died ere he commenced the journey, and Mahmúd was confirmed in his superiority of Shirwán. It has been said been said that his death had been occasioned by a poisonous draught administered to him at a feast at which he had been present.

The Kuzil báshes at this time advanced on Shumakhai and took it, and shortly afterwards Shirwán met with the same fate. Mohammed Effendí, who was academical lecturer of Karah Bágh, relates that Sháh Abbás spared neither young nor old, but subjected all to a general slaughter with a recklessness not to be described. Mahmúd Páshá happened to be at Shumakhai when it was attacked, but made his escape to Greece.

_Kars is besieged.—Other acts of hostility by the red-heads._

Hasan Beg Zádeh relates, that when Sháh Abbás had laid siege to Reván, or shortly after, Sheríf Mohammed Páshá, having obtained the promise of personal security, went to wait on the sháh, who in the most cowardly and barbarous manner slew him. It was during the time the sháh was engaged in reducing the above-mentioned city, that a division of the Persian army, under the command of Emír Gunah Khán, was sent to reduce the fortress of Akcha Kalla. Emír Gunah Khán having succeeded in the taking of Akcha Kalla without fighting a single battle, drove the whole of the Armenian peasantry in that quarter to Ispahan. The country around Reván, having fallen into the hands of the enemy, was conferred on this heretical chief.

After the sháh had accomplished the reduction of Reván, he led his forces against Kars, and laid siege to it. The warriors of Kars, and about four hundred Osmánlís, who had escaped thither from Reván, the greater part of whom were wounded, were animated by such a spirit of valour as vigorously to resist the invading host. The perverted sháh was completely enraged; and sent them word, that when he took the place he would not spare one of them.

Kurus, another place, but of less note, also fell into the hands of the enemy, but the poor Musselmans who had escaped were surrounded by Gusah Sefer Páshá, emír of Erzerúm. About this same time also, the enemy attempted the taking of Akhiska, at least they manifested a disposition to do so; but God protected it. Karah Kásh Páshá was, at that time, hákim or governor of Akhiska, and was present in it when this hostile disposition was manifested. Three hundred Persians, who had advanced with full purpose of attacking the above place, took up their quarters in a large dwelling not far from it, in which they gave themselves up to most shameful actions. Thither they collected the females belonging to the Armenian peasantry, and carried on with them the most obscene courses. Their husbands, of course, were enraged at seeing their wives thus used; and, therefore, secretly sent word to Sefer Sheríf Páshá; who, without loss of time, attacked them with the few men who had escaped from Reván. The mode of attack was rather singular: they made a hole in the roof of the house wherein these voluptuous wretches had taken up their quarters, and after they had fairly entered it, they rose up and slew every one of these drunken revellers, who never once dreamt of the destruction that awaited them. Their heads were severed from their bodies and sent to Constantinople.

Sheríf Páshá, and also Karah Kásh Páshá, to whom we have been referring, perished in a defeat which Jeghala Zádeh afterwards sustained. It is said in the Fezliké, however, that the sháh, after he had conquered Reván, shewed very great respect to Sheríf Páshá, and conferred on him the superintendence of the mosques and other religious establishments; and also that Sheríf Páshá spent the remainder of his life at Meshhed. About four hundred families who had accepted of offers which the sháh had made them, were all sent off to Kurus under the charge of Mohammed Páshá, son of Khezer Páshá.

About this period, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, and the commander-in-chief of the Turkish forces in the east, died, and the troops became dispersed; but before we can attend further to the relation of the affairs of the east, we have to commence the events of the following year.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1013, H.

On the 20th of Moharrem, a tremendous earthquake, which happened at Bassra, effected the demolition of the greater number of houses, both inside and outside of the city, and under their ruins many thousand individuals perished.

_The grand vezír, Alí Páshá, sets put for Belgrade._

We have noticed in a former section of this work the great reluctance the grand vezír, Alí Páshá, had evinced against going to the Hungarian wars, and how strenuously he had endeavoured to get his appointment as commander-in-chief over the forces employed on the Hungarian frontiers countermanded, but to no purpose. All he could do or say had no effect in altering the determination of the emperor. He was obliged to proceed. The Bosnian and Romeilian troops, the ághá of the janissaries, six legions of spáhís, and other divisions of troops were appointed to accompany the grand vezír. The lord high treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, was also ordered to join the expedition.

The grand vezír, previous to his departure, appointed Súfí Sinán Páshá his deputy, in room of Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, whom he intended to send to the government of Bosnia. Háfiz Ahmed Páshá retired into a garden on the outside of the city, and there remained five or ten days, under the pretence of waiting for the arrival of camels and mules to enable him to commence his journey to Bosnia. When the prime minister learned, however, that Háfiz Ahmed Páshá delayed in the manner he did, he sent him the most peremptory orders to set out without any further delay. He intimated, moreover, in a note which he afterwards sent him, that his obstinacy would force him to be guilty of shedding blood. “If you will not obey,” said the haughty premier, “I shall come in person and terminate your existence upon earth.” This intimation was enough to convince Háfiz that his life was in actual danger, and he now did all he could to show that he was earnest in obeying the injunctions which had been laid upon him, though he secretly, at the same time, endeavoured to thwart the views of the premier.

The grand vezír, Alí Páshá, at length left Constantinople, and with great pomp and show proceeded to Dávud Páshá, where his tent had been erected for him. The grandees and nobles of every rank accompanied the illustrious commander, and showed him every mark of esteem and respect; and it is certainly true that no vezír ever met with more honour from any emperor than did Alí Páshá from the reigning monarch. On the fifth day of the above month his imperial majesty accompanied the heroic army as far as Halkalú, where he took a view of them from his lofty palace, and admired the splendid appearance they presented. The grand vezír, on this occasion, requested his majesty to order the funds necessary for conducting his army and carrying on the war to be sent him; but whilst waiting at the above place for the anticipated ducats, he received a most threatening royal letter, which intimated to him in the plainest terms, that, if he wished to keep his head on his shoulders, he must not delay his march one single day longer. The grand vezír, compelled to activity, was making arrangements the following day for complying with the threatening intimation which had been sent him, when it began to be rumoured that the bostánjí báshí had been sent by royal orders to call Háfiz Ahmed Páshá to court, and that he was appointed by royal commission to the káímakámship of Constantinople. Súfí Sinán Páshá, who had been appointed to this high office by the grand vezír, as before observed, had actually entered on the duties of the deputyship, and had done the customary obeisance to the emperor after his appointment: such, indeed, was the fact. On the Friday of that week, as Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was performing his devotions, the royal commission appointing him to the deputyship of Constantinople reached him. He accordingly without delay repaired to his own palace, and ordered the diván to meet on the following day. He also sent his saláms (compliments) to Súfí Sinán Páshá, and with the view of making him acquainted with the change his majesty had thought proper to make, desired him likewise to attend. Súfí Sinán, when he saw Háfiz’s messenger, thought, at first, he was come from Alí Páshá, and asked him if the grand vezír had sent him. “No,” said the officer, “it was Háfiz Ahmed Páshá.” “Am I to understand by this message,” asked Súfí Sinán, with some degree of surprise, “that Háfiz is appointed káímakám?” The officer answered in the affirmative. Súfí Sinán, on having his doubts solved, rose up and went to congratulate Háfiz on his appointment, as if he had been altogether a neutral person, and in no way affected by the change.

Early next morning, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá went to the diván, where he caused several propositions to be drawn up in reference to the two holy cities, Mecca and Medina, which were afterwards read in the presence of his majesty. Before the members of the diván had dismissed, however, he caused another paper to be drawn out, wherein he asked permission to go and see the grand vezír. This paper he folded up with the other papers relative to Mecca and Medina, and laid them before the throne; returned to his own palace, he ordered his horse to be in readiness, as he meant, he said, to set out on a journey to Chatálijeh, a considerable distance from Constantinople. The distance however, on the one hand, and the heat of the weather on the other, he considered were so great that he should be unable to be back in time for the meeting of the diván on the following day; he therefore gave up all idea of proceeding, and entering into a secret chamber, commenced talking of visiting his majesty and the grand vezír. Whilst his domestics were wondering in themselves what he would next take into his head, an officer from the emperor’s chaplain arrived, and advised the páshá not to go to the vezír. “There was no need for it,” he said; “besides the grand vezír was a furious man, and might offer him some disrespect.” Such was the import of the officer’s advice, which he had been desired to communicate by his master to Háfiz. However, Háfiz was successful in another way, which was this: One Kullili Dilsiz soon afterwards called on Háfiz, and told him that he was carrying letters to the grand vezír from the emperor, which had some reference to him, and advised him to take an opportunity of following him. He did so; had an interview with the grand vezír at Chatálijeh; and returned in time sufficient to attend the diván the following morning.

It has been conjectured that the grand vezír (now called the serdár or commander-in-chief), on his arrival at Adrianople, had removed Abulmeymín Mustafa Effendí from the office of the high priesthood, and had appointed Siná allah Effendí in his stead. His removal was entirely owing to the enmity and preconcerted measures of the late Kásim Páshá, and the emperor’s chaplain.

Alí Páshá, the serdár or commander-in-chief, continued his march towards Belgrade; but a disease with which he had been afflicted was so very much increased by the late unhappy events which had distressed him, that his health declined considerably. The vexation he endured in consequence of the instalment of Háfiz Ahmed Páshá into the deputyship, preyed so much on his spirits that by the time he reached Sophia, he was unable to take food or nourishment of any kind. He became worse and worse at every succeeding stage, and had scarcely reached Belgrade, and saluted Mohammed Páshá, the acting commander-in-chief, when he gave up the ghost. His death took place on the 28th of the month Sefer. Such is the history and end of Alí Yávuz Páshá grand vezír and commander-in-chief.

We must now advert to the history of the other commander-in-chief, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, who was appointed to conduct the Moslem army against the Persians.

Jeghala Sinán Páshá was the oldest of all the beglerbegs when he was appointed to the chief command in the east: he was once, for a short time, grand vezír; afterwards válí of Syria; and lastly lord high admiral of the Ottoman fleet. This office he held at the moment when the government had fixed on him for taking the command of the forces employed against the Persians. He was, therefore, a person who was acquainted with the art of war, both by sea and land. It was in consequence of the high reputation which he had acquired, and of the knowledge which he possessed of the countries of the east, and in which he himself had served, that the late grand vezír had requested his appointment.

On the 16th of Dhu’l hijja he passed over to Scutari, as we have already observed; and on the 17th he commenced his march with such troops as were there waiting for him, and which were composed of various kinds. On reaching Nicomedia (in Bythinia) the feudatory troops which composed his right wing began to represent that they belonged, properly, to the army of Romeili, and asked if they were to be paid wages if they continued in conjunction with the army of Anatolia. A firmán was immediately issued which assured them that they should. On arriving on the confines of Erzerúm, he was joined by the followers of the late Delí Hasan, along with their leader Karah Kásh Ahmed, who all swore fealty to the Ottoman government, pretending at least to have repented of their misconduct and rebellion. In a few days more he was joined by several others, particularly by the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, Gusháh Sefer (a very brave man, and remarkably well skilled in horsemanship, who was raised to dignity and honour from the humble situation of serving in the imperial kitchen) with four thousand men, well armed, whom he had collected in the greatest haste. The active Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, with three or four thousand veterans, met the grand army in the plains of Pas. On the 15th of Jemadi II., the whole of the Moslem army reached Kurus, when they halted for ten days, in order to give time for other troops to join the royal standard, and for the return of Karah Kásh Ahmed, who had been sent out on a depredatory excursion.

Sháh Abbás, when he heard of the advance of the Osmánlís, removed his troops from Reván and from Akcha Kalla, where they had been posted, and retreated. This information had no sooner reached the Moslem camp, than Sefer Páshá addressed the commander-in-chief for permission to advance with a party of veterans and intercept the sháh in his retreat. “His army was comparatively small,” said Sefer, “and if you advance with the grand army in the ordinary way, to my support, I am not without hopes, if you agree to my proposal, of being able to bring the sháh bound in fetters before you.” Such was the heroic language of Sefer Páshá, but the serdár was deaf to all his entreaties. He pretended to be waiting for the arrival of Karah Kásh; and even when Karah Kásh did arrive, he was as far as ever from complying with Sefer Páshá’s proposal. Thus, by delay and hesitation, the enemy was not only allowed to withdraw to a greater distance, but had time afforded them for preparing to offer a more formidable resistance; whilst the grand army by this procedure, was exposed to greater danger, to more difficulties, and to a less chance of success.

The commander-in-chief was indeed at length roused to some activity; but it was only when he perceived the season for warlike operations fast passing away, without his having gained one single advantage, that he was thus roused. Without paying any regard to the councils of Sefer Páshá, which might have been attended with glorious results, had he allowed himself to be swayed by them, he again commenced his march in pursuit of the retreating enemy, and even sent letters to the sháh offering him battle, but the wary sháh paid no regard to his invitations. By the time the grand army reached Nakhcheván, the sháh and his army had safely got into the jurisdiction of Tabríz. The commander-in-chief now saw his error, but it was too late to correct it; and he was destined, in consequence of his own tardiness and want of skill, to become more pre-eminently the sport of fortune. The country round Nakhcheván had been, a little before, the theatre of rebellion and of devastation; and in consequence of this, the cities and villages were enduring the greatest calamity from famine, at the time the Moslem army arrived in Nakhcheván. The serdár, when he perceived the dismal condition he and his army were in, proposed marching towards Shirván, where his son, Mahmúd Páshá, was beglerbeg. The chiefs of the army appeared before the serdár, and told him he might do what he liked, and take what journey he pleased, but the heretics were not to be overtaken. It was quite impracticable, they said, to follow them with a large army; nor would it prove any advantage, they further observed, to march against Tabríz and lay siege to it. The season for retiring into winter-quarters was just at hand, and they therefore thought it would be more prudent to return to their own country. The serdár was totally averse to this proposal, and endeavoured to dissuade them from urging this measure. He did so by representing to them how desirable it was to terminate the campaign honourably; that there still remained a chance of their succeeding; and that it would be much more wise, under all circumstances, to take up their winter-quarters in Gunjah and in Karabágh, than to return to Turkey before they had accomplished something worthy of their name. This speech had the desired effect: the troops struck their tents, and marched forward towards Tabríz. After having passed the river Ars, and accomplished a few stages, they learned that they were within a stage or two of coming up with the sháh, who was retreating with all his might before them. Sefer Páshá, Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, and Alasha Atlí Hasan Páshá, earnestly implored the commander-in-chief to be allowed to proceed with a body of light troops and overtake the sháh, but he again refused to grant them their request, and maintained his usual obstinacy. On reaching Wán, he distributed his troops into different cantonments, but he himself remained at Wán for the winter. The more discerning of the troops, it must be observed, however, opposed the serdár, and endeavoured to dissuade him from disbanding his army, but their efforts were all in vain. They represented to him that the steps he was about to take were altogether inconsistent with the general safety; and for a commander-in-chief to winter on the frontiers, without any army, might be very aptly compared, they said, “to a head without hands or feet.” Moreover, they maintained that the thing was altogether unprecedented. The serdár, as we have already observed, continued inflexible; took up his quarters in Wán, and conferred the government of the country on Ahmed Páshá. Ahmed Páshá being indisposed when this appointment took place, the serdár sent his chief physician to perform the duties of the new governor, and finally conferred the situation on Alí Páshá.

In the meantime, however, the serdár found means to conciliate the Kúrdistán chiefs, and called them together to the city of Wán, with the view of consulting them about his affairs and the state of things in general. But the sháh no sooner learned that the serdár had dispersed his army than he collected together his detestable and diabolical heretics, with the intention of attacking Wán. He accordingly despatched a division of these atheists towards Wán, whilst he himself, under cover of the night, followed that division with the whole of his disposable forces, and took up his position before Wán, but at such a distance that no cannon could reach him. At daylight on the following morning the unfortunate and infatuated serdár had his eyes opened to the very critical and hazardous situation into which his obstinacy had brought him. He tried to make the best of it he could. He assembled all the Kurds and others that were in Wán together, and deputed one Rázieh Zádeh Mustafa to take the command of them. Mustafa and his troops made a sortie, but they found the heretics too numerous for them and returned. Khundán Aghá and his two sons were unfortunately taken prisoners by the Kuzil báshes on the above occasion.

The serdár was now heartily sorry, and well he might, for the steps he had taken. He repented most sincerely that he had remained at Wán, but his repentance was too late to avail him. After deeply considering what method he should take to save his own life, he resolved on trying to make his escape to Erzerúm. He accordingly took ship at Wán, and landed at a place called Adaljuwaz. Losing no time at this place, he hastened with all the speed he could make towards Erzerúm, having been furnished with horses for his journey by Emír Sháh, the governor and other officers at Adaljuwaz. On arriving within a short distance of Erzerúm, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, Gusah Sefer Páshá, went out to meet him, taking along with him an equipage more suitable to the dignity of the commander-in-chief than that with which he had travelled from Adaljuwaz.

The sháh, even after he had heard of the sudden departure of the serdár, ceased not in his endeavours to reduce the city and fortress of Wán for the space of forty days, but was at last obliged to raise the siege, and then marched towards Tabríz and Nakhcheván. On this march, however, he surrounded an Osmánlí place of strength called Makú; but all he gained by laying siege to this fortress was only disgrace.

Before concluding this long section it is necessary to observe, in connection with what we have related with regard to Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, the commander-in-chief, that at the time the command of the forces in the east devolved upon him, or at least not long after it, Ja’fer Páshá was appointed lord high admiral in room of Jeghala; and that he sailed for the Mediterranean with sixty galleys. In some histories it is said, that it was the admiral Kehyah Páshá Zádeh Mustafa Páshá who was appointed to the deputyship of Constantinople at the time Alí Páshá and Jeghala Zádeh were made commanders-in-chief.

_Lálá Mohammed Páshá succeeds Alí Páshá in all his offices._

After the death of the grand vezír, Alí Páshá, which event had taken place at Belgrade almost immediately after his arrival there, as we have already noticed, a kapújí báshí of the name of Kúrd Mustafa Páshá, brought accounts, in a sealed packet, to the government of Constantinople that Alí Páshá was no more. The officer presented them to the káímakám, Háfiz Páshá, who, however, declined receiving them. Hereupon the emperor’s chaplain called the officer to the royal palace, in order that it might be ascertained to whom it belonged to receive the packet. He complained that Háfiz Páshá refused to have any thing to do with the packet, though he knew it was an official despatch, whilst at the same time it was evident that the forces employed against the Hungarians were in the utmost need of having a commanding general appointed over them. It would appear, however, that before the accounts referred to had arrived, Lálá Mohammed Páshá had been raised by royal appointment to the chief command of the army, but that the commission had not reached him in sufficient time. He was now raised to the dignity of grand vezír.

Lálá Mohammed Páshá no sooner found himself raised to the highest offices which could be conferred on him, than he began with all imaginable speed to make arrangements for renewing hostilities, succeeded in taking several Hungarian towns, and afterwards returned with the body of his army to Buda.

Having formed the design of recovering Osterghún, in order to secure success as much as possible, he conferred on Bektásh Páshá, of Usk, the jurisdiction of Buda, appointed him to the advanced guard, which was composed of three thousand chosen men, and ordered him to march towards the last-mentioned place.

_The infidels abandon Pest._

A report having been circulated that Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the celebrated commander of the Moslem army, was advancing on his march from Belgrade, the infidels who garrisoned Pest, which they had wrested from the Moslems in consequence of the weakness and pusillanimity of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the former commander-in-chief, fled in the utmost precipitation, leaving, in fact, the whole of their arms of all kinds behind them. Such was the panic into which they were thrown by the fame of Lálá Mohammed Páshá, of whose heroism they had some knowledge. Their flight was a sufficient proof of the estimation in which they held his military talents.

When the new serdár, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, heard that the enemy had abandoned Pest, he crossed the Danube and took possession of it. The hateful infidels, with the view of totally destroying it, it is necessary to observe, had left the place exposed to the destructive effect of several mines which they had prepared for that purpose, and which, had they not been discovered in sufficient time, would certainly have buried the whole place, and all that was in it, in ruins. Fortunately for the inhabitants, as well as for the Moslem troops who had entered it, a sick soldier, who had been left behind in Pest, had given a hint to the conquerors of the mines referred to, which were almost on the point of ignition at the moment they were discovered. This very remarkable deliverance from so very terrible and inevitable a ruin was properly and religiously improved by the orthodox faithful from the highest to the lowest.

The commander-in-chief made arrangements for repairing and fortifying Pest; also for rebuilding the tower of Ján Kúrturán, and supplied both places with a sufficient number of troops and a proper quantity of provisions. The victorious troops of Lálá Mohammed Páshá entered Buda a little after the commencement of Rabia II., and immediately afterwards the bridge which had extended between Pest and Buda, but which had been cut down by the hatchets of the infidels, was again ordered to be rebuilt according to its former model.

The Moslem veterans were also agreeably surprised to learn that a similar terror with that which had seized the infidels at Pest, had also overtaken the infidels at Khutván, and had produced a similar result. The injuries which the houses of the faithful had sustained in both places, either by burning or otherwise, were ordered to be repaired.

_The fortress of Wáj conquered._

The celebrated serdár, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, now proceeded to reduce Wáj, which for the space of two years had been under the complete sway of the infidels, and encamped at Eskí Buda (Old Buda), immediately opposite to Wáj. By means of boats he conveyed across the Danube his troops, and on the 21st of Jemadi II. Wáj was besieged on all sides. The infidels in this fortress thinking, however, that they were about to be visited by retributive justice, put on an appearance of fortitude, though, as will appear, they were totally overcome by terror. On the very first night of the siege they contrived secretly to set fire to a tower and a palanka in the island opposite to Wáj, took to their boats, and set off, about the middle of the night, for Osterghún. The Moslems, of course, took possession of Wáj.

_Osterghún is laid siege to._

The victorious Moslems, the terror of whose arms spread dismay among the infidels, marched upon Osterghún, and on the 23d of Jemadi II. formed the siege of that place. Every gun and musket throughout the whole army were put in requisition, and every arrangement was made for commencing hostilities; but, alas, the constant fall of snow and rain, the winter season having commenced, rendered it impracticable for the troops to make any use of trenches, or at least they found it difficult to stand in them. The truth seems to be, that too much time had been taken up in repairing and attending to the lately retaken fortresses, Pest, Khutwán, and Wáj, and also with the rebuilding of the bridge formerly mentioned, to be able, at so late a period of the year, to carry on the siege of Osterghún with any great prospect of success.

In consequence of the length of time the Moslems spent unnecessarily with the fortresses they had retaken, as just observed, the infidels found ample opportunity to erect tabúrs or fortifications on the opposite bank of the river, and to extend a bridge from Osterghún to these fortifications. The whole line of these tabúrs were also protected by a range of field-pieces, and every thing, in fact, presented a most formidable appearance. For several successive nights the enemy rushed forth upon the Moslems, attacked them with the utmost celerity, and succeeded in killing many of their bravest heroes.

When it was resolved to augment the number of Moslems who were actually engaged in endeavouring to reduce Osterghún (_i.e._ those who were immediately engaged in active operations against it), the janissaries refused to comply, and urgently demanded that the siege should be raised. The commander-in-chief perceiving himself involved in difficulties of no ordinary kind, ordered Toktamish Gheráí, the son of his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, who had that year joined the royal camp instead of his royal father, to go, with a few thousands of his Tátárs, along with Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, and some of his troops, and scour the country round about, commit all the damage to the enemy they could, and take what spoil they could find.

The commander-in-chief, after a period of thirty-one days uselessly spent in endeavouring to reconquer Osterghún, was obliged to raise the siege and return to Buda. Having made the necessary arrangements with regard to the garrisons on the frontiers, for protecting the Ottoman dominions in that quarter, the commander-in-chief set out for Belgrade, and arrived there on the 3d of Rajab.

The stipulated period of the old pretorian band in Buda for serving having expired, one thousand of them were again hired, and divided into four companies.

We have still to add, by way of appendix, what Petcheví says in reference to the siege of Osterghún, which we have been describing. “Nukásh Hasan Páshá acted at the above siege,” he says, “as ághá of the janissaries, but he was so cowardly that he never once showed his face where he anticipated danger. For this dereliction of duty and disgraceful pusillanimity, the commander-in-chief deprived him of his office, and degraded him. He afterwards, however, sent a petition to the court of Constantinople, requesting to have the judgment of the serdár reversed, but his petition was regarded with contempt.”

The same historian observes, “that formerly, when Ibrahím Páshá was commander-in-chief, the Tátárs, emírs, and other great men under his command, had proposed to exchange Osterghún for Agria; because the latter was much more distant from Buda than the former, and therefore not of such importance to the Ottomans.” When Mohammed Ketkhodá, vezír Murád Páshá, Ahmed Aghá, the khán’s vezír, and Hábel Effendí, the cazí of Buda, went to the enemy’s camp, as the reader may remember, with the view of endeavouring to negotiate a peace between the two belligerent powers, the proposals above-mentioned were the principal subjects submitted to the consideration of the negotiators; but no settlement of any kind at that time was agreed to, and things remained as they had been until this period, when the infidels began to show a disposition favourable to a cessation of hostilities. Accordingly, ten counts, ornamented with golden chains, and the great ministers of state, arrived (probably at Belgrade), and gave their consent to the propositions above alluded to, and Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí, whose sentiments we are here quoting, was sent to the Sublime Porte as the bearer of the propositions for a general pacification. Petcheví, on arriving at Constantinople, presented his dispatches to the káímakám, and to the reverend mufti, the venerable Siná-allah Effendí. Siná-allah Effendí appeared greatly surprised at the nature and import of the propositions which had been thus submitted; and exclaimed, “that they were such as could never be agreed to; that they were altogether unfit to be expressed in words; that they were unworthy of ever having been thought of,” he therefore rejected them with scorn, and ordered the officer who had brought them to retrace his steps, and deliver this answer. The messenger obeyed, and met the commander-in-chief in the plains of Serim; who having anticipated the result of his mission, and without allowing him time to tell the message wherewith he was charged, replied abruptly, “we must bear the disgrace;” and, immediately, without any further reference to the subject, began to call the messenger’s attention to the recent appearance of Botchkai, one of the Transylvanian princes, to whose exploits our attention must now be turned.

_Concerning Botchkai._

The Germans are of the race of infidels or unbelievers, and a distinct and peculiar sect of Christians, who are divided among themselves. The principal chief or head of these different tribes of Christians, as they may be denominated, has the titles of emperor and Cæsar. The dukes of Austria and of Hungary are of the race of the emperor. The Nemcheh, or German nation, having acquired a superiority over the rest, subverted the whole or most of the fortresses belonging to Ardil (Transylvania) and Mejár (Hungary), and have all along, ever since, exercised towards these two tribes every species of oppression and tyranny. The Hungarian and Transylvanian natives, as well as their nobles, in consequence of the humiliating and degrading subjection to which the German tribe had reduced them, were obliged, of course, to feign submission to their oppressors; but cherished in their minds, nevertheless, the most unquenchable hatred and enmity. The Germans, ever since the time they had acquired dominion over these two nations, manifested the utmost contempt towards them, but especially towards the former. To the princes and nobles of Mejár (Hungary) they showed less courtesy and respect than they did to even the vilest and lowest among themselves, and made them the objects of many indignities and of low reproach: yet the ancient Hungarians, unlike their degenerate sons, often repelled the aggressions of their German neighbours with evident advantages, and maintained many a bloody battle with them.

Things continued much in the same way as we have endeavoured to describe, till Botchkai, one of the Hungarian princes, a brave and heroic infidel, called together the branches of his family, to whom he addressed himself thus: “How long are we patiently to submit to the reproach, as well as oppression and tyranny, resulting from a disgraceful subjection to these Germans? Thank God, the Ottoman emperors have always proved our generous friends. King John took refuge under the wings of the emperor Soleimán, and the royal dignity was maintained so long as one of his children and grandchildren remained to fill the throne of Hungary. Let us follow the heroic example of our ancestor; and when we are once supported by the strong arm of the Turks, we shall then be able to take ample vengeance on our oppressors.” This sentiment Botchkai urged with all the warmth and zeal he was able to put forth, and his speech had the desired effect. They unanimously agreed to put themselves under the sheltering power of the Ottomans; elected Botchkai to the dignity and prerogatives of a king, and appointed him their commander-in-chief. Immediately, or at least as soon as they found it convenient, and that was about the middle of this present year, they wrote letters to the Moslem general, wherein they made a formal offer to put themselves under the protection of the Moslem government; that they would be friends to those who were friendly to it, and enemies to those who were its enemies; that they agreed to serve the emperor of the Ottomans; and that they were ready to draw their swords against their German oppressors at his bidding; and requested, moreover, the serdár, as soon as he knew their sentiments, to make them known to the Moslem government at Constantinople.

The court of Constantinople, on being put in possession of the documents relative to the earnest wishes of the Hungarians, not only acquiesced in their solicitations, but also sent the most positive instructions to the commanding general to enter into an immediate engagement with the petitioners, and to assure them of the aid and protection of his government. The commanding general lost no time in communicating to Botchkai and his associates the views of the Sublime Porte, which had the effect not only of confirming them in their hatred and enmity towards the Germans, but also of increasing, day after day, the number of their followers.

_A battle fought between the Germans and the Hungarians._

On the 27th of Jemadi II. these two sorts of infidels (_i.e._ the Germans and Hungarians) met, and fought a tremendous battle, in which Botchkai, supported by Ottoman arms, was completely victorious. More than ten thousand Germans fell on the field of battle, and their heads, besides a number of prisoners and several standards, he transmitted to the Moslem royal camp. The Moslem general eulogized the Hungarian hero for his uncommon bravery, and sent him a sword and a robe of honour as tokens of his high esteem for him, which, of course, had the effect of stimulating him in his career to greater deeds of valour. Warad, which had been wrested from the Hungarians, and which Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá had endeavoured in vain to reconquer, as before observed, fell into the hands of Botchkai, who put every infidel German he found in it to the sword. He dispersed or overcame with immense loss to the enemy every army the Germans brought to oppose him. He reduced the city and fortress of Tokay; subdued Wakasha, and took several German provinces; and in a very short period, the greater portion of Hungary fell under his dominion. Still bent on further conquest, Botchkai sent a number of princes he had taken prisoners, and also some splendid presents, to the Moslem general, accompanied by letters requesting further aid against the Germans; in compliance with which request, the Moslem commander ordered four thousand Tátárs under the command of a nephew of Toktamish Gheráí to accompany Bektásh Páshá, and a portion of the feudatory troops under him, to his assistance. On the same occasion, or soon afterwards, a diploma for exercising regal authority over Transylvania, a robe of honour, some ammunition and standards were also sent him on the part of the Ottoman government.

The rise and exploits of Botchkai are, however, differently related. Petcheví says, that the former emír, with whom Botchkai had been conjoined, was taken prisoner by the infidels, the Germans, but had made his escape. One day, as he was dressing his garden, Botchkai began to converse with the ex-emir about the Germans, when the other replied: “Send me to the Ottoman general, and I promise you I will bring the whole of the Moslem army to your assistance; and, moreover, I pledge myself to get you made king of Transylvania.”

The speaker, it may be observed in passing, had himself some thoughts of throwing off the German yoke some time before this, and it was for a rumour of this kind which had reached the ear of the emperor of Austria that he had been imprisoned; but as no sufficient evidence of this his intention had been produced, he was set at liberty. But to return. Botchkai replied that the inhabitants of the country were in general Christians, and would not on that very account humble themselves so far as to put themselves under the Turks. “Why,” said the ex-emir, “they did so in the days of Soleimán, and it was well with them. Why not do it at this time?” After having conversed for some time on this subject, Botchkai yielded to the advice of his adviser and sent him to the vezír; who was introduced to his excellency by Mohammed Páshá’s nephew, at that time interpreter to Bektásh Páshá. He spent a few days in secret consultation with his excellency, to whom he explained the object of his mission, and then returned. But it was not till after three or four such interviews were held and a contract entered into, that Botchkai unfurled the standard of rebellion against the emperor of Austria. It was not, moreover, till Botchkai had completely subdued the whole of the German fortresses on both sides of the river Tise (Tibiscus), that he came forward to seek that aid from the Muselmans which, no doubt, had been promised him.