Chapter VIII: Part 8

Ferdinand, emperor of Germany, who had collected his troops with the view of visiting Buda, heard that Hasan Páshá was there, and therefore came with his whole army, which amounted to forty thousand foot and horse, to the aid of Kaniza. His advance guard appeared on the 28th, and the whole army took up its position in the neighbourhood of Kaniza. The Moslem cavalry, eager to meet these infidels, advanced upon them; but such was the briskness of the enemy’s musketry, that they were obliged to retire. The janissaries now left their trenches, though the Frenchmen remained in theirs, and advanced in their turn, but were soon forced to retrace their steps and fly. The courage of the Moslem camp was supported by the unfurled banners of the begs and governors at the head of their respective troops. The enemy took good care, however, not to play the same game they had played at Mehaj after the fall of Agria, _i. e._ by rushing on the Moslem camp. They so placed their guns as to make them tell more effectually upon the orthodox army; but fortunately the balls passed over their heads. A whole day was spent in hard skirmishing, when, towards night, the enemy retired within their fortifications, and spent the whole of that night in strengthening their position by means of ditches, mounds, &c. Next morning, the infidel foot soldiery, with their cannon in front of them, advanced to the charge. The Moslem commander-in-chief mounted on horseback, arranged a body of his men behind a marsh: the janissaries and the beglerbegs with their respective troops stood ready in their places. The enemy continued to advance. The begs and páshás fell back upon the janissaries, who also retreated. The standard-bearers and brave commanders maintained their ground, but afterwards took shelter in the woods. A fog coming on prevented them from discovering the movement of the enemy, and they had nearly fallen victims when they returned from the wood. Night coming on, the sound of drum recalled the enemy to their fortifications. The following morning, the 1st of Rabia II., the Moslems determined on a general battle. The beglerbegs mounted their horses, and the foot and horse soldiers advanced; but the enemy had placed before daybreak a number of men in various parts of the wood, who showered so plentifully on the Moslems as they advanced to the assault, that they were fairly staggered. Many of these orthodox men fell martyrs on this occasion, and were thus hurled out of time.

When the Moslem army had thus advanced to give battle to these pagans they supposed the Moslem camp was wholly deserted, and therefore endeavoured to throw provisions and gunpowder into Kaniza; but they were completely hindered from doing so by the exalted serdár, who appeared with a party of cavalry and a body of Janissaries ready to intercept them. The Janissaries, however, as on the two former occasions, fled like a flock of sheep put in terror by a wolf, and hastened back to the camp. The serdár endeavoured to rally them, and to recall their courage by calling out to them, “My brave fellows, why do you act thus cowardly?” but all in vain. The serdár, seeing he could make nothing of his janissaries, turned about with those around him, and entered into personal engagement with the hateful enemy, whose sharp-shooters were only hindered from reaching the Moslem camp by a marsh which intervened. The exalted serdár had only about three or four hundred spáhís and salihdárs around his person when he entered the place of general conflict: many of them fell at his side. The serdár himself went behind a rising ground and stood there. Shortly afterwards the ághá of the janissaries came running up to him, and letting down his sword exclaimed, that all was lost. The exalted serdár, without even looking at him, ordered the beglerbegs of Romeili and Anatolia, and the commander of the artillery to advance with four divisions and relieve those troops which had been engaged. The serdár, when he saw that the greater part of his men were in active operation, and that few had remained around his own person, was sorely grieved, and actually became bent with pain. The troops, however, rallied again, and once more made a vigorous attack on the enemy, in which the horse of the commander of the artillery fell, but he was soon supplied with another. The janissaries were very saving of themselves; not above forty or fifty of them showed their heads beyond their tents. Some of the cannoneers brought forward five falconets and two large field-pieces, and commenced firing them in front of the serdár with such effect upon the enemy as to cause them to draw together, and thus prevented them from entering into the Moslem camp. The approach of night, however, warned both armies to retire from the contest. Very many of the enemy perished in this day’s struggle for conquest. The infidels, it may be observed, never again ventured from their strong-hold. On the following day, the 3rd of the month, the Moslem foot and cavalry advanced again to meet the foe, and attacked them even in their own fortifications: at night they returned to their camp. On the fourth the Moslems held a consultation as to making a general assault on the fortifications of the enemy. Two thousand Tátárs, who had been reserved in the camp, were sent out to make what reprisals they could, and seized a number of waggons laden with provisions for the enemy’s camp. When the enemy saw that their provisions were cut off; that every road to their camp was watched by these Tátárs; and that they could find no means by which they might get Kaniza supplied with gunpowder; they on the 5th abandoned their fortifications altogether, and made off with themselves about the middle of the night of that date, leaving only a small quantity of spoil behind them.

_Kaniza taken._

The Moslem army returned to the siege of Kaniza, and continued it seven days after the enemy’s troops had fled. The besieged, finding that the army which had purposely come to their assistance had been obliged to fly in disgrace, as just now related, and being much weakened by the incessant efforts of the besiegers, as well as by the efforts they were continually called on to make in their own defence, became discouraged.

Yánush Towán Beg, who had succeeded the late prince that was killed by the explosion formerly mentioned, went along with one Muklúsh, a cavalry officer, to a certain place of the fortress, from which they saw but too clearly that the host which had come to their aid had fled. “All hope of safety is now gone,” they said: “our gunpowder is expended, and these Turks will take Kaniza by force if we do not yield in time. It is far more advisable to deliver it, and save our lives before they do so, and give us no quarter.” The Hungarian part of the garrison were willing to adopt this counsel, but the Austrian part of it continued obstinate for awhile, yet soon afterwards concurred with the rest. Such was the way they consulted among themselves.

On the evening of the 13th, which was the evening of the Sabbath, a tremendous rain fell; yet the Moslems continued their hostilities till daybreak next morning, when it was announced that they were, on the following day, to commence a general assault. Every preparation for this mighty effort was made; but when the besieged saw the conquering Moslems moving on to the assault they hesitated no longer; they immediately hoisted a flag of truce over their gate, and the sound of their voices, imploring for mercy, reached the skies. They requested that Khoja Sinán, of Petcheví, a trustworthy man, should be sent to them as a pledge of their security. This was accordingly acceded to, when immediately two or three of their chiefs, German and Hungarian princes, wearing gold chains about their necks, came forth to meet the exalted serdár, who presented them with robes, and granted them passports at their own request. These princes observed, that it was because they had no gunpowder they had submitted; “otherwise,” said they, “you would not have reduced Kaniza. But,” added they, “are the conditions on which you allow us to depart to resemble those promises you made to us at the taking of Yanuk and Agria, when you sent an army after us to murder us?” The exalted serdár gave them his solemn oath that, with the exception of their cannon and other arms, which now belonged to the emperor of the Ottomans, every thing else they were at full liberty to take along with them, and to depart in peace. They again, in consequence of this grace which the serdár had shown to them, said, “We have two hundred horsemen and one thousand five hundred foot soldiers in the garrison, besides women and children, who require the means of conveyance.” The exalted serdár immediately ordered two hundred camels to be provided for them for the purpose of conveying their property and wives and children. On the following day they evacuated Kaniza, delivered over the keys of the city to the serdár, loaded the camels which the serdár had provided for them with their families, goods and chattels, even to their geese and hens, plates and cradles, and set out on their journey; and halted at a small distance.

In the meantime the head of the arsenal, and the commander of the artillery, Mohammed Ketkhodá, entered into the fortress of Kaniza, and took possession of it. Fifty-one pieces of large and twenty-five of small cannon were found in it. The churches were converted into mosques. The victorious troops entered into a friendly intercourse with the men who had lately evacuated Kaniza, and made some purchases of provisions and of such other articles as they had to dispose of. Mohammed Páshá, governor of Romeili, and Mohammed Ketkhodá conducted them as far as the fortress of Kapernak, about three days’ journey, when they were met by a party of their own kind from that fortress, and who made some splendid presents to the two chiefs, besides giving cloth to the other officers of the party who conducted them sufficient for one hundred garments, and as much as would make one for each of the camel-drivers.

Hasan Beg Zádeh, who was present in this campaign, and who published an account of it, was appointed to write an account of the victory, and to send it by couriers to all parts of the empire. By the reduction of Kaniza, many other districts and towns, besides Kish, Komar, and Perzencha, were added to the Ottoman dominions, and were properly and regularly supplied with rulers, judges, and garrisons.

When the secretary of customs, Abdí Effendí, who had been appointed to carry the news of the victory which had attended the Moslem arms to Constantinople, arrived there, three days and three nights were dedicated by appointment to public rejoicings. Orders were also sent to all the other great cities to follow the example of the metropolis. A robe, a sash, and a richly-ornamented sword and dagger, a splendid tent, besides other valuable presents, were ordered to be sent to the serdár or commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, along with a royal letter expressive of his majesty’s approbation. Splendid swords and daggers, and also robes, were at the same time sent to all the beglerbegs in the royal camp. To the historian of this campaign, Hasan Beg Zádeh, a robe and a sword were also sent.

It is but just to observe, what the warriors who were present in the late wars knew to be true, that the orthodox armies were on two occasions in very great straits, and had suffered much, _viz._ at Agria (at Mehaj near Agria) and at Kaniza. On the first of these occasions the orthodox troops had to contend with an army composed of soldiers belonging to the seven kings (_i.e._ to all the European powers). The second was at Kaniza, and which we have endeavoured to describe; but which was much more disastrous to the orthodox troops, on the whole, than the former. Seven successive days’ hard fighting, from morning till evening, and in which the enemy maintained the superiority till God himself inspired their powerful enemy with terror, when they all fled, was of itself no easy task. Forty-three days, from first to last, were also spent in the arduous undertaking of reducing Kaniza, which was forced to capitulate only in consequence of the misfortune which had happened to its powder magazine, and which left the place almost a naked rock in the midst of a marsh. The troops also suffered greatly from the want of provisions, and which could not be obtained even for money. A wakáyet of salt could not be had for a dollar: so great was the scarcity of all sorts of provisions on this memorable occasion. The janissaries (who certainly do not appear to have deserved any praise) were on the point of retiring altogether, and would not, most assuredly, have remained in the camp another day, had not the fortunate events which we have described above, taken place. Such were the difficulties which the orthodox Moslem army had to encounter in these wars.

Kaniza, after having been put into a state of thorough defence, was, with its dependencies, put under the command of the beg of Kústandil, Alája Eili Hasan Páshá, and its spiritual jurisdiction was conferred on Kádurí Effendí. Twenty odás, with their officers, under the command of Sefer Aghá, a Segbán báshí, were left to garrison it; besides three thousand more who were to act in the capacity of spáhís. Sigetwar, Petcheví, Shuklúsh, Usk, and Kaniza, were all put under the supreme jurisdiction of the above-mentioned Hasan Páshá. To each of the plebian troops two pieces of money were given, and they were all registered among the troops of Buda and Agria. The serdár, on his return from Kaniza, halted near Perzencha, where he ordered a new apalanka to be erected. Having crossed the Drave near Yakúah, he passed on towards Usk, where he permitted his army to disperse. The beglerbeg of Romeili, with his provincials, was sent into winter-quarters at Perizrin; and the beglerbeg of Anatolia, with his troops, were sent for a similar purpose to Banialúka. The ághá of the janissaries was allowed to return to Constantinople, and the victorious serdár himself returned to Belgrade.

_Hájí Ibrahím Páshá defeated by Kara Yazijí_ (Scrivano).

We have already had occasion to notice the conduct of the notorious rebel, Kara Yazijí, and how in consequence of intrigue and false representation, he was appointed to the sanják of Chorum. In consequence of this odious rebel’s having returned to his former doings, Ibrahím Páshá was sent from Constantinople with communications to Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, a vezír of the sixth rank, who was to conduct an army against the rebel, and who also had been appointed commander-in-chief in room of Hasan Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Baghdád. In the event of Hasan Páshá’s prolonging his stay at Baghdád, he was further instructed to proceed with the Anatolian troops, and endeavour by every effort he could employ to get the above-mentioned rebel and his brother, Delí Husein, into his power. Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, accordingly, went with his army in search of these men, and fell in with them at Cæsarea, at the head of twenty thousand insurgents, where he offered them battle, and which they did not decline accepting. The contest was severe and bloody, and Ibrahím was finally obliged to seek his safety in retreat. The victorious insurgents pursued him with an ardour worthy of a better cause, slew fifteen officers, and more than one thousand janissaries in the pursuit. It was with much difficulty that Ibrahím escaped into Cæsarea, and those of his followers who had not been so successful, fell victims to the fury of the insurgent army.

This event which we have here recorded is said, in some histories, to have occurred in 1008 of the Hijrah; but most of them place it among the events of the year we are now noticing, _i.e._ 1009. Besides, the orders which government had issued respecting this infidel, and which were sent to the inhabitants of Cæsarea, are dated on one of the first ten days of Rabia II., 1009 of Hijrah.

The story concerning Gira, the Jewess and her children, before noticed, is mentioned in the Fezliké of Hájí Khalífeh as having taken place last year, but the author of the history we have followed in relating the account, and Kara Chelebí Zádeh Azíz Effendí, place it where we have placed it. One of the sons of this infamous Gira, however, embraced the Moslem faith, and thus escaped the death which the whole of the rest of his family suffered. He went under the name of Iksák (lame) Mustafa Chávush. He died in the khán or inn of Devlet Sultání Ibrahím. The whole of the effects of Gira were confiscated by the government, and it is said they amounted to a very great sum. Her wares, independent of her jewels and estates, were sold for more than five hundred _yúks_ of money.

The káímakám, or governor of Constantinople, Khalíl Páshá, on account of some connivance he had with the Jewess whose tragic end we have related, met with strong opposition from the spáhí tribe, and was therefore removed from his high office, and was succeeded in it by Khádem Háfiz Páshá, in the month of Shevál of this year; but who ten days after was succeeded by Yemishjí Hasan Páshá. The reason for this last change must now be explained.

During the time the Moslem army lay before Kaniza, Dimoo, the messenger of the odious Michael, arrived at the Moslem camp with proposals to the Ottoman government respecting the fortresses of Yanwah and Lipovah, and was forwarded by the commander-in-chief to Constantinople; the reïs-effendí was also sent along with him, bearing communications from the commander in-chief.

The káímakám, Khádem Háfiz Páshá, remembering the stratagem which Michael had practised on Háfiz Ahmed Páshá at Nicopolis, by means of this said Dimoo, as before related, the anger of the Páshá was raised to a high degree when he saw this messenger of deceit, and consulted the mufti concerning him. The mufti gave it as his judgment that no proposals whatever ought to be received from the odious Michael, nor any agreement entered into with so infamous a wretch, who, along with his deceitful ambassador, ought to suffer death. The káímakám, after hearing the judgment of the high priest, and without further ceremony, took summary vengeance on this satellite of mischief, by binding him to a tree and punishing him according to the nature of his crimes. Besides this act of summary justice exercised upon the person of Michael’s messenger, and which was construed into an act of contempt manifested towards the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, who had forwarded Dimoo to Constantinople, the káímakám, at the very time Ibrahím was carrying on the siege of Kaniza, sent off a chávush with orders to make inquiry about matters on the frontiers, without once manifesting any regard to the authority of the commander-in-chief, to whom all these affairs properly belonged. This instance of open contempt awakened the displeasure of the grand vezír, which, no doubt, was heightened by the conduct of the káímakám towards Dimoo, whom he had sent to court, led him to seek revenge. The chávush he confined in prison at Belgrade, and immediately wrote to the queen-mother, and to the ághá of the sublime court, a statement of the káímakám’s conduct, pointing out to them the evils that would result from the plan pursued by Khádem Háfiz Páshá, both as it respected themselves and the enemy. No messenger, he maintained, if such a method as the one above described was to be pursued, would either come from the enemy to them, or go from them to the enemy. In short, no consultation whatever, he insisted, could be entered into, if the persons of messengers were not to be respected. It was as much as to say, at least in the instance adverted to, that no confidence whatever was to be placed in either the sayings or doings of the commander-in-chief, or any trust in his majesty’s minister-and much more to the same purpose. His statement was laid before the throne, when immediately Khádem Háfiz Páshá was turned out of office, and Yemishjí Hasan Páshá appointed in his stead.

The new káímakám was no sooner installed in office, than a royal letter, no less fitted to embalm the heart than it was to console the mind, was sent to the exalted serdár, Ibrahím Páshá, in return.

_The odious Michael’s troops defeated._

Forasmuch as the countries of Valachia, Transylvania, and Moldavia having been, for several years past, disposed to rebellious out-breakings, and as the injurious and odious Michael had been the means of fostering and prolonging this spirit of insubordination among these different nations, it was necessary to try to put a stop to this mischievous wretch. Accordingly vezír Mahmúd Páshá, who had been sent to these quarters, and Shabán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Cyprus, who had been appointed to guard the banks of the Danube with his galleys, passed over, with their respective men, into the country of Valachia and repaired the fortress of Yerkok, and rebuilt its bridge over the Danube. Whilst employed in carrying forward these works, they sent their troops upon a depredatory excursion into the country of Valachia, and who not only committed great devastation throughout the country, but also completely robbed and laid desolate the mansion and premises which belonged to Michael himself. When the Moslem army were advancing towards the cities of Bekrish and Terghúshta, Michael, his vezír, and the commander of his army, the bán of Karah Chewah, met them with a very considerable force; but the Moslems soon gained a complete victory over these infidels, and slew the greater part of them. The heads of his commanders, his gilded banners, his drums and kettle-drums, were all sent to the royal diván. Michael was defeated in two other battles; his followers were either killed or dispersed; all his ammunition and guns were seized, and he himself, despairing of escaping with his life, perished by his own hands.

In consequence of some confusion which had arisen with respect to the value of the coin, the new species, prepared by Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, appeared on the 5th of Rabia II. of this year. The ducat, which formerly went for two hundred akchas, now circulated for one hundred and twenty; and the dollar for eighty akchas.

Information reached the capital in the month of Rajab that Ja’fer Páshá, the governor of Tabríz, had departed this life.

By a prohibition of the emperor, in the month of Shevál, the hidden and shameful practice of using fermented liquor was suppressed.

Simon, the governor of Georgia, according to the Fezliké, was brought this year, (not last year, as elsewhere stated,) to Constantinople, and confined in the Seven Towers.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1010, H.

_The grand vezír, Ibrahím Páshá’s death.—Yemishjí Hasan Páshá succeeds him in the premiership._

We now begin to detail the events of another year; but before doing so we have to mention that the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, having formed the project towards the end of the last year of concluding a peace with the enemies of his country, deputed Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá to proceed to Osterghún, and there treat with Ferdinand’s commissioners. A thousand Segbán troops, with coloured feathers in their bonnets, under the command of the beg of Semendria, accompanied the embassy.

Towards the end of Dhu’l hijja (the last month of the Mohammedan year), the commander-in-chief pitched his tent in the plains of Zimrún, opposite Belgrade, and watched with anxiety for the arrival of Alí Aghá, brother-in-law to Ghaznafer, who succeeded to the ágháship of the janissaries. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá was appointed to the government of Kaniza. It is said that Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá went to Usk.

The Commander-in-chief’s strength was now weakened by disease, and the signs of his mortality became quite apparent. In this condition he sent for his uncle’s son, Morteza Páshá, and delivered over to him his most important earthly concerns; and on the 9th of Moharrem (the first month of the Mohammedan year) he departed this life, and his soul fled to the Paradise above. Morteza Páshá and Etmekjí Zádeh, the defterdár, sealed up the whole of his effects. The beglerbeg of Romeili, Mohammed Páshá, by this time had left his winter-quarters and had come to Alája Hisár, where he heard of the death of the commander-in-chief. This message was brought to him in great haste, because the late serdár had appointed him to take the command of the army in the event of his death. The following day, after the usual washings were over, and the funeral service performed, Mohammed Páshá consigned the remains of Ibrahím to a tomb adjoining the mosque of Bairám Beg. The account of Ibrahím’s death, and a statement of the affairs of the borders, were forthwith dispatched to Constantinople, and laid before the foot of the throne and before the members of the diván.

In the meantime Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá, who had been appointed to proceed to Osterghún with the view of negotiating a peace, finished the building of a palanka at one end of the bridge of Usk, which the late serdár had authorized to erect. They afterwards received an order of government to remain at this palanka.

Some few days after the decease of the late serdár, the ághá of the janissaries arrived at Belgrade, and immediately removed the remains of Ibrahím to Constantinople, where they were interred in the temple of Sháh Zádeh.

According to one account, the news of Ibrahím’s death first reached Constantinople about the 20th of Moharrem, when the seals were sent to the káímakám, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá. After his advancement to the premiership, he spent twenty days in preparing for his journey to Belgrade. By some means or other he was allowed the tents, pavilions, the equipage, the military arms, and, in short, the beasts of burden which had belonged to his predecessor. He even married his relict, the princess Ayesha.

The new grand vezír still postponed his journey to Belgrade, and at length pretended it was too late in the season to proceed to that quarter. “Nothing of importance,” he said, “could, by the time he could arrive there, be accomplished.” He maintained, that no warlike operation was immediately called for in the present circumstances of the frontiers, or from the aspect presented by the enemy. Lála Mohammed Páshá, who succeeded in the command after the death of the late commander-in-chief, he further said, should be confirmed in the serdárship, proceed, if necessary, with the force under his command, and open the campaign. Thus did the new grand vezír excuse his own tardiness, and try to dispense with the necessity of his own departure. The Sheikh-ul-Islám, Siná-allah Effendí, thought otherwise. He maintained it to be absolutely requisite that the new grand vezír should proceed without a moment’s delay to Belgrade, and urged this sentiment with great warmth even before the emperor. The new grand vezír had no alternative left him but to proceed: but for this interference of the high priest the grand vezír never ceased to employ every stratagem he could against him, and at length had him deposed. In the military and ecclesiastical departments he made what changes he pleased: particularly in the first, and that too as far as Adrianople; though this department properly belonged to the Sheikh-ul-Islám Effendí. He advanced some, deposed others, as his fancy directed, and some he degraded. The Sheikh-ul-Islám Effendí, the high priest of the religion of Mohammed, felt his displeasure, as well he might have anticipated, after having expressed himself in the manner he did. Khoja Zádeh Mohammed Effendí was created mufti in the room of Siná-allah Effendí. Bostán Zádeh Effendí and Shemish Effendí were succeeded by Abdulhelím Effendí and by Isaád Effendí. The cazí of Constantinople, Ketkhodá Mustafa Effendí, was replaced by Mustafa Effendí of Adrianople, who was succeeded by Yahiah Effendí. The seventh vezír, Khalíl Páshá, was made káímakám, and Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was made third vezír. Tarnákjí, who had been deprived of his ágháship, but afterwards appointed to the government of Baghdád, had to resign his situation to Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, and Hasan Páshá was made vezír at Constantinople. Hamza Effendí was made chancellor in room of Okjí Zádeh. All these changes were effected by the new grand vezír.

On the ninth day of the month Sefer, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, left Constantinople with great pomp and show, but did not encumber himself with tents or any heavy baggage. Persons were previously appointed to proceed in advance and have booths of branches of trees prepared at every station for his army. By this mode of quick travelling he was enabled to reach Belgrade by the 27th of the month, when he took possession of his predecessor’s tents which had been erected in the plains of Zimún by the late grand vezír himself. This was the first time he had entered a tent from the day he left Constantinople till his arrival at Zimún.

The new grand vezír lost no time in attending to the duties of his station and office. Provisions were distributed amongst the troops, and full fifteen days were spent in arranging matters for commencing another campaign. Before detailing the events of that campaign, we must first advert to the success which the enemy had obtained at Alba Julia, and some other affairs, but which properly belong to the events of the preceding year.

The fall of Kaniza was a heavy loss to the enemy, and afflicted them very much and universally.

Towards the end of winter the Duke Mathias, with his Austrian and Hungarian commanders, came to the plains of Yanuk, where he assembled an army of forty or fifty thousand men, composed of Germans, Hungarians, Bohemians, and Polish troops. Twenty pieces of ordnance and ten sháhí (royal guns) were attached to this mighty host, which marched upon Alba Julia. Information having reached Belgrade, a short time after the spring commenced, that the enemy had laid siege to Alba Julia, the commander sent off, to the aid of the above place, the beglerbegs of Romeili and Anatolia with the Bosnian army; but before these auxiliary troops had time to cross the bridge of Usk, Alba Julia was taken by the enemy, after a siege of nine days. Alba Julia was no sooner taken than the enemy supplied it with a sufficient garrison, and afterwards concentrated its whole force at a place in its neighbourhood.

_Concerning Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá’s going to Kaniza._

Some time after the reduction of Kaniza, Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá having arranged matters at Buda, left the care of that fortress to the defterdár, Munker Kúshí Mohammed Effendí, and set out, towards the end of winter, to Belgrade, to pay a visit to the serdár, Ibrahím Páshá. This visit was not made in vain; for he succeeded with Ibrahím to have himself appointed to the government of Kaniza, and the defterdár, Munker Kúshí, to retain his charge at Buda. After his appointment he left Belgrade and went to take charge of his new government, but was not long at Kaniza before he heard of the death of his benefactor, Ibrahím Páshá. In a state of grief, occasioned by this intelligence, he left Kaniza and pitched his camp at a place called Ghurizghár, not far from Sigetwar. A wonderful event happened on the day on which he made the transition alluded to. It was excessively hot and sultry: suddenly, in a moment, an unusual loud sound was heard in the air, and so terrible as to frighten the horses. Everywhere they perceived immense companies of crows in the air, above the tents, fighting with each other, and which, after having fought their battle, as described, set out directly towards Kaniza. About an hour after this wonderful scene another of equal wonder presented itself. A host of eagles, similar to that of the crows, made their appearance above the tents, performed the same sort of manœuvres as their predecessors had done, and followed the same direction which they had taken. Those who witnessed these strange phenomena were, as may well be imagined, awfully surprised and confounded: but Hasan Páshá was a man of great prudence and caution. “It is a warning and a sign from God,” said he, in a solemn tone of voice; “it is an intimation of two engagements with the enemies of our religion.” After having repeated these words he called his deputy, who, at that time, was Iskender Páshá, and desired him to proceed to Belgrade and send him word who had been, or was to be, appointed commander-in-chief; and also to request him, whoever he might be, to send a reinforcement of troops to Kaniza. After having dispatched this messenger, he himself returned to Kaniza, and paid all due care and attention to put it into a state of defence and security. He sent persons, also, to the sanjáks of Sigetwar, Petcheví, and Púzgha, to collect provisions for the garrison; also others to spy out the condition and strength of the enemy. These latter messengers brought him the intelligence that the enemy had assembled an immense army at Yanuk, and that eighty thousand Franks were expected to join them from Frangistan. The páshá sent out other spies, and waited with anxiety for their return.

_The enemy return to lay siege to Kaniza._

It is to be observed that before this, an augmentation of troops, amounting to sixty thousand, foot and horse, supplied by Austria, Spain, and France, had been shipped at a port belonging to Venice, and disembarked on the shores of Croatia. The brother of the Roman pontiff commanded the Italian troops (the troops supplied by Spain, probably). Zerín Oghlí Majar, the beglerbegs of Aslobin, of the Black Herzog, with King Ferdinand at their head, met the above-mentioned European troops at Warashdin, in the country of Mekomúriah, and brought forty pieces of large ordnance along with them.

In a council of war held on this occasion at Warashdin, they were all nearly unanimous in thinking it most advantageous to lay siege to Kaniza. Zerín Oghlí replied, in opposition to general opinion, that first of all, the fortresses of Perzencha and of Búbofché should be reduced; the ruined fortress of Sekish rebuilt and garrisoned: then to go and take the fortress of Kushwar, which would have the effect of dispersing the inhabitants of Koban and of its vicinity, _viz._ those of Barcan. “That appears to me,” said he, “to be the plan we ought to adopt. After we have accomplished these, let us support the German and Hungarian army stationed near Alba Julia. If the Moslem serdár should venture to attack them, we shall, in such a case, be ready to assist them; if he should attack us, then they will be ready to come to our assistance.” This counsel of Zerín Oghlí was rejected and the first opinion adhered to. They determined on reducing Kaniza.

All this various information was carried to Hasan Páshá by his spies, and he was immediately induced, without divulging a syllable of what he had heard to any one, to issue orders to his begs and commanders to prepare for entering the country of Mekomúriah on a depredatory excursion on the shortest notice; and to have their arms and provisions in readiness. These begs and commanders throughout his government obeyed, and assembled with their troops in the fortress of Sigetwar. This order to his begs and commanders was given under the pretext that the enemy was marching towards Buda.

In the meantime the enemy’s troops advanced within one stage of Kaniza, where they halted three days for the arrival of their artillery. They thought, from the movements which they had perceived among Hasan Páshá’s troops, that they had actually gone towards Buda, and that, therefore, Kaniza would be obliged to yield without much resistance. “Never mind; let the Turks go to Buda,” said they among themselves; “we shall see what state Kaniza is in.” Thus saying, they sent out some spies, who when they returned confirmed them in their blindness. “The Turks,” said the spies, “have not the least idea of our approach; but Hasan Páshá, the governor of Kaniza, says, our army has marched on to Buda; and that he is therefore preparing to enter into the country of Mekomúriah on a predatory excursion.” Such was the import of the report of the spies; and it had the effect of filling the infidels with joy. After considering all these appearances, apparently in their favour, they advanced to the siege.

_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, marches against the enemy._

After the grand vezír had reached Belgrade he learned that Alba Julia was besieged by the enemy’s troops, and therefore sent off a body of men to its assistance. This auxiliary army had scarcely reached the bridge of Usk, when information reached him that Alba Julia was taken by the enemy. Immediately after this the news of Kaniza’s being besieged was also communicated to him.

The experienced páshás at Usk entered into consultations as to the plan they ought to adopt in the present circumstances. Some of them proposed to go to Kaniza; others of them thought this unnecessary. Every one had his own opinion: they were fairly divided. After much and long disputation, it was at length observed, that if they should go to Kaniza, it was more than probable the enemy’s army at Alba Julia would pursue them. They would thus be exposed to two armies at once, each of which was very powerful. In this case (said the speaker), it would not be an easy thing to give an answer. Better that we march to Alba Julia; and after we have defeated our enemies there, continued the speaker, we, on our return, will march to the aid of Kaniza.

This counsel was agreed to; and, accordingly, letters were issued, giving information of the resolution the páshás had come to. They commenced their march towards Alba Julia, and on reaching Jankúterán they were joined by the division which the grand vezír had formerly sent forward to the aid of the Alba Julians, and also Munker Kúshí Mohammed Páshá with the troops of Buda. In another council held at this place they unanimously agreed to attack the enemy at once and with vigour. Having taken eight badalooshkas and four large cannon from Buda, they advanced in the greatest haste, and reached the plains of Alba Julia on the first of Rabia II.

The enemy lay between two mountains, and had an immense ditch in front. The Moslem army advanced, threw a bridge over the river which issued from a lake, crossed this river on the following day, and attacked the enemy in their tabúr or fortifications. The great and small guns were put into immediate requisition. On the following morning, at daybreak, the combatants on both sides were in motion, and the work of destruction was again renewed and carried on till the darkness of the night made it necessary for both parties to retire.

According to Hasan Beg Zádeh’s account of this battle, it would appear that the janissaries, on the last of the days above-mentioned, when led on to the attack by the commander, had fled before the opposing foe, and were on the very point of making the commander their prisoner. God protected him.

Petcheví says, that Mohammed Ketkhodá having secured an advantageous position, slew immense numbers of the enemy. The enemy now advanced in four columns, each column five hundred strong, and drove the Moslem cavalry off the field. The salihdárs were ordered to advance to oppose their progress, but were unable to effect any thing: night, however, came on, when both parties retired from the conflict for a few hours, but it was soon after renewed with double fury. In this day’s work of death, towards evening, Mohammed Ketkhodá and Mohammed Munker Kúshí Páshá, the governor of Buda, whilst advancing with their divisions to an attack, fell in the field of battle.

According to Hasan Beg Zádeh and Abdulkádír’s accounts of this battle, it appears that the Romeilian troops had been ordered to support the attack in which the two chiefs now mentioned met their death, but that, in consequence of some rancour which their commander, Mohammed Páshá, entertained against Khetkhodá, they had failed: neither did any of the other troops, they say, offer to do it. Petcheví says, however, that he himself was present and an eye-witness: his words are, “I was standing beside the páshá and looking at the contest. The páshá (_i.e._ the beglerbeg of Romeili) was not aware when this attack was made, and therefore could not have rendered them any aid. After the return of the divisions which they had led on to the attack, the martyrdom of these heroes was announced to him, and he was excessively grieved that they had advanced to that attack without having given him notice of it. Any account of the matter differing from this is false.”

On the night of the last battle the enemy altered their position; for when the Moslems, next day, moved slowly to meet their antagonists, they found them closely concentrated in a narrow pass in the road which led to the fortress of Polatah. Finding them thus situated, and seeing they had succeeded, during the night, in casting a deep trench, the Moslem army did not again offer to attack them. Under pretence of winter having set in they retired altogether from the scene of contest and battle.

The government of Buda was conferred on the beglerbeg of Romeili, Mohammed Páshá. Four thousand janissaries, under the command of a túrnají báshí, were ordered to accompany Mohammed Páshá to Buda. On their return to that fortress they passed through the country of Segdin. Winter having come on, preparations for assisting Kaniza were immediately commenced.

_Kaniza is besieged._

We have already mentioned the manœuvre practised by Hasan Páshá, governor of Kaniza, and the arrival of the infidel army within a stage or one day’s journey of the above city and fortress.

On the 8th of Rabia II., five thousand of the above army appeared in the vicinity of Kaniza, on the road which led to Vienna. The governor gave the strictest orders to the head of the artillery not to fire on them, and forbade any of the cavalry to venture out: for the object of this hostile party, he observed, was to seize prisoners where and how they could. Let the foot soldiers, continued he, meet them with their fire-arms and contend with them; and he immediately placed a number of effective men at each of the gates. The order of the governor was obeyed. The heroes who went to dispute the progress of the enemy, manfully maintained the bloody contest till mid-day, when the enemy retired to their tábúr, leaving many of their men, as well as of their horses, on the field of battle. Ferdinand was informed of the result; but, it would seem, knew nothing of the attempt they had made, and strongly reproved them for it.

Next day (the 9th), Ferdinand himself called one of his princes, ordered him to advance with a party, and by all means endeavour to seize some prisoners. This was the very object the party, the day before, had in view. This second party advanced till they were under the very guns of the fortress, and contended with the heroes formerly mentioned till the hour of afternoon prayers, when they, instead of retiring as on the previous day, stopped and cried out: “by the religion of Mohammed, if you have only one gun fire it.” The heroes, in compliance with the instructions of their governor, replied, that though they might have such, yet that they had till then refrained from using them, and had spared their lives. The enemy believed this, and rejoicingly went and told it to Ferdinand the king. The king immediately called a council of his great men, and communicated this intelligence to them. On the following day (the 10th), he sent forth a party a third time, who fought more desperately than on either of the preceding days. On this occasion they again requested the Moslems to fire a gun, that their king might hear its report in his camp or tábúr. The former answer was returned to them, with this addition: “We are here but for a few days, like strangers. Would a man live in a desolate island-like place as this? Our emperor has many thousand palankas like this Kaniza.”

It is to be observed, however, that when Hasan Páshá desired it to be said that there were no cannon in Kaniza, his ághás opposed it by saying, it was improper to mention it to the enemy; “for,” said they, “if the enemy should happen to be either unwilling or afraid to attack us, this saying will most assuredly have the effect of inducing them to do so.” The Páshá replied: “attend you to my orders; there is something that you do not yet know: I know when to employ the cannon: I reserve them till then.” But to return. The infidels returned, as on the former occasions, and informed Ferdinand what they had heard from the Moslems about there being no cannon in the fortress of Kaniza. Ferdinand, elated by this intelligence, called a council of his great men. “Let us,” said he, “send out spies, and if the intelligence which they bring us correspond to what we have just learned, then we will certainly root them out. We will, afterwards, order our movements according to any method which Prince Mathias, now below Yanuk, may see fit to adopt.” So much for Ferdinand. Some of his counsellors, however, ventured to think differently. “Let us first,” said they, “lay siege to Sigetwar and take it: let us, in fact, take every one of the fortresses as far as Usk, and root out the Turks from everyone of them.” Zerín Oghlí, who was present in this sage assembly of warriors, was asked to give his opinion. He did so. It was as follows: “In the reign of Sultán Soleimán Khán I was shut up in this fortress (Sigetwar). The out-works of the fortress can be easily taken, but the citadel is peculiarly strong. It will require forty pieces of cannon for each one of its batteries before any impression can be made upon it. It was after having thrown a hundred thousand loads of earth into the lake, by which it is surrounded, and as much again above its surface, that Sultán Soleimán was enabled to surround the fortress and take it by force. If your strength is sufficient for an exploit of that kind, and if the Turkish troops do not turn upon you, then you may perhaps succeed. One thing I know, that if you are able this year to deliver Kaniza out of the hands of the Turks, you will accomplish a feat which will be without a parallel: for, you must know, there is shut up in it an enchanter whose artifices elude all detection. For twenty years past we have been obliged to drink his poisonous draughts. Every time they announce that he is either sick or dead, he is sure to appear in one or other of our provinces and perpetrates immense evil. Hitherto no one has been able to withstand him. He has completely vanquished, by his artifices, every one who has opposed him.” Zerín Oghlí having finished his long speech, one of the Frank princes, who had hearkened to it, said: “This man (Zerín Oghlí) is not acquainted with our method of war, or he is an ally of the Turks, and tries to intimidate us.” Zerín’s speech was henceforth disregarded by the council, and Ferdinand said “that next day, at all events, they would advance upon Kaniza: if the Turks abandoned it, good and well; if not, we will lay siege to it. Let these treacherous Hungarians (the inhabitants of Kaniza) see what will be the fate of the fortress of Kaniza. After Kaniza is once disposed of, then we shall take vengeance on them. They have every where instigated the sword of the Ottoman to deeds of blood.”

On the 11th of Rabia II., about mid-day, this vile army of infidels, with the beating of drums, sounding of cymbals, blowing of trumpets, and ringing of bells, approached with great pomp, and with inverted arms, the devoted city and fortress, and took up its position on the banks of the river Berk, on the road which led to Vienna. A short time after they had thus taken up their position, they perceived a number of waggons which happened to be conveying provisions from Perzentcha to Kaniza, but which the infatuated infidels thought were waggons come to carry off the population of that city, and therefore gave orders not to meddle with them in going in; determining to pursue them when they again came out, and murder the whole of the people they might find in them. They were, however, completely deceived. It is a curious fact, but true, that the men who had escorted these waggons went to the governor, after having safely entered Kaniza, and asked him what was the meaning of the mighty army they had observed on the banks of the Berk—for surely, said they, they are not enemies. The governor pleasantly replied, that they had come on a visit: “but now that you have all safely got into the fortress,” said he, “they shall be served with a feast of red-hot melons without delay.”

The wisdom of the páshá in giving orders not to fire on the enemy, as before observed, appeared most conspicuously to every one: for had he ordered his guns to be fired at the enemy when they urged him to do so, it is clear the waggons with provisions would certainly not have been allowed to enter into Kaniza, but would in all probability have fallen into the hands of the enemy, as well as the troops which escorted them. But to return. The páshá called the heads of the artillery, and asked them how many cannon there were in the place. Nearly one hundred, small and great, was the answer. “Well then,” said the governor, “let them all be charged, and as soon as you hear _Allah! Allah!_ discharge the largest, and immediately afterwards, and at once, let the others be discharged in the midst of the enemy.” The guns were accordingly loaded, and the well-known signal waited for.

In the meantime the páshá bowed the knee twice in humble prayer. The signal was at length given: the largest, and immediately after it the rest, were fired, the roaring thundering noise of which made the earth to quake. The enemy, as might well be imagined, were struck with terror, and perceived when it was too late their mistake. Ferdinand was standing, at the moment a volley of shot from the batteries of Kaniza was poured in amongst his army, talking with four of his princes, three of whom were shot dead on the spot. Many thousands besides perished. This feast of red-hot melons made the enemy think of retiring across the river; and whilst in the act of doing so they were hotly pursued by the Moslem heroes, who fought with them till the night closed upon them. The enemy having again encamped in the direction of Sigetwar, the princes came forward and said to King Ferdinand, “Behold, sire, the stratagem the Turks have laid for us! Let there be no quarter shown to them: let us destroy them root and branch, and make them a spectacle to the world.” The king replied, that he would see how they themselves should act: it was the day of vengeance.

They now put their cannon in order, entered into the trenches, and from this moment the siege of Kaniza may be said to have been properly begun. Their first act of hostility, after commencing the siege, was the discharging of three cannon, none of which did much injury. The first passed harmlessly over the fortress: the second was not quite so harmless, for it passed through the páshá’s palace, killed one of his relations, and then rebounded towards Sigetwar: the third touched the odá of the ághá of the janissaries, but did no injury. They afterwards, at once, and from six different places, discharged forty large pieces of cannon, the noise of which seemed to indicate the total annihilation of the place.