Chapter XIV: Part 14

The emperor of Austria was no sooner apprized of Botchkai’s revolt, than he sent a person of the name of Báshtái Yúrkí with German forces to chastise the rebel; but the former were totally defeated in the very first engagement. Botchkai, in the meantime, having received a reinforcement of Tátár and Temiswar troops from the grand vezír, his courage was amazingly increased, and he followed up his victory with rapidity and zeal. Every town and village which owned subjection to the German despot he exposed to all the horrors of war and rapine, and returned with immense booty, and joined the Moslem army in the capacity of a vassal of the Ottoman empire.

The promise which the vezír had made to obtain for him the royalty of Hungary (not of Transylvania, as before mentioned) he also punctually fulfilled after he returned to Constantinople, as we shall afterwards see. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who, in consequence of the part he had acted in the tumult which had taken place in the affair of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, as formerly mentioned, had fled in disguise, and had lived all this interval in a sort of monastery or cell belonging to some Súfis, received his majesty’s pardon, was raised to the dignity of his former vezírship, and afterwards married Ayesha Sultána, the widow of the late Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, for whom he paid a dowry of four thousand akchas (pieces of money).

_Concerning the defeat of Kásim Páshá._

We noticed sometime ago, that Kásim Páshá, on the 22d of Rabia II., had been appointed to the government of Baghdád. We referred particularly also to his conduct towards Alí Páshá, and to the tyranny and oppression he had exercised at Scutari. In the neighbourhood of Brúsa, whither he had gone after leaving, or rather after he was obliged to leave Scutari, he committed the same kind of shameless excesses he had been guilty of in other places. Complaints against his cruelty and tyranny having been laid before the emperor, a bostánjí báshí was forthwith dispatched with orders to cut him off, but who was so overawed by the páshá that he had not the resolution to fulfil his mission. The grand vezír, because he did not obey the order of government, removed the bostánjí báshí from his office, and appointed Dervísh Aghá, ketkhodá of the bostánjís, in his stead. This is the same Dervísh Aghá who afterwards obtained a near access to the emperor’s ear, and was made páshá for the important services he had rendered to the state. But to proceed. Kásim Páshá not only escaped the snare which had been laid for him, and the death he ought to have suffered, but was actually appointed to the government of Kutahia. Here he also manifested a spirit of carelessness and indifference, which eventually entailed upon him the punishment which had formerly been meditated against him. In order, however, to make sure of this, it was considered wise to send him a royal letter appointing him to the deputyship of Constantinople, in room of Háfiz Páshá, and an invitation to him to return and take possession of that office. Confiding in the royal letter Kásim returned to Constantinople, and was hardly one day in office, when he received three royal communications on important affairs, which, at once, had the effect of clearing away all doubt from his mind as to his being firmly fixed in the deputyship. This being the case, as he believed, he that very day appointed his predecessor Háfiz Páshá, third vezír. Ibrahím Aghá he made master of the horse, and Mím Ibrahím his remembrancer. About supper-time Chobán Soleimán, chief of the royal messengers, waited upon the new deputy, and informed him that on the following morning a council was to be held in the royal presence; and also that the emperor’s chaplain, the mufti, the vezírs, and other magnates of the state, had all been invited to attend. Accordingly, at daybreak next morning Kásim Páshá proceeded to the diván with great pomp and ceremony. On entering into the royal presence, and before all who were present, he advanced towards the emperor and did obeisance. The emperor, without any sort of preamble, began immediately to question him with respect to his conduct in neglecting to obey his royal mandates on more occasions than one. Kásim was confounded, and could find nothing to say in reply: to vindicate himself was impossible. The emperor then turned to the high-priest and consulted with him as to the nature of the guilt and crime with which Kásim stood chargeable, and from which he could in no way clear himself, when the reverend prelate gave it forth as his verdict, that Kásim should be put to death. This sentence had scarcely been pronounced, when, on a signal having been given, in rushed a number of bostánjís, who instantly severed Kásim Páshá’s head from his body. His carcass, by imperial orders, was carried in a dray and thrown into a ditch before the gates of Adrianople. Thus ended the eventful life of this ambitious and turbulent páshá.

_Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is made deputy of Constantinople.—Other promotions take place._

Immediately after Kásim Páshá was dispatched, as we have just now related, the emperor of sublime dignity and glory turned to Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, and appointed him to the deputyship or káímakámship of Constantinople, saying, in the presence of the whole council, that if he should be found guilty of any maladministration, he should deal with him as he had done to him that was lying before him—pointing to the body of Kásim Páshá—and thus warned him of his danger. After this solemn address to the new deputy the council broke up, and every one went to his own house.

The new deputy, Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, began his administration by effecting various changes in the different departments of the palace. Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, chief eunuch in the royal harem, he raised to the dignity of third vezír; who, in consequence of this promotion, had it in his power to advance and befriend his own friends. Dávud Páshá, chief of the kapújís, and Mustafa Aghá, grand master of the horse, were, in about a week or two afterwards, exalted to the dignity of vezírs, and were married to two of Sultán Mohammed Khán’s daughters. Nukásh Hasan Aghá, who had been deposed from the command of the janissaries for his pusillanimity, came to Islambol, where his friends had interested themselves in his favour. He was created beglerbeg of Romeili, and soon afterwards was raised to the dignity of vezír. This deputy, amongst his other acts of administration, secured above a million of money to the royal treasury; and, in fact, every person wondered at the changes and alterations he had effected.

Towards the end of Jemadi II. a messenger arrived from Egypt, bringing to the court of Constantinople the sad intelligence that the Egyptian troops had murdered Hájí Ibrahím Páshá. The eunuch, Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who had lately been raised to the rank of _third_ vezír, was appointed válí of Egypt in the room of the deceased. The galley in which the new válí had embarked reached the port of Alexandria in one week’s time; and after having entered upon the government of Egypt, he put to death every individual of those who had been in any way involved in the tumult in which his predecessor had perished. By force of arms he established peace throughout the whole of his jurisdiction, attended to the state of the finances, and inspired all ranks with terror.

On the 25th of Rajab the válí of Romeili, Hasan Páshá, was advanced to the rank of fourth vezír; Hasan Aghá, the brother of Tarnákjí Páshá, was, in the same month, made commander of the janissaries. The government of Algiers was conferred on Mustafa Aghá, who had been chief of the eunuchs in the days of Selím II.

_Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is murdered.—Súfí Sinán succeeds him._

It was not very long after Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá had entered on the duties of his office as deputy of Constantinople, when some violence began to be manifested by the troops on account of the pay which was due to them. Whilst the lord high treasurer, Mohammed Páshá, son of Músá Chelebí, was straining every nerve to meet the demands of the military, some of his enemies had an interview with the emperor’s chaplain, who lodged accusations with his excellency the deputy against him. The deputy, not perceiving the evil that was soon to happen to himself, deposed him and appointed one Háfiz Mahmúd to succeed him; a man who was every way unfit for so high and important a situation as that of chief treasurer, and one, too, whom the emperor abhorred. The deputy’s infatuation did not stop here; he endeavoured, with all his might, to get Siná-allah Effendí, the reverend mufti, removed from his spiritual jurisdiction, and to place Mohammed Effendí, the eldest son of Khojeh, in his stead. The reverend mufti no sooner received intelligence of the deputy’s manœuvres, than he immediately entered, with the emperor’s chaplain, into a conspiracy against the life of Sárukjí Páshá. They used every means they could think of to blacken his character in the opinion of the emperor, and succeeded but too well in exciting his displeasure against him. One day, as he went on some business connected with his office to the royal palace, he was desired to wait on his majesty; but on his retiring he was seized, an executioner was called, and in an instant his head was cut off. His body was thrown into a well in the court of the diván,[14] and Súfí Sinán Páshá was appointed káímakám in his stead.

Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who had been restored to favour and was raised to a vezírship, again fell under his majesty’s displeasure, and was degraded. This took place on the 12th of the _first_ Rabia, and Nesúh Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Aleppo, was appointed to succeed him in the vezírship, and also to the command of the army employed in Anatolia in quelling the rebellion in that quarter. On the 2d of Dhu’l kadah, Nukásh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, reached the rank and dignity of vezír, and Tarú Hasan Páshá was confirmed in the above government.

_The emperor goes to hunt.—Sultán Osmán Khán is born._

The emperor, who was exceedingly fond of the chace, went out with his friends and great men on the 11th of Jemadi II., _i.e._ on the 24th of Teshrín evel (a Syro-macedonian month, October), to enjoy the pleasures of the chace in the country round about the gardens of Romeili, in the vicinity of Constantinople.

During the time the grand sultán was enjoying the pleasures which the chace afforded him, the ághá of the royal house arrived and announced to his majesty the joyful intelligence of the birth of a son, which filled every heart with the sincerest joy. When the young prince was afterwards named Sultán Osmán, seven days and seven nights were dedicated, by an imperial firmán, to rejoicings. On the 17th of Shevál, which was the 26th of Shubat (a Syro-macedonian month corresponding to February), Sultán Mohammed was also born to him.

_The grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returns to Constantinople._

We lately left Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the reader will remember, at Belgrade. From this frontier city he was suddenly recalled to court, and reached the Sublime Porte on the 20th of Ramazán, when his majesty condescended to show him very many expressions of kindness and respect. On the 20th of Shabán, Káfzádeh Feizallah Effendí was translated from the jurisdiction of Anatolia and made military judge of Romeili, being succeeded in Anatolia by Yehiá Effendí of Constantinople. About the end of the month of Dhu’l hijja Káfzádeh Effendí, at the request of the grand vezír, was degraded, and Yehiá Effendí was made military judge in his room. Kemál Effendí succeeded to the jurisdiction of Anatolia. Fatimah, the daughter of Sultán Murád Khán, and the widow of Khalíl Páshá, was contracted in marriage to vezír Murád Páshá, who commanded on the banks of the Danube, and who was recalled to Constantinople.

_Continuation of the affairs in the East._

The state of matters in the eastern provinces became every day more desperate. Kalander Oghlí and Karah Seyed, two notorious rebels, laid waste the whole of the country round Aïdín and Sarúkhán, perpetrating every excess and committing every evil they were able against the followers of Mohammed. In one quarter Túyel Khalíl, and one Sachlí in another, created, by their cruelties, alarm and terror in almost every district throughout Anatolia. In consequence of these very awful disasters, inflicted by bands of ruthless barbarians, letters from all quarters flowed into the government, beseeching it for aid and protection against these lawless and merciless hordes. The káímakám, Súfí Sinán Páshá, taking the matter into earnest consideration, waited one day on his imperial majesty, and insisted with him, in the most urgent manner, that one of the vezírs should be appointed commander-in-chief of the army in Anatolia. His majesty, in the presence of the whole of his nobles, appointed Dávud Páshá, and urged him to make no delay. Dávud Páshá, however, excused himself, but afterwards began to make preparations. In the meantime Kejdehán Alí Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia, was ordered to proceed with the whole of the provincial army of Anatolia, and join Jeghala Zádeh, the commander-in-chief in the east. He was further ordered to unite in his march with Nesúh Páshá, who protected the frontiers; and both were ordered to march together with their respective armies, and overthrow the rebels, whose excesses were become altogether without limits. Kejdehán Alí Páshá proceeded according to orders; attached his troops to those of Nesúh Páshá, and marched together to meet the rebels under Túyel, who had conquered the greater part of Caramania and Anatolia. This rebel army they met in the plains of Bolawadin; but the result of the meeting of these two hostile armies we must defer relating till we enter on the affairs of the following year, which we shall immediately commence.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1014, II.

It having been considered of the last importance to ascertain the actual state of the Hungarian frontiers, Mohammed Páshá was granted full power over the troops, and to employ them in any way he thought proper. It was also the emperor’s declared determination and wish that Osterghún should be reconquered from the enemy if possible. With this view Hasan Aghá, Tarnákjí’s brother, and ághá of the janissaries, was appointed to proceed with a large body of janissaries to Belgrade, and afterwards join the commander-in-chief at Buda. This body of troops left Constantinople on the 27th of Dhu’l hijja, and halted at Dávud Páshá for the purpose of making some further arrangements for the journey. Abdul Bákí Effendí was appointed treasurer to the army; Etmekjí Zádeh had been sent to Romeili to collect the taxes; Súfí Sinán Páshá having been in full power, and deputy of the Sublime Porte, sent Dávud Páshá to command the garrison of Kostamúní; and Nesúh Páshá was made commander in Anatolia, and appointed to protect the Ottoman boundaries in that quarter.

Hasan Aghá, after having remained a week at Dávud Páshá, recommenced his march towards Belgrade, which place he reached about the latter end of the month Sefer. Having refreshed his troops and attended to the other necessary preparations for prosecuting his march to Buda, he left Belgrade and passed the plains of Zimún for that fortress on the 4th of Rabia II. The whole army assembled at Usk, where a council of war was held. The commander-in-chief proposed for the consultation of the counsellors, what measure ought first to be adopted for securing the desired success? The borderers and several of the chiefs of the army thought it was by all means most advisable to proceed directly to Buda and Alba Julia, and check the progress of the enemy in those quarters, or at least protect them against any assault which the enemy might threaten. Information had already arrived, they said, which fully announced the threatening aspect the enemy was assuming with regard to both these places. The enemy, they were aware, was making every preparation in Komran for renewing hostilities, and already had acquired some success. It was their imperative duty, continued the speakers, to march immediately to Buda and Alba Julia, and protect these places against the enemy of their country and of their faith. Such were the arguments employed on one side of the question. Others, however, opposed them, and argued differently. They, in the weakness of their judgment, maintained that Buda and Alba Julia were places of strength, and well furnished with the means of self-defence; so much so, indeed, they said, that the enemy had given up all hope of succeeding against them. These two places, the objects of so much concern and anxiety, therefore, might very well, and without any danger, they maintained, be left to their own resources. But there is Mekamúriah, said these trifling advocates. It presented a fine field for enriching the army: the inhabitants were in a state of quietness, and no way in a capacity to offer resistance: they were rich. Let, therefore, the army, reiterated these orators, march into Mekamúriah without delay.

This motion was vigorously opposed by the opposite party, and many arguments were adduced to show the danger that would arise if adopted and acted upon: but the majority of the council was in favour of it; and for no other reason, but that it promised to satisfy their thirst for wealth. The commander-in-chief yielded to the majority, ordered the janissaries to proceed towards Kaniza, not very distant from which lay the country of Mekamúriah, and resolved on following them, on the next day, with the body of the grand army acting under his command.

Having given his orders he waited on the venerable cazí who accompanied the camp, Ahmed Effendí, and informed him of the resolution the council had adopted, and requested him to give his opinion. The reverend prelate expressed, in no unmeasured terms, his entire disapprobation of that resolution. “It is no mark of sound judgment,” said the venerable man, “to adopt a method which leaves in our rear the enemy watching our movements, whilst we are pursuing an uncertain object from motives of ambition. Moreover, it is entirely contrary to the will of the emperor, who expressly declared that it was his utmost wish that we should, in the first instance, attempt the reduction of Osterghún. Having had, therefore, the emperor’s mind on the subject, it is as clear as day that nothing could be more improper than to pursue the plan which has been adopted, and, in part, acted upon. If, in prosecuting your present plan, so much as one village belonging to the Ottoman empire should fall into the hands of the enemy, you will find yourself at a loss to give any satisfactory answer when you happen to be interrogated on that point. I would observe, moreover, that only about eighty days remain for continuing this campaign, and that should you, in pursuance of the resolution of the council, follow the course which promises to enrich the soldiery, no less than twenty or thirty days will be necessary for this purpose. The soldiery, bent on acquiring spoil, will pay no regard to your commands when once they are let loose after plunder. They will become disunited and scattered; neither can you expect that this year you will ever induce them again to act as a regular military force. If, in these circumstances, the enemy should commence their hostile movements, with whom, let me ask you, will you march to meet them? What preparations can you effect? What aid can you command? Now, however, that you have time and troops at command, turn your thoughts towards Osterghún, and endeavour at least to fulfil the emperor’s express desire. If you attend to this advice, though you should even fail in the attempt, you are sure to escape reproach.” The clear and cogent mode of the worthy prelate’s reasoning made a very deep impression on the mind of the commanding general; in short, he was like one awakened from sleep. The arguments of the priest carried irresistible conviction, and the general was no longer in doubt as to the line of conduct he ought to pursue. He immediately resolved on proceeding to Buda, countermanded the march of the janissaries, who by that time had marched a stage on their way towards Kaniza, and made arrangements for laying siege to Osterghún.

The reverend priest acted in the transactions we have alluded to without the least fear of blame or reproach. His open and manly conduct, so utterly void of any thing like hypocrisy, was such as threw a glory and dignity around his sacred office and character, and secured him the high approbation of the vezír himself, and all others. Petcheví relates this account somewhat differently, and Káteb Chelebí, in his Fezliké, confirms his view of the matter, but it is of no importance to show wherein the two accounts differ.

The commanding general having resolved, as we have seen, on laying siege to Osterghún, the army commenced its march towards that place. The beglerbeg of Bosnia, with the troops under his command, was ordered forward to Buda. Twenty-five pieces of artillery, thirty thousand balls, ten thousand talents of gunpowder and other ammunition were transported in boats towards the place which was soon destined to become the scene of action and of blood. The spáhís and janissaries, on reaching the plains of Mehaj, were all furnished with the weapons peculiar to each, and about the middle of Rabia II. the Moslem camp was pitched in the vicinity of Osterghún. On the same day, also, on which they had pitched their tents every disposition for commencing hostilities was quickly and promptly attended to. On one side of Osterghún was a high hill whereon stood a considerable castle; and it being probable that a secret way from it to the city might be discovered, by which much mischief to the besiegers might be avoided, Mustafa Páshá, beglerbeg of Buda, was ordered, with a body of troops, to assault this fortress or castle, called Dipadilin, which he did on all sides. Jegirdilin, another fortress or castle, in connection with Osterghún, and with which the Moslems had become well acquainted in a former siege, was also subjected to the operations of war. Vishégrade, situate somewhere on the Danube between Osterghún and Wáj, and which could easily prevent provisions or stores being transported by water to the aid of the Moslem army, was, after a short siege, allowed to capitulate. Khádem Khosrú Páshá, the beglerbeg of Bosnia, who commanded at the siege of Vishégrade, found the garrison was composed of those Franks whom the Pope had sent in aid of the Germans, as formerly mentioned, and who had been distributed into the different forts in the hands of the Austrians. Like their brethren, the Franks at Alba Julia, they entered voluntarily, and on similar terms, the service of the grand sultán. At the commencement of the siege their number amounted to more than a thousand, but most of them perished before they had agreed to capitulate.

We now return to Dipadilin. Vishégrade having been disposed of in the way now related, part of Khosrú Páshá’s troops, and the Franks above-mentioned, were sent to join the troops employed under the beglerbeg of Buda against Dipadilin. This augmentation of force so terrified the besieged that they became discouraged; but the hearts and hands of the Moslems were so mightily strengthened by it, that on the 6th of Jemadi II., the sixth day of the siege, after the hour of morning devotions, they fired off three large guns, and all at once rushed forward to a general assault. It so happened, by the providence of God, that the morning was very dark and hazy; so much so, indeed, that objects could hardly be seen at the shortest distance; and thus the Moslems entered the place before they were discovered. Not only this place, but, in short, every other between it and Osterghún, in the short space of this one day, fell into the hands of the Moslem conquerors. Not one of the infidels in any of these different places escaped with his life: more than four thousand, it was said, perished. The count, who commanded in Osterghún, came forth to stimulate and encourage the infidels to oppose the Moslems, but he never returned: his body was found among the slain. A number of troops, and a quantity of provisions and other stores, which had been advancing by the Danube to the aid of the Moslems, but which, on account of the infidels in Vishégrade, were hindered from reaching their destination, were at once, by the fall of that place, allowed to proceed. The troops on board, having received intimation from the commander who carried on the siege of Vishégrade, disembarked, took up their quarters in a small island, attacked those of the enemy who had been employed in menacing them whenever they offered to sail forward, and slew about two hundred of them. These and the other troops now joined their brethren who were set down before Osterghún itself, the downfall of which was the principal object in the Moslem army’s taking the field this year.

_Osterghún set fire to._

The janissaries having extended their trenches, on one side, to within a small distance of the city or suburbs, and as the cannon placed on the hill Dipadilin were kept constantly firing on the city and fortress, the commanding general, in pressing the siege, ordered the palanka of the city or suburbs to be set fire to. When the besieged perceived this palanka on fire many of them rushed forth and endeavoured to extinguish it, but not one of those who did so ever returned again.

_The city and fortress taken._

On the 16th of Jemadi II. three successive general assaults were made, in the last of which the city was taken, and two thousand infidels that were found in it were immediately dispatched to the flames of hell. Mustafa Páshá, who had vanquished Dipadilin, was sent to reduce a tower called the Water Tower; which he did completely. On the 10th day, after taking possession of the city or suburbs, another assault was announced to the troops, who prepared for the onset. The enemy’s troops within the fortress perceiving with what determined perseverance the besiegers were animated, and fully convinced they should not be able to resist an assault, if it were attempted, but which they had every reason to anticipate, they, in this hopeless condition, offered to capitulate. When this proposal of the besieged was announced to the commanding general, he sent his confidant Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí,[15] the person who first informed him of the proposal of the enemy, to settle the articles of capitulation. These he settled in conformity to ancient custom. On the 21st of the month, five thousand four hundred miserable-looking wretches issued forth from the citadel, loaded with what private property they were able to carry—which they had been allowed to take with them—were put on board transports, and sent off to their own infidel country. One of their chief captains, however, embraced the Moslem religion, and was much caressed and befriended by the commanding general. All the Franks in Osterghún who followed the example of their brethren, who had lately entered the service of the grand sultán, shared the same immunities as those formerly mentioned. The injuries which Osterghún and Dipadilin had sustained in the siege were ordered to be forthwith repaired. The noble temple of Osterghún, which had been desecrated ever since the enemy had entered the city, and filled with their abominations, was also ordered to be purified; divine service according to Mohammedan usage was performed in it. A sufficient garrison was appointed: Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí and two other officers were sent off for Constantinople with intelligence of the splendid victory gained over the infidels; and in consideration of which, each spáhí received two, and each foot soldier one piece of money. The commanding general, after this distribution of money among his troops had taken place, directed his course towards Buda and Belgrade.

There can be no doubt that the fall of Osterghún contributed very much to induce the court of Vienna to submit, or rather to offer the conditions which they not long afterwards forwarded to the court of Constantinople.

_Progress of Botchkai._

Botchkai, of whom we have before spoken, when thoroughly strengthened and supported by Ottoman forces, nothing withstood him: he was every where victorious. During the time that the Moslem general was employed in the reduction of Osterghún, Botchkai formed the design of laying siege to the fortress of Uivár, and therefore requested to be supplied with Moslem troops for that purpose. In accordance with this request Sinán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Agria, the princes of Serim, of Alasha Hisár, of Semendria, and the prince of Terhalah with a thousand Tátárs and a body of Circassians, were sent to his assistance. Botchkai committed the command of his army to an infidel of the name of Humnaí, a Hungarian prince. Bektásh Páshá, formerly mentioned, was also engaged in the siege of Uivár. One thousand of the janissaries who had been engaged in the siege of Osterghún, and a considerable number of provincial troops, under the Khosrú Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, were afterwards sent forward to Uivár; over whom, as well as over those Moslem troops already sent, he was made chief commander. Uivár, however, though at first it showed some little courage, soon submitted to Botchkai, who having expressed a desire that it should remain under his dominion, the commanding general, in conformity with the promise which had been made to him with regard to making him ruler of Mejár or Ardil, or both, deputed Teryákí Hasan Páshá to accompany Ahmed Effendí, the priest of the camp, and formally to install Botchkai in the possession of Uivár.

About this same period, Teryákí Hasan Páshá was sent with a division of the Romeilian troops to reduce Besperim and Polatah. The last of these only he subjected to the Moslem yoke, and afterwards returned and joined the royal camp in the vicinity of Buda. The beglerbeg of Buda, Bosniak Mustafa Páshá, in the meantime, was degraded, and his beglerbegship was conferred on Alí Páshá son of Kází Zádeh, ruler of Silistria. The jurisdictions or sanjáks of Semendria, of Nicopolis, of Silistria, of Chormin, and of Wiza, were all put under the guardianship of the garrison of Buda.

After the fortress, which had been reduced, had been all repaired, the victorious general made preparations for returning to Belgrade.

_Botchkai pays a visit to the commanding General._

When the grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returned, last year, to Constantinople, he did not forget to lay before his royal master a statement of the promise or engagements he, as the organ of the Ottoman government, had entered into with Botchkai; the result of which was a splendid crown, valued at three thousand ducats, and, moreover, richly studded with precious stones, for Botchkai. One Seyed Mohammed was sent to Botchkai from the commanding general, to inform him of what was going on in his favour, and to invite him to wait upon him. The commanding general, who at this time was encamped near Pest, no sooner heard of the near approach of Botchkai, who, in obedience to the invitation sent him, was coming to wait on him, than he ordered a splendid royal pavilion, handsomely adorned with fine curtains, to be erected for his royal visitor. The whole of the troops were ordered to stand under arms, and in proper order to receive him. The flooring of the pavilion was made of precious odoriferous wood or planks; and, in short, every thing suitable to the dignity of the approaching monarch was punctually attended to. At length Botchkai, attended by a guard of ten thousand Hungarians, besides many distinguished princes, arrived in the Moslem camp, and went immediately to pay his respects to the commanding general. The splendid and highly valuable crown, above referred to, was brought forth and placed on his head by the hands of the general. A richly-ornamented sword was presented him on the same occasion: and immediately afterwards he was declared to be raised, by Ottoman imperial munificence, to the sovereignty of Hungary. The banners and standards, which the Ottoman government condescended to send him, were presented to him in due form. Botchkai made all due acknowledgment for the dignity and honour conferred on him, kissed the commanding general’s hand, and said: “We are now become the emperor’s servants. Those who are hired with money, serve generally out of fear of reproach or of punishment; but we, inasmuch as we are favoured servants, still manifest the most genuine and cheerful obedience.” Thus, the contract first made with Botchkai was fully ratified and signed; the field-pieces in the camp were fired in token of joy; great demonstrations of heartfelt pleasure were every where, throughout the camp, instituted, and cheerfully observed; and Botchkai, now created king of Hungary, took leave of his friends and returned to his newly-acquired dominions.

Botchkai, after he was advanced to the rank and dignity of a sovereign prince, contributed very much to the welfare of the Moslem religion. So much so, indeed, that the infidel Germans, who were filled with hatred against him, when they found it impossible to take him in open battle, endeavoured by every means they could devise to poison him, which at last they accomplished.

When tidings of the death of Botchkai reached the Sublime Porte, the government proceeded to make choice of another of the Transylvanian princes to succeed him in the sovereignty of Transylvania,[16] and Batori Ghabor was the one who was elevated to that dignity. The elevation of Batori Ghabor, as now hinted, had the effect of widening the breach between Turkey and Austria, but it eventually led to the latter’s negociating for peace.

The commanding general, who unfortunately became indisposed, remained a few days in Buda arranging and settling matters with his servants, appointed the celebrated hero Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, commandant of Buda, and set out for Belgrade. On reaching this city, he paid off the troops, and allowed them to return to their own provinces; but he himself spent the winter there, where he enjoyed all the pleasures of life.

The Moslem army, by the assistance of God, achieved this year the advantages and triumph which they sought. This one campaign brought them more glory than any one of the preceding twelve. In fact, the Moslems accomplished more this year than they had done in all the others put together: so wonderfully successful had they been. The wealth they had acquired was altogether unprecedented in the history of their wars with the northern infidels.

The exalted commanding general, after having gone to Belgrade, as before mentioned, procured double pay for the troops. Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí was appointed to see the distribution properly attended to.

_Peace is proposed by the Archduke Mathias._

Botchkai, of whom we have had a great deal to say, vexed and distressed the Austrians to the very utmost; which at last had the effect of inducing the Archduke Mathias, who was at that time in Vienna, when he perceived the danger which threatened to subvert from him the whole of his dominions, to send an embassy to the Moslem commander-in-chief. He clearly saw that his troops were not able to resist the superior force of the Ottomans, or withstand the powerful and vigorous hostility of Botchkai. His only army in Transylvania also was on the very point of being surrounded. When made aware of all these alarming circumstances, he sent the embassy alluded to, and, at the same time, informed the emperor his brother, who was at Prague, the capital of Bohemia, of what he had done. He stated in his communications to the emperor, that if a treaty of peace was not agreed upon he should by degrees be stripped of all his dominions in Hungary. “Part of them would fall,” he said, “under the Turks, and the rest would be trampled under the feet of Transylvanian cavalry.” The emperor, well aware that peace was every way desirable, expressed his approbation of the steps Mathias had taken to bring about so very requisite an object.

The emperor, however, in conformity to the principles of his vain religion, applied to the ungracious Pope of Rome for his advice, who expressed himself altogether hostile to the measure proposed. This audacious pope[17] had the hardihood and wickedness to write back to the emperor, desiring him to get his brother to withdraw the proposals he had made, or if he refused to do so, to kill him. Such was the advice of the pope.

The emperor informed his brother of the sentiments which his holiness had expressed, and urged him in the strongest manner to pay implicit regard to them: assured him, moreover, that it was of much more consequence to him to have the prince of religion on his side, than any relative, however near to him; and therefore conjured him to continue the war. Mathias replied, that it was of the utmost moment to him to have peace on any terms; that preliminaries had been entered into, and that he was determined not to recede.

In the meantime Mathias collected what Hungarian and Transylvanian forces he was able, who, when united with the troops he had sent to protect his Transylvanian dominions, formed a very considerable army. With this army he purposed advancing upon Prague, but the death of the emperor,[18] which happened at this time, put a stop to this warlike attempt.

The death of the emperor changed the aspect of affairs in relation to Mathias altogether, and bound him, in consequence of the law of succession, to respect the unworthy injunctions of the pope. This pope, to reproach and mortify Mathias for having offered conditions of peace to the Turks, raised Maximilian, a younger brother, an infidel, to the imperial dignity, to the exclusion of the lawful heir. It was that very same Maximilian, who, with his 70,000 infidels, was defeated before Agria by the heroic Sultán Ahmed Khán; that same Maximilian who hardly escaped from the scene of action with his life; who, unable to mount his horse or gird on his sword, fled away on foot; who, preferring a monastic life, ran off to the pope and entered into a monastery; it was that very same Maximilian whom the pope, in the plentitude of his power, and in the bitterness of his wrath, nominated to fill the throne of the Roman emperors, and whom he sent into Hungary. Mathias, however, prepared to dispute his pretensions, and with the army he had led, or had intended to lead against his deceased brother, he stood ready to meet this Maximilian. But Maximilian’s courage failed him, and Mathias, without striking a blow, ascended the throne of the Cæsars. Maximilian being now unable to promote the pope’s purposes, was appointed to the government of Vienna, and Mathias repaired to Prague, the imperial city, and commenced the exercise of his imperial prerogatives.

After Maximilian had gone to Vienna, he, in conformity to an agreement between him and Mathias, who was bent on promoting a treaty of peace, sent, the year peace was concluded, two hundred thousand dollars towards fulfilling the stipulations of that treaty, but he was exempted for the space of twenty years from any farther demands of this kind; though during each of the three years in which the negociations were carried on, he sent presents to the commander-in-chief, accompanied by letters humbly imploring a speedy termination of all hostilities.

_Concerning Jeghala Zádeh’s operations on the confines of Persia._

Notwithstanding the misfortunes which fell, during the events of the last year, to the lot of Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, he was this year, again in a condition to raise his standard in the province of Erzerúm. He removed his son, Mohammed Páshá, from Shirwán, and placed him in the government of Diárbeker, whilst that of the former reverted to Ahmed Páshá, son of Hasan Páshá.

Having heard that the Persians had concentrated their forces at Tabríz, he pushed forward his army as far as Salamas. This took place on the 21st of Rabia II. The perverted sháh came to Khúi, where the advance-army of both sides met; but the Persians, after having sustained some loss, were obliged to retreat. At Hamla another of their divisions was completely routed. On the following day, the sháh divided his army into three divisions on the lake of Tabríz, on the banks of which his troops had concentrated themselves on the preceding day. He himself, from motives of security to his own person, took up his position on a rising ground in the neighbourhood.

In the meantime, Gusah Sefer Páshá, the válí of Erzerúm, without counsel or advice, and contrary to the orders of the commander-in-chief, and followed by Tekelí Páshá, beglerbeg of Tabríz, Rázieh Zádeh, the válí of Sivás, his brother, Akhúyin Ahmed Páshá, Haider Páshá Zádeh, Alí Páshá, and others, amounting in all to fifteen beglerbegs, and more than twenty sanják begs, advanced to attack the advance-guard of the enemy. The commanding officer, it is to be observed, had actually cautioned them against being too hasty, and warned them not to be rash in advancing; but this advice was regarded with contempt by the persons above-mentioned, who, in other respects, had acted arrogantly and disrespectfully towards the commander-in chief, and now rushed forward with their respective troops, attacked the division under the khán, and fought the heretics till the sun had passed the meridian. Verily, Sefer Páshá, more like a lion or a tiger, committed the most dreadful havoc among these infidels and enemies of the faith. The red-heads, finding it impossible to resist the impetuosity and heroism of this valiant troop, fell back upon the division under Zulfekár Khán. The heroic Moslems, however, again rallied their little band together, and attacked this division also. The combat was most desperate, and continued till near evening, when, in the utmost confusion and consternation, they retreated upon the division which the sháh himself commanded, though not actually in person. Here they made an attempt to stand, but with no better success. It was now within half-an-hour of sun-set, and so terrible was the fear which Sefer Páshá had inspired into these heretics that they fled into the mountains, leaving their whole baggage, and even their commander, behind them.

After these singular advantages obtained over the Persians, the sháh, with those who still adhered to him, endeavoured to make his way up a mountain, but not thinking himself safe there he retreated about half a stage, where, on a rising ground, surrounded with a thousand terrors, he pitched his tent.

It turned out, however, that the Kizilbásh army, supported by the sháh’s body-guard, resolved on attacking the commanding general’s camp, which, they supposed, was left without any to defend it. But these dogs were met by a body of janissaries, salihdárs, and others, who stood ready to receive them, and who, with their arrows and small arms, drove them back. The contest, however, was obstinate, and maintained till sun-set, when the despicable wretches, after seeing many of their number wounded and perishing on the field of battle, fled back to their encampments. But Sefer Páshá, who was returning from the scene where he had performed so many and such wonderful exploits, met this horde as they were flying from the face of the Moslems, who had opposed and repulsed them just a little before, and fell upon him and his heroic followers. He and his party, of course, were much fatigued by their late exertions, which had been crowned with the most singular success; whilst the enemy, who thus attacked them, were comparatively fresh, and consequently it was not to be wondered at if they declined accepting a battle. This they did not altogether avoid, though a number of them, among whom was Tekelí Páshá, Jelalí Karah Kásh Páshá, and Kechkár Páshá, with their respective followers, fled to the camp and escaped; whilst their companions fought till they fell martyrs on the field. In this bloody contest, Sefer Páshá, the hero of the party, and whose weapon nothing could resist, was at last wounded, and shortly afterwards his horse fell with him. Some of the Kizilbáshes seized him and several other wounded veterans, and dragged them before the sháh, who ordered some of them to be killed, and to reserve the others. To Sefer Páshá he said, “if you will submit to me, and join our sect (_i.e._ the sect of Alí), I shall confer honour upon you.” The firm Moslem replied, by wishing “a thousand curses to fall upon him and upon every heretic of his sect.” The prisoner, who was bound to a stake, and exhibited to the view of the multitude, loaded the heretical sháh with every species of reproach and contumely, when immediately some of the vagabond red-heads rushed upon him and slew him. Thus ended this brave man. It is true that the commanding officer sent more than once to dissuade him and his rash companions from their precipitate measures, but it is also true that Sefer Páshá, though a very brave man, was yet very obstinate and contumacious. Karah Kásh, and some others of his desperate followers, disregarding all subordination, resolved on being revenged on their enemies.

It is remarkable, and indeed it is one of the inscrutable ways of Providence, that those who fell in these various skirmishes were for the most part those levends or volunteers who had been very lately engaged in rebellion against the Ottomans. It rarely happened, throughout the whole of these struggles, that any of the sworn and paid troops fell. The Moslem army, generally, suffered no injury. But these levends, in God’s distribution of justice, were made to expiate their former crimes and villany by making them wash their filth in this bloody fountain.—But to return.

The carnage to which we have above alluded was put a stop to by the return of night, when the contending parties were under the necessity of retiring. The Kizilbáshes, however, retreated, but the commander-in-chief maintained his ground, or at least he remained where he was (for it does not appear that he had any personal share in the actions which had taken place). During the night season the chiefs and nobles of Kúrdistán came to wait on the commander-in-chief, with the view of consulting with him as to the circumstances in which they were then placed, and of the probable result of their movements and operations; but they were refused admittance, and were told that the commanding general was fatigued and could not see them. The chiefs returned to their own camp; but it soon began to be circulated that the commanding general had fled, and therefore the Kurds, when they heard this, struck their tents, and were on the eve of retiring, when Karah Kásh struck his tents also. The rest of these auxiliary native troops followed the example set before them, and the whole body of them set out for Wán. Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Aleppo, was returning from the field of battle, where he had also been engaged the day before, when he met these fugitives, who informed him, though falsely, that the power of the commander-in-chief was completely broken. Believing that what they had assured him of was true, he returned; but learning afterwards that he had been deceived by them, he directed his steps towards the Moslem camp. To prevent, if possible, these fugitives occasioning any loss to the Moslem army, he from these disinterested views changed his mind, joined them, and went to Wán along with them.

The commander-in-chief collected, in the meantime, the whole of the troops who had remained with him in the camp, gave them all the cheering encouragement he was able, put them in regular order, and led them to the outside of the camp. On turning his eye towards the place which the enemy had occupied the day before, he could perceive no movement whatever that indicated their presence there. Whilst he and his army stood in amazement, and wondering what the result of so unexpected an occurrence might be, they were summoned to activity by Kechkár Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, who asked them to what purpose they were standing and gazing; when immediately the report, that the Kizilbáshes had come and taken away their cannon, was sounded. Their consternation increased, and they were unable to look at one another. Several of them fled. Of the whole of the army which the commander brought into the field, only two thousand household troops remained to him. Such of these as were foot-soldiers he mounted on camels, and in a short time, the commander and his remaining two thousand men were also on the way to Wán; having left nearly the whole of his camp, guns, and treasures behind him.

The sháh of Persia, thinking it was very probable, however, that the Osmánlís by their sudden disappearance, and by the relinquishing of their camp-ground, had laid a stratagem for him, kept aloof for two days, and was afraid to enter: but at the end of this period he received certain intelligence, that the commander had actually fled to Wán, and he then ventured to visit the place where the Osmánlí camp had stood. With the exception of a few hired servants and some trifling articles, which had been left, the sháh found nothing to reward him for his trouble.

After the commander-in-chief had reached Wán, Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan Páshá waited upon him and told him how he had acted in keeping the troops who had fled from his camp together; how he had brought them to a place of safety, and offered every apology which the circumstance of the case seemed to have demanded: thinking, no doubt, that the commander would express his approbation of his conduct. He was much mistaken. The commander was not made of such material as to be moved by a flood of tears and expressions of humiliation and contrition. Calling him, therefore, to account for his dereliction of duty he made him answer for it with his life.

It has been related of Jánbulát Zádeh that he was advised by his friends, when he purposed to wait on the commander-in-chief, not to do so, because of the ill fortune his stars had predicted at his birth, and which he himself, from his own profound knowledge in the science of astrology, had clearly demonstrated to them. His friends succeeded, in the first instance, in preserving him from having any interview with the short-tailed dragons;[19] but his lofty feeling of pride ruined him. “If I sleep,” said he, in the pride of his heart, “Jeghala Oghlí (the commander-in-chief) will not certainly have the courage to watch.” His pride brought him to his end. His death was the means of awakening in the minds of the troops, a feeling of great dissatisfaction. Thirty thousand of his troops or followers returned to Haleb, having chosen his brother, Alí Beg, and Hezer Beg as their commanders, and who, in revenge of Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát’s, death, desolated that province, and continued their rebellion till they were overthrown by the celebrated Murád Páshá at a later period, as we shall relate in its proper place.

The commander-in-chief, the sport of fortune, left Wán and returned to Diárbeker on the 21st of Dhu’l hijja, where he died of a fever which the thoughts of his misfortunes had occasioned. He was a man whose avarice had no bounds. His constantly causing responsible persons to be changed from one place to another was productive of the most serious evils. He conferred the government of Syria on Sinán Páshá Zádeh, and shortly afterwards on Osmán Páshá. Nesúh Páshá, who was válí of Aleppo, he removed, and put Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát of the sanják of Kilis, into his place, on the promise of his paying him a certain rent. And many more are the evils he occasioned, besides those we have mentioned.

_A battle between Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá and the Croatians._

Botchkai having promised to aid the Moslems against the infidels, the grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, after the reduction of Osterghún, appointed his nephew, Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá, beglerbeg of Kaniza, and another military commander, belonging to Botchkai, to conduct an expedition of twenty thousand men, composed of Tátárs, Majarians, and Bosnians, to invade the territories of the enemy. This expedition commenced marching on the 5th of Jemadi II., and took the road which led to Vienna. On the confines of Croatia it was opposed by a considerable body of troops, there assembled for the purpose of checking its progress. A battle ensued, and the conflict was obstinate and bloody: several thousands of the infidels perished. Three times did this mighty army of the Germans attack the Turkish confederates, but was vanquished in its third attempt.