Chapter XI: Part 11

After the grand vezír had fully weighed Mahmúd’s statement and the decree of the mufti, confirmed, as it was, by the authority of the military judges, was not only astonished and confounded, as might easily be imagined, but also greatly afflicted. The soldiery who had been anxiously looking for the emperor’s consent to his execution, no sooner heard of the kind reception the grand vezír had met with at court, than they began to vociferate loudly that they would proceed to his palace and there murder him forthwith. They, accordingly, rushed into the At-maidán, where they began to concert how they might be able to effect their bloody deed. The grand vezír was no sooner apprized, on the other hand, of the menacing of the mob, than he, in terror of his life no doubt, ordered his gate to be firmly barricaded, and ran to hide himself in the apartment next to that in which the sultana his bride lived; for the marriage was not yet consummated.

When the spáhí mob, in conformity to their plan, had reached the gate of the grand vezír’s palace, they found the gate firmly shut against them, but which, had it not been that the night was setting in, they would have burst open. This circumstance, it would appear, caused them to change their mind, and agreeing to defer their purpose till the following morning, they immediately dispersed.

The poor grand vezír and commander-in-chief felt the insecurity of their situation, and being haunted by the horrors of a cruel and untimely death, which his imagination pictured to him, he, at the hour when every true Muselman was offering up his nightly devotions, issued from his palace in disguised garments, accompanied by only two faithful servants, and proceeded to the palace of the ághá of the janissaries, called “the Palace of delight.” Here he was visited by Yemenlí Aghá and Sárí Alí Aghá who desired him to take his ink-stand and a few sheets of paper and to proceed without delay to the ághá of the palace. The unfortunate vezír mounted a horse and went as he was directed. On reaching the palace and entering into the hall of audience, he there saw Hasan Páshá and the ághá of the janissaries with his suite busily engaged in some affairs. The latter called the vezír to advance, and directed him to draw out the following statement:—“That the present acting mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, had been guilty of affording countenance and protection to some of the insurgents; that his brother’s son, Chelebí Kází, had, in a most unrighteous manner, accepted of thirty thousand dollars from the rebel Scrivano; that he had caused Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, to be deposed; that he had joined with the multitude of spáhís in intimidating the diván; that he had caused the ághá of the palace and the kizlar ághá (or ághá of the seraglio) to be beheaded; that he had thrown the whole of the community into a state of excitement by his murderous persecution of the grand vezír; in short, that he was the moving cause of all the disturbance, insubordination, rebellion and violence, which had lately taken place in the city. Further: that the whole of the janissaries were thoroughly convinced that this high-priest should be turned out of his office, as a preliminary to the settling of those commotions which agitated the public mind; that he should be banished to the island of Rhodes, and his place filled by a man possessed of piety and orthodox principles; that Mustafa Effendí, military judge of Anatolia, should be the person to succeed him in his high office, because he was a man possessed of piety and religion, and was, moreover, continent and abstemious.”

Such were the contents of the statement above alluded to, and which the grand vezír, when written out, wrapped up in a cloth and kept till the proper moment for presenting it should arrive. His friends also sent intimation, similar to what the statement contained, to the vezírs, ulemá, armour-bearers, heads of the artillery, and to all the principal persons in the community who were able to read; and all the faithful subjects of his majesty were called upon to assemble under arms at the mosque of Soleimán, and there wait to hear a declaration of his majesty’s will and pleasure.

The paper containing the accusations against the mufti was sent by night, by a trustworthy person, to the sultán in his own private apartments. The morning arrived, and the multitude began to assemble in the vicinity of the Soleimáníyeh. The whole of the janissaries stood fully accoutred under arms at the foot of the stairs opposite their own barracks, and all strangers were ordered to withdraw. Hasan Páshá and Ferhád Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, stood forward on the top of the stairs above-mentioned, produced a royal letter which one of them read in the hearing of the janissaries. This royal letter assured them of his majesty’s good opinion of them, and said that they did and ever should participate of his grace and favour. “From the days of my august and noble ancestors until this day,” it was more particularly stated in this royal document, “you have always conducted yourselves with propriety, and have never been guilty of any irregularity or insubordination. You have uniformly obeyed my royal injunctions with the utmost zeal and precision; and now I request you to aid my grand vezír in chastising those unruly persons who have been the cause of exciting turbulence and commotion in our royal city.”

The janissaries who had been instructed how to act their part in this matter replied, after having pronounced many blessings on their sovereign’s head, that they had some certain reasonable things to advance, and begged they might be laid before the august throne. “The muftis of former days,” they said, “used to be very much attached to the royal house, but the present one, Siná-allah Effendí, was a traitor to the true interests of the Ottomans. He has been bribed by Scrivano, through his nephew, Chelebí Kází, with a sum of thirty thousand dollars; he has deposed Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá; he joined the turbulent multitude who lately intimidated the diván, causing some of its principal members to be executed; and at this moment he is exciting the mob to be satisfied with nothing less than the grand vezír’s life, having even issued a decree for this purpose. It is our opinion,” continued the janissaries, “that he should be forthwith chastised, and that Mahmúd Páshá, his chief coadjutor in this tumult, should be executed without delay; that the turbulent and seditious among the spáhí mob should be delivered up, and in the event of this being declined, to visit the whole tribe with summary vengeance. If they show a disposition to resist, then let them stand prepared for combat, for we are ready to meet them.”

The grand vezír expressed his satisfaction, came forward along with the ághá to their view, and sat down. The vezírs ulemá, and other dignitaries and nobles also assembled. Sinán Páshá, son of Jeghala, declined attending, but a messenger who was sent after him forced him to comply whether he would or not.

After these magnates had assembled in council, the names of the principal conspirators were all registered, their persons proscribed, and a list of them was sent to their chief commanders.

Next morning, however, the discontented spáhís assembled under arms before the menagerie. The grand vezír ordered some ághás to go to the spáhí troops and demand the persons whose names had been noted down. If they deliver them up to you, said he, bring them hither; if not, tell them they must abide by the consequence. The ághás did as they were commanded. On their appearing before the spáhís they showed their credentials and demanded the persons whose names had been taken down, but the spáhís declared they would not give one of them up, supposing, no doubt, the emperor would not proceed to extremities. These ághás sent back these lieutenants with the ungracious answer of the spáhís. In the meantime, two kapújís arrived from the palace, who delivered a packet to the grand vezír which announced to him that the change he had proposed in the muftiship was most graciously acceded to. He turned about to Abdulmíámin Mustafa Effendí and informed him that his majesty had most kindly appointed him mufti. The new mufti made a suitable reply, and the grand vezír, after considering the whole of the contents of the royal communication, took Mustafa Effendí by the arm and introduced him, as such, to all the vezírs and magistrates present, when they all paid him the homage due to his elevated rank.

After all these ceremonies were concluded, the new mufti was requested to wait on his majesty, who entered into conversation with him respecting the conduct of the insurgents, who still maintained their obstinacy, and asked him what punishment, he thought ought to be inflicted on them. The mufti replied, “that the law ought to take its course; that all who continued to manifest disobedience to his high injunctions were rebels; and that the spáhís ought to deliver up, for condign punishment, the chief actors in the tumult and rebellion which then reigned to so terrible a degree throughout the city.”

The grand vezír again addressed the lieutenants of the ághás who had brought him the resolution of the turbulent spáhís, and desired them to return and inform them of the judgment of the new mufti; then to come back to him, bringing along with them the proscribed persons, provided they gave them up. “If they do not deliver them up,” said he, “then inform them that the whole tribe of spáhís shall be entirely cut off from serving any longer in the state, and their privileges be done away with.” They were, moreover, to be informed, that the emperor expected immediate obedience; that if they did not at once show signs of regret by availing themselves of the overture made to them, he had determined to take summary vengeance on them all; that their heads would be cut off at the bottom of the stairs on which he, the grand vezír, stood. The officers proceeded with their message, and delivered it in due form.

In the meantime, however, the grand vezír called one Devlet Aghá, a kapújí báshí (who was in an after reign grand vezír), and desired him to take forty of the household troops and proceed to the house of Siná-allah, the mufti effendí, seize his person, put him on board a vessel, and banish him to the island of Rhodes. Devlet Aghá proceeded with his party to seize the person of the high priest, as directed, but before he had reached his house the reverend father had fled and hid himself.

Devlet Aghá not finding the object of his pursuit, called Hamza Aghá, a kapújí báshí, and Murád Effendí, the second recorder, and desired them to proceed and seal up the palace of the fugitive, Mahmúd Páshá, sometimes called Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá. At the same time persons were sent to shut the gates of Constantinople, and to watch them. These proceedings were announced in the At-maidán to the assembled spáhís, who became so terrified that they all dispersed in the greatest dismay. The ághá of the janissaries mounted his horse, and conducting his troops through the streets of the city, soon restored peace and order in all quarters of Constantinople. The great men and vezírs returned to their respective mansions. Ferhád, the ághá of the janissaries, no sooner restored order in the city than he went in pursuit of the rebels. The grand vezír spent the remainder of that day in the house of the ághá of the palace; and Ferhád, on proceeding to a barrack belonging to the spáhís situate near the arsenal, immediately ransacked it of every thing valuable, and slew a number of this turbulent tribe. This circumstance laid a foundation of enmity between these two powerful bodies, _viz._ the janissaries and spáhís. The barring and locking of the gates of Constantinople proved also a great inconvenience to the inhabitants, inasmuch as they were prevented from burying their dead in the usual way.

Such, for a whole day and night, was the agitated state of the city, occasioned by the events we have related.

_Poiráz Osmán and other rebels executed._

The following day, at an early hour, the mufti, the vezírs, the grandees, the ulemá, and others, met for consultation in the house of the ághá of the palace, and continued their deliberations in reference to the interests of religion and the benefit of the state till the hour of prayer. The grand vezír then mounted his horse and went to pay a visit to his august majesty, accompanied by the new mufti and the military judge of Anatolia, Mustafa Effendí, who, it will be remembered, was recommended by the janissaries to fill the office of the high priest. The grand vezír was preceded by a body of armed foot soldiers to the imperial palace, and after having had the honour of kissing his sovereign’s hand, the emperor entered into conversation with him and the other august persons that accompanied him about the state of public affairs. The serdár, after the above interview, returned in great pomp to the At-maidán, where the janissaries, who had met there by appointment, fired several rounds, and the cavalry went through their evolutions in token of joy for the success which had attended the grand vezír.

The mufti and the military judge, after having conversed some little while with the grand vezír, retired to their own homes.

Now that peace and good order had been established, the inhabitants came forward in multitudes to congratulate the grand vezír on his escape from the snares which had been laid for him, and to express their gratitude for his having quenched the fury of the spáhís. On this same day, in the afternoon, two messengers, one after the other, arrived, and informed the vezír that Poiráz Osmán and Ohgúz Mohammed, two of the principal leaders in the late disturbance, had been seized, and that Mustafa Aghá, the ághá of the spáhís, was conducting these two culprits into his presence. In a short time they appeared bound in chains before him: the vezír addressed them thus: “Osmán Beg, I showed you much respect and attention in the late war on the frontiers; I conferred on you offices of trust and profit, and have heaped favours upon you. Is this, then, the return you make? Is this according to your solemn promises? What can be the reason that you have acted thus? Why have you joined yourself to my enemies?” Poiráz Osmán replied; “O, exalted páshá, why do you force me to speak? I certainly did not commit the evil you impute to me in order that I should afterwards offer an apology. What has happened to me has been my lot. I have not trampled on your goodness so as to banish from my view all thoughts of providence. I feel that I am every way worthy of punishment; at the same time I humbly request you, in the exercise of your consummate benevolence, not to allow me, a guilty man, to be strangled like a woman, but kill me yourself with your sword.” “God forbid,” said the vezír in return, “that we should kill a heroic man of your stamp, especially as we know you must have been disadvantageously placed. But what,” continued the páshá, “induced you to adopt the course you have taken? I wish you to give me an explanation;” and then urged him to do so. Osmán Beg replied, “When I came to Constantinople, I perceived the spáhís going on with their mischievous purposes, but at first declined taking any share in them. Kátib Jezámí and others came running about me; and when I tried to escape them they followed me, urging me to join them. They used to tell me this and that; that the mufti, all the vezírs, the military judge, and other great men were in the plot; that they should without doubt accomplish their purpose; ‘your making yourself singular,’ they said, ‘will not retard the execution of our plan, and your obstinacy will only serve to bring evil upon yourself.’ They took me one day to the mufti’s deputy, who invited me to a splendid feast; I assembled that day with the rebels, but did not, for a while, mix with them; I was afterwards invited by Mahmúd Páshá to wait on him. I did so, and he constrained me to declare my sentiments; to say on what side I was. ‘Osmán,’ said Mahmúd, ‘we have concocted this great measure, and your not taking a decided share in it is not wise; and to oppose the general voice, you know, is not safe, especially as the conspirators have thirty thousand ducats at their disposal. Do not, my friend, make yourself obnoxious;’ and much more to the same purpose. From Mahmúd’s I was conducted to the mufti effendí, Siná-allah himself, and thence to the military judge. Each of the spiritual dignitaries employed many arguments to induce me to join them. I was at last, from what I had seen and heard, persuaded that all the men of name and power had espoused this unfortunate party’s interest, and were united in carrying it forward to a conclusion. The thirty thousand ducats were every now and then referred to. To make the story short, the devil tempted me; I became one of their number, and was one of the most active in the whole of the disturbance and insubordination which have lately manifested themselves.” This seems a very candid confession, but it helped the unfortunate culprit nothing. The grand vezír looked in the poor devil’s face with astonishment, and wondered at his statement. He ordered Aghá Mustafa to conduct the culprits into the royal presence, where the whole of the above facts were again elicited, and the result was, that the emperor ordered their heads to be severed from their bodies, which was immediately complied with. A day or two afterwards the insurgent Dipa kiz Rizván met with a similar fate; so did also Ghuzáz Alí and Burnáz Mohammed; but the infamous and wicked Kátib Jezámí could nowhere be found. Strict search for him it must, however, be confessed, was not made. It appears that he had collected a great quantity of gold together, had himself put into a coffin, and was carried over from Constantinople to Uskudár (Scutari), whence, with a few servants, he fled on horseback. His servants, falling in love with his money, however, took the opportunity, when they reached a mountainous part of the country, to murder him, and took the whole of his gold to themselves. Whilst these wretches were disputing and maliciously contending as to the mode of dividing their spoil, one of their number fled from them; and thus the story of Kátib Jezámí was made known.

Hasan Khalífeh, another of the heads of the insurgents who had been previously involved in other desperate acts, thinking himself perfectly secure, entered into coffee-houses, and spent part of the nights of the month of Ramazán in gay conversation, and in the participation of good cheer along with some of his friends in the above houses; but on the 11th night of that month, whilst enjoying his pleasure in one of these cafés, he was seized and hurried away into the presence of the emperor, when he was without mercy instantly sent to the mansions of the dead. In this way the whole of the ringleaders of the insurgents were disposed of: the world was thus delivered from their mischievous existence.

As to Gúzelcheh Mohammed Páshá, the deputy-governor of Constantinople, he fled and hid himself at the very commencement of the tumult, as before observed; but he was afterwards discovered in the habit of a súfí, near the mosque built by Hájí Khosrú, a rich man, on the outside of Constantinople. He threw himself on the mercy of the sublime Sultán, and thus escaped with his life.

New troubles, however, arose. A foundation for enmity between the spáhís and the janissaries was laid by the proceedings of the grand vezír, as before hinted. Peace and order had scarcely begun to be felt, when a dispute arose between these two powerful military bodies, and was carried on with the utmost asperity. Whenever any of the one party met any of the other, a battle uniformly took place. But it was beyond the walls of Constantinople that this hostility was most fiercely manifested. The proud vezír’s passion for murder and bloodshed continued unabated: his thirst for vengeance against the remaining objects of his hatred he never failed to satiate whenever he found an opportunity of doing so. He thought that the measure he had employed in crushing the rebellion which had been raised against himself had been completely effectual. He was proud of his own doings, and began to publish abroad in the palace of the emperor Alexander (the court of Constantinople) his own mighty deeds; and supposed he was every way such a favourite with the emperor that nothing he could ask would be refused. In this exalted state of his imagination, he passed five successive inglorious fast days in the greatest transports and joy. Having fully acquired the victory and glory which he thought necessary for himself, he began to increase his own abstemiousness and piety in a corresponding measure; but his fury and malignity for promoting the purposes of his own heart were in proportion to the good qualities he had formerly manifested. In short, he exercised violence and cruelty without restraint. He shed blood, and punished to excess; any one who was so unhappy as to displease him, however trifling the offence might have been, was certain of feeling his vengeance, and that was generally death. Without even the shadow of any rational pretext whatever, he caused one Alí Aghá, the brother-in-law of the ághá of the palace, to be strangled. The very day after this deed was committed, he went to the diván, and caused Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá to be singled out from among the senators in the diván, and ordered his head to be struck off even under the sacred roof; but for what crime he suffered death no one knew. The grand vezír, in fact, was absolute and supreme, and therefore irresistible.

Hasan Páshá, formerly mentioned, was about this time appointed to the government of Baghdád, to which he repaired.

Azím Zádeh Effendí relates, what is not at all to be wondered at in those days of mourning, that this same grand vezír had formed the design also of numbering among the slain Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been formerly governor of Constantinople, but that he had the good fortune to make his escape to Trebisond. Háfiz Páshá, the eunuch, who formerly had been káímakám of the Sublime Porte, was sent by him to the Seven Towers, and he lay there without the hope of escape. Others besides these now mentioned felt his resentment, and that too for mere trifles: for neglecting to shew him the respect he conceived to be due to him, or if he had any suspicion of their acting contrary to his views of such things.

About this same time also he began to lay his hand upon the merchants, and to extort money from them. By the advice of Yázijí Zádeh, he got the ulemá to extend his powers and privileges, by which means he exercised oppression and tyranny, cruelty and rapine, in every direction.

_Other affairs of this period._

On the 11th of Ramazán, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá was appointed to take the command of the troops who had been ordered to act against the insurgents; but this appointment was again rescinded on the 25th following, and Jeghala Zádeh was fixed upon. Khosrú Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Egypt, was appointed vezír over the emperor’s private property, and was ordered to take his seat in the diván; and on the 1st of Dhu’l Kadah, he was appointed to take the command of the troops who served on the banks of the Danube. Ferhád Aghá having been deposed from the command of the janissaries, Kásim Aghá, deputy of the Kapújís, was appointed in his stead. Delí Hasan, the rebel-chief, who had gone to winter at Karah-hísár, sent his deputy, Sháh Verdí, to Constantinople, to solicit pardon for all his past offences, and promising obedience in future. Through the good offices of the túrnají báshí, who had recommended to employ him on the frontiers of Romeili, where he might have an opportunity of manifesting his courage, he was too suddenly received back into favour, and the country of Bosnia was rashly conferred on him. This same túrnají báshí accompanied Hasan’s deputy back, and carried with him for the reconciled chief a drum, a flag, and a robe of honour, which the government thought proper to send him. After having dispersed his rebel troops, he passed over to Romeili about the beginning of Dhu’l Kadah, and got the command of about four hundred men. The above-mentioned túrnají báshí was also sent with a body of janissaries to the camp of Mohammed Páshá at Belgrade, who had succeeded to the grand vezír in the command of the army on the frontiers, and having left Buda, had come to Belgrade. Here he collected his troops, and waited with some anxiety for the arrival of the janissaries, whom he expected the túrnají báshí would bring with him; and also for Delí Hasan. In the month of Dhu’l Kadah, Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, who had succeeded Jeghala Zádeh in the east, and who had been appointed to the government of Caramania, Sivás, Merœsh, Haleb, and Adna, was appointed to conduct the war against those rebel chiefs who had continued their hostility, after Delí Hasan had reconciled himself. But when these rebels, however, did make peace, the sons of the khán of the Crimea, Salámet Gheráí, Mohammed Gheráí, and Shaher Gheráí, who had gone over to them, returned to the court of their brother, the ruling khán, when their unnatural conduct was pardoned. This took place towards the end of Dhu’l Hijja. On the 27th of the same month, the emperor was exceedingly enraged against the royal prince called Mahmúd Sultán, for some vicious conduct which had manifested itself in him. The true reason seems to have been this. One of the mesháiekh, or doctors, entered into a correspondence with Sultán Mahmúd, which flattered him with the prospect of mounting the Ottoman throne. This correspondence fell into the hands of the Kizlar Aghá, who informed the emperor of what was going on. The prince was first seized, then his mother, the sheikh or doctor, and all the other persons who were any away connected with the secret. This conduct, on the part of the persons concerned, awakened, as well it might, the suspicion of the emperor, who deemed it of so serious nature, that at the end of one month after they had been apprehended they were made to feel what they had every reason to dread. Mahmúd was a youth of great bravery and heroism. When at any time he saw his father in a thoughtful mood about the issue of the rebellion, which we have lately described, he used to say to him: “Make me commander-in-chief, and I will soon bring these rebels to submit, either by the sword or by acts of kindness: the thing is by no means difficult.” The emperor, however, did not like to hear him express himself in that way, and therefore prohibited the use of such language.

Among the strange events of this year is the following. Abd-ur-rahmán, sometimes called Nedázlí, a teacher in an academy in Constantinople, was apprehended on the 10th Jamadi II., and put to death in the royal diván on a charge of impiety and atheism. Akhí Zádeh Effendí the chief-priest of Romeili, and Asa’d Effendí the chief-priest of Anatolia, were the two judges who condemned the unhappy man. Asa’d Effendí, in a letter he sent to Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá, says “he had never met in all his life such another Zendik (sadducee) as Abd-ur-rahmán. He avowed most thoroughly,” continues Asa’d Effendí, “his disbelief of the resurrection, heaven and hell, reward and punishment. I asked him to reply to several texts, and employed many strong and perspicuous arguments with the view of rescuing him from his unbelief and depravity, but he would not recant. So great an unbeliever was he, in his perverted judgment on points on which there can be no doubt! But neither was he to be considered as an insane person, for he argued strongly for his own views and mode of belief. There is no hope whatever of convincing a madman; and this sadducee, when he was not brought to repentance, deserved to die, and to this doom he was subjected. If your excellency had been here you would, with your own hands, have slain him. The world is delivered from his corrupt opinions, Muselmans from his influence, and the orthodox faith from the slanders of his tongue.”

_Concerning the operations of the new Commander-in-chief Mohammed Páshá._

Soon after the grand vezír’s return to Constantinople last year, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, whom he had left in the supreme command at Buda, was appointed serdár in his room, or commander-in-chief of the whole of the Turkish forces on the frontiers.

Lálá Mohammed Páshá, as before hinted, left Buda and came to Belgrade, whence he issued orders to all the troops to assemble at his head-quarters. After these orders had been attended to, and the various troops had accordingly assembled at Belgrade, he found it would be too late in the year to wait for the arrival of the janissaries, whom the túrnají báshí was conducting to him from Constantinople, or for Delí Hasan (lately a powerful and mischievous rebel). In short, the season had already been far advanced, and therefore Mohammed Páshá returned towards Buda with the whole of his army. After crossing the bridge of Usk he encamped at a place called Kúrwah, where he received a visit from Delí Hasan Páshá, now the beglerbeg of Bosnia. When this man first came over to Romeili, under the semblance of having returned to obedience, he still cherished in his heart, notwithstanding this appearance, his old sentiments of disaffection. For some small offence which the master of the vessel in which he sailed from Anatolia had given him, he got into a rage and shot him dead. His conduct at Adrianople was still more flagrant. He collected there, by violence, an immense quantity of spoil; robbed the saddler of that place of all the furniture he had in his premises; laid a heavy contribution on the inhabitants, and did not leave the place till a certain number of _yúks_ of money had been given to him. He acted in this tyrannical way at Philippopolis, Sofia, and other cities through which he passed with his troops, amounting to ten thousand foot and horse, on his way to join the commander-in-chief. These troops had a most strange appearance. Many of them were naked-looking wretches, wearing amulets and chains about their necks; others of them had camel-bells fixed to their stirrups, and also wore amulets and chains on their backs; others were without caps or bonnets, and wore long hair like women, divided into tresses; others again had no covering for their legs. Each man of this motley crew carried a sort of spear, having a white flag about two spans long at the top. Thus arranged and accoutred, they surrounded the serdár’s tent with their matches burning in their hands, and crooked daggers stuck in their girdles. After having arranged themselves properly and being put in right order, the serdár sent one hundred and forty garments for the better sort amongst them, and cloth for as many more. Four hundred of them offered to enter the ranks of the serdár; but he replied he would see about it, and afterwards dismissed this savage-looking multitude.

His royal highness Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, who had wintered at Petcheví, made an excursion into the enemy’s dominions, but had not been so successful in the enterprize as he at first anticipated. When the commander-in-chief[11] was on his way from Buda to Belgrade he paid his royal highness a visit; but on account of some misunderstanding or other, the khán returned to his own dominions without offering, in any way, to assist the besieged in Buda, which we lately left under the command of Mohammed Páshá, afterwards appointed commander-in-chief. The enemy’s camp, below Pest, was about fifty thousand strong. They had constructed a bridge across to the island of Chíl, and occupied that island with the view of preventing boats passing with provisions to Buda.

When the army under Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief, had taken up its position in the neighbourhood of the enemy’s camp, the whole of the enemy’s guns were directed against the Moslems, who, from the necessity they were under of preparing themselves trenches, were not in a condition to act on the offensive, or even on the defensive. The Moslems appeared, even to themselves, to have been in a dilemma at this time, and did not seem to know how to conduct their military manœuvres. They were aware, at least some of their leaders were so, that if they had sent out detachments to harass the country around Pest, the enemy would not fail to take advantage of this, and come and attack them when less able to offer them effectual resistance. As the recovering of Buda was their chief object, they were unwilling to retire before they had at least supplied it with a sufficient quantity of provisions, and thus encourage the Budians to maintain their heroic resistance. The opinions of the warriors, however, were various and conflictive: one party proposed one thing, another opposed this, and a third had a new plan altogether. At length, however, now that Yemishjí Páshá was no more at their head, they resolved on constructing bridges, and attacking the enemy that had taken possession of the Chíl. This was talked over and considered. Kúchuk Osmán Aghá, Fedái Beg, ághá of the salihdárs, some emírs well acquainted with the use of small-arms, and three thousand segbáns, with ten pieces of cannon, were ordered to effect a landing on the island during the night, and raise bastions, mounds, &c. The commander of the segbáns, who acted in the room of the ághá of the janissaries, came forward, and said that he had ordered three or four thousand of the common soldiers to this service, as it was unnecessary, and even improper, he said, to employ the janissaries in a species of labour which was beneath their rank in the army. These sentiments did not sound well in the ears of those veterans who thought otherwise; they said that the success of the undertaking depended on the janissaries being employed in it. A warm discussion ensued, and every one gave his own opinion. One party proposed that Serkhúsh Ibrahím Páshá, cousin to the commander-in-chief, should conduct this expedition. This was opposed by another party, who proposed that Murád Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, with his provincial troops, should be sent. This was also rejected; and it is no wonder if the conflicting opinions which prevailed in the Moslem camp on this occasion should have proved the means of its utter ruin and destruction. From this very terrible result, however, they were saved, though at the expense of many lives.

Dervísh Páshá, who had been deposed from the government of Bosnia, was finally fixed on to conduct the expedition. On his reaching a bridge which the Moslems had just constructed for his use, he broke out into a rage when he saw it, and declared it altogether defective and dangerous. Mohammed Páshá, when the fact was explained to him, smoothed him down by telling him it should be, without delay, put into a proper state. “I need only tell you,” said the serdár, “in order to secure your services, that the janissaries in Constantinople, in consequence of their having met with the emperor’s countenance, and that of the prime minister, have become excessively tyrannical and turbulent. When you reflect on this, and when you consider that those of the same body of men amongst us here have manifested a similar spirit, you will not, I am sure, flinch from the duty assigned you.” This speech had the desired effect. Dervísh swore that he regarded his own life no more than he did a draught of water. “My reflection forbids me,” answered he, with no small degree of generous warmth, “to feel concern about self, but it demands of me, on the other hand, to be every way alive to the interests of my government, and to the glory of my religion. No sacrifice can be too great for either of these.” Thus saying, he proceeded. By means of boats four or five thousand horse and ten thousand foot were conveyed across to the above island under covert of the night.

It is very singular, as well as very remarkable, that at this time Mohammed Páshá was visited by a sort of deep lethargy, which seemed extremely alarming; so much so, in fact, that he could not raise his head, and when he opened his eyes he spoke nonsense. In the meantime midnight had passed away, and the troops, which had effected a descent on the island of Chíl, had made no trenches nor erected any bastions. The segbáns who formed part of the expedition obstinately refused to open trenches. “We fought on the other side,” said they, “without the use of trenches, and we will not use them here.” The other janissaries, however, dug trenches for themselves.

On the morning of the 4th of the month Sefer these unruly troops stood forth without order, and without any preconcerted plan, just like an army of locusts; and instead of acting in concert, and under regular authority, they spread out into small parties, and began to harass and plunder the country round Pest. They killed a few in these excursions, and seized a handful of others, with whom they returned to their camp. The bridge above referred to, though immense labour had been used in getting it ready, was not as yet fully finished. The enemy, who had been watching the movements of the Moslems, now put themselves in motion. They resembled a horde of swine following each other. The Hungarian cavalry attacked with fury those of the Moslems, and the bloody contest continued for several hours. It was very awful to see so many thousands of men in battle-array, some dying on the field and others drowning in the Danube. An auxiliary force of some hundreds of Moslems was conveyed over to the aid of their brethren in the island, whilst the cannon in the camp were made to play on the enemy with some effect. Dervísh Páshá, who commanded the expedition, was left with only ten pages around him; but he maintained his ground with matchless heroism. He tried, though in vain, to rally around him his troops, who were flying in all directions. Seeing himself abandoned by his men, and having no hope of succour from any quarter, he rushed in among a body of the enemy with the few who had remained faithful to him, and died sword in hand.

In this very disastrous attempt no less than six thousand of the turbulent segbáns perished. The enemy, on perceiving the advantage they had gained, advanced their guns to the edge of the river, and destroyed the bridge which had cost the Moslems so much trouble in constructing. This was not all. They soon after sent over in boats a host of troops to the Moslem side of the river, and during the night effected a number of trenches. They also commenced constructing a bridge, and every thing seemed to pronounce in favour of the enemy. The Moslems had met with a severe check, and the enemy was advancing upon them. For three successive days they remained (_i.e._ the Moslem army) in a state of apparent inactivity, and the enemy had nearly finished their new bridge, when, on the fourth day, Delí Hasan Páshá, by order of the serdár, advanced with his troops to the very edge of the enemy’s new trenches; but finding it impracticable, from their great depth, to penetrate them, he returned. He contrived, however, a more effectual method; this was, to divide his men into two bodies, and cause them to enter in at the two ends of the trenches. Never was any thing more decisive. Out of ten thousand of the very best part of the enemy’s troops, and which had occupied these trenches, only about two hundred of them escaped the edge of the sword: all the rest perished. The two hundred who did escape, made towards their boats; but had scarcely reached the middle of the river, on their return to the Chíl, when their boats upset and all on board sunk to the bottom.

After these wonderful and auspicious events, the serdár, Mohammed Páshá, raised his camp and directed his steps towards Buda; but the enemy, not in the least awed by the heavy loss they had just sustained, sent another body of several thousands to attack him in the rear. Few of these returned to their camp. Mohammed Páshá, who had fortunately received an augmentation of two thousand men from Buda, attacked the pursuing army from two points, and utterly defeated them. On the 12th of the month, when engaged in throwing provisions into Buda, the enemy again advanced, in the hope of thwarting the páshá’s purpose; but they were met with such vigour, that they were obliged to retrace their steps as fast as they were able. The enemy now retired upon Pest, removing, as they advanced on that place, the bridges which they had constructed on the Danube.

The winter season having set in, the serdár directed his thoughts towards making arrangements for the better protection of Alba Julia and Buda. With this view, Hasan Aghá, the túrnají báshí, was left with a number of troops to watch the movements of the enemy. The válí of Romeili, Murád Páshá, with his provincials, was left to garrison Buda itself; and Delí Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, was sent to Usk. On the 14th of Rabia II. the commander-in-chief, with the remainder of his army, returned to Belgrade, which he reached about the end of the month. The troops were allowed to retire into winter-quarters, and a report of the whole of the campaign was sent off to Constantinople.

In the month of Moharrem of this year, Súfí Sinán Páshá was recalled to Constantinople, and raised to the dignity of vezír. The government of Shám (Syria) was conferred on Ferhád Aghá, who had been deposed from the ágháship of the janissaries. Núh Páshá was appointed commander-in-chief in Anatolia, and Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was recalled from Kutahia to Constantinople. He arrived there on the 24th of Sefer, and brought fifteen thousand ducats along with him, which were all seized by the government. The day after his arrival he went and took his seat in the diván; but towards the evening of the same day, Kásim Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, seized him in his own palace, sealed up his effects, and conducted him to the Seven Towers, whence, after eighteen days’ confinement, he was set at liberty, and sent off to his own villa in the neighbourhood of Mikhalij (Moalich). The whole of his property in Constantinople was taken possession of in the name of the emperor. Had it not been for the interposition of the vezír, Hasan Páshá, and others, he certainly would have been put to death. In the month of Moharrem, also, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was appointed to the government of Erzerúm, and was sent away during the severity of the winter by sea to Tribazond. Núh Páshá, who had been appointed commander-in-chief in Anatolia over the troops who were to act against the insurgents in that quarter, was displaced by the grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, in consequence of an old grudge which he still continued to cherish against him, and Nesúh Páshá, beglerbeg of Haleb, was appointed in his room. Nesúh Páshá was a man of great worth, probity, and experience. He was ordered to go to Larenda, in his native country.

_The grand vezír Yemishjí Hasan Páshá is deposed.—Dies by a violent death._

The grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, took care to appoint skilful commanders every where on the Turkish frontiers; succeeded in crushing the sedition which had broken out in the city, and in restoring tranquillity; tamed the spirit of his factious and turbulent troops, and took ample vengeance on all his enemies. In short, Hasan Páshá, the prime minister, was without a rival, and acted with absolute authority. His success was his ruin. His insolent vapouring pride and vanity grew to such a height, that even the friendship of those who were most attached to him was turned into hatred and enmity, and their esteem into disgust. The reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí, Mustafa son of Rázieh, the ághá of the janissaries, Kásim Aghá, besides other persons of note, began now to cherish an utter aversion towards this unsufferably proud and haughty vezír. These great men, and others of their order and rank, ventured, at last, to make a communication of his tyranny and misrule to the emperor; who, on receiving it, immediately wrote to the mufti, and others learned in the law, with regard to the nature of the misconduct charged against his vezír, and requested their opinion. These great and wise men acted their own part, and the result was, that both secret and open hostility began to be exercised against the grand vezír. It was alleged that he had the settled intention of banishing the queen-mother; that to accomplish this he had secured the concurrence of the janissaries, by promising to break open the treasury-chest of St. Sophia, and distributing the money in it amongst them. Kásim Aghá, to give this story the appearance of veracity, pretended he was able to substantiate the whole by credible witnesses. In short, the emperor and his mother were thoroughly persuaded of the truth of these allegations, and the following assertion had the effect of strengthening his majesty’s convictions: “If your majesty,” said his accusers, “were just now to send for the seals of office, he would refuse to deliver them up.”

One day, when the grand vezír, without entertaining the least suspicion of what was going on against him, went to Dávud Páshá on a visit to the emperor, and not finding the ághá of the palace, felt some concern as to how he might be introduced to his majesty, and therefore sent in a note intimating he had important communications to make to his royal ear; instead of having been graciously invited to enter, as he expected, he was coolly told, he would have an opportunity of laying his communications before the diván. This cold reception, as well as the answer which was returned him, he was at no loss to interpret: he perceived at once a change had taken place in his majesty’s mind towards him. He waited, therefore, with anxiety for the meeting of the diván, which took place on the Saturday following. Prior to the meeting of the diván, however, the ághá of the janissaries wrote a note to his majesty, which insinuated that there was great danger to be apprehended from the grand vezír, and that if prompt measures were not immediately taken with him, a serious tumult would most certainly ensue. In the diván, he stated the same things at great length, and concluded by saying, “that if instant precaution was not taken to thwart the purposes of the proud vezír, the seditious doctrines he had sown among the janissaries would soon, he was afraid, be felt in all their mischievous consequences. Try,” continued the ághá, “and require him to deliver up the seals of his vezírship, and I am willing to forfeit your majesty’s good-will if the janissaries do not rise to a man in resistance.” This speech excited his majesty’s anger.

In the meantime, the ketkhodá of the kapújís went to the grand vezír, and informed him how matters stood, and of the part Kásim Aghá had acted; and also that the military judges demanded his presence in the diván. The grand vezír, however, did not think proper to appear in the diván; but this ághá, bent on ruining him, did not leave a stone unturned in trying to accomplish his purpose. Towards evening, one Turk Ahmed Aghá, a kapújí báshí, brought the vezír a written message, which purported to be from his majesty. On reading this document, he set off in a sorrowful mood towards the imperial gardens, but contrived at the same time to send word to those ághás who were his friends, of the emperor’s purpose to deprive him of his office; and who immediately went to stir up the janissaries to offer resistance. They assembled themselves together in a tumultuous manner, hastened to Kásim Aghá’s gate, and charged him with being the cause of the emperor’s change of mind towards the grand vezír, shut him up in one of his rooms, and made his gate fast with locks and bars: thence they proceeded to the mufti and military judges, and threatened that if they did not immediately induce the emperor to restore Yemishjí Hasan Páshá to the premiership they would burn down their dwellings, and shed the blood of any who should venture to oppose them. They also wrote out their own sentiments, in order to present them to his majesty, but which they delayed sending till the following day. After having menaced the reverend and learned gentleman above-mentioned, they returned to pay Kásim Aghá a second visit; but he had effected his escape, and had gone to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá. On not finding Kásim Aghá a prisoner in his own house as they had left him, the enraged janissaries took the seals of his ágháship, and conferred them on Turk Ahmed Aghá. The vezírship they conferred on Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, who had been governor of Wán; but the seals of the premiership they meant to confer on Yávuz Alí Páshá, who was expected from Egypt.

Such were the transactions which took place on the above occasion, and such the result. The diván, as a matter of prudence, was forbidden to meet for a week.

On the following morning the infuriated janissaries, with one accord, proceeded to the emperor’s palace, and demanded with a loud voice that Yemishjí Hasan Páshá should be reinstated in the premiership. This demand, however, was only made to the officers and servants of the palace, but no doubt with the view of their communicating the desire of the janissaries to the royal ear.

It happened that on that day the reverend mufti, and other spiritual dignitaries, had gone with their retinue to the royal palace, where they met the new-made ághá of the janissaries, Turk Ahmed, and whom they earnestly exhorted to retrace his steps, and not follow irregular courses. In short, this mode of address made an impression on the mind of Turk Ahmed, and it seems to have communicated itself to the rest of the mutineers; for we find the janissaries suddenly changed their minds, and said, “It is no matter of ours who is at the helm of affairs: the emperor may appoint whom he pleases.” The unfortunate grand vezír’s friends among the ketkhodás and chief chávushes, and some others, still maintained his cause, and continued for a while longer to persevere in his behalf; but they, too, when they saw that their perseverance would end in no good in his behalf, followed the example of the others.

This unsettled state of things continued for the space of ten days, when ten eunuchs, under the command of the bostán báshí, by supreme authority suddenly seized on Yemishjí Hasan Páshá in the royal mint, dragged him forth into the garden of Khundán Aghá, and there despatched him, leaving his friends and followers to lament over him. Thus ended the life and activities of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá.

It may not be improper briefly to advert here to the cause of that enmity which excited Kásim Aghá against the grand vezír, and which had its origin in the following circumstance.