Chapter XVIII: Part 18

Information of these things having been communicated to the vezír, he instantly called together his great men, and represented to them the state of matters with respect to those desperadoes who had just been guilty of shedding innocent blood, and now had formed themselves into a confederacy in opposition to the will of the emperor. Therefore, said he, let the whole of them be collected into the maidán or square, in order that the thing may be properly investigated. This was accordingly done. On the same occasion, also, the various troops were brought into the maidán and formed into companies in front of the fortress immediately opposite to the refractory multitude. The Páshá intimated to the latter that whosoever among them wished to be obedient to the emperor, should pass over to the side where his military stood, and join himself to one or other of his divisions or companies. The confederates cried out, that they were not rebels: that they deprecated the idea of being unfaithful to the emperor. “Our wages,” continued they, “not having been sufficient to maintain our existence, we could not have lived, unless we had imposed extra contributions on the people: our actual poverty was the cause.” The Páshá, not satisfied with these declarations (altogether foreign to the purpose for which they had been assembled), and wishing to find out the secret of their confederacy, as well as a confession of their guilt, thought that if he permitted them, now that they were fully in his power, to retire to their own homes, he could not so easily, afterwards, effect his purpose, nor secure the ringleaders amongst them; he therefore told them, that though he should keep them all night standing on their feet where they were, he would not let them move a step till they delivered up to him their ringleaders. He then ordered the guns on the batteries to be directed against them, and assured them that their destruction was inevitable if they did not instantly comply with his wishes. This method of dealing had the desired effect. After hearing the Páshá’s speech, wherein he pointedly informed them that unless they gave up the principal ringleaders, and especially those amongst them who had been guilty of the late murders, the cannon and musketry would open a fire upon them without delay; and seeing preparations for carrying his threat into effect, and that it only awaited the páshá’s command, their danger became too apparent to admit of disguise. They were astonished by the situation in which they were placed, and delivered over a certain number from amongst them to the páshá, and afterwards retired, but full of rage and fury.

After these different commotions and disturbances, and during this present year, a certain number of Egyptian troops were ordered to be sent to the aid of his excellency, the commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, in Anatolia. Mohammed Páshá, on receiving the above firmán, selected the number required from among the most turbulent and disorderly of the tribe of tax-gatherers[20] we have been speaking of, and sent them off under the command of Kansú Beg. During the whole of the struggle carried on with Kalandar Oghlí they manifested the utmost bravery, and were present in almost every engagement till the end of the war, or at least till the rebels were all dispersed. At this period they presented themselves before the commanding-general, and demanded, as the reward of their services, the office of collecting the revenues of Egypt. Murád, anxious to satisfy them, gave them a document by which he put them in possession of the places they wanted, but with no enlargement of powers or authority beyond what were customary from ancient times. On the return of these military tax-gatherers to Egypt they presented the document which Murád Páshá had given to them to Mohammed Páshá, who told them they should be rewarded for their services according to circumstances. “Such of them,” he said, “as had no experience or skill, could not expect the favour they wished. Besides,” continued he, “your wishes are directly opposed to the declared will of the emperor, who, by his firmán, has abolished the practice altogether.” When these ignorant and insolent fellows found themselves thus thwarted in their views and purposes they became exceedingly enraged, began to form plots amongst themselves, and communicated their wicked designs to all the discontented paupers and robbers throughout the country. They craftily enticed the discontented about Aradel, always famous for disloyalty, to join them; they likewise gained over some Kurds and some wretched labourers by promises of money. All these malcontents found means, some way or other, to assemble together at a place called Khánegáh, within two stages of Cairo.

The páshá, hearing of their movements, and being fully aware of the object they had in view, ordered Khoaja Mustafa Beg to advance with a number of troops of various kinds to oppose them. Yúsuf Beg commanded his advance-guard, and Kansú Beg, collector of the revenue, with all those under him, joined the expedition. Mustafa Beg pitched his camp in the plains of Adeleya, not far from Cairo.

The malcontents by this time had themselves properly and regularly organized, and had appointed themselves leaders. No sooner did they hear of an army being sent against them, and of the place where it was encamped, than they, towards evening, sent two hundred horsemen to reconnoiter the camp of Mustafa. Mustafa conjectured this party had the intention of attacking him by night, and not having sufficient force to sustain an attack, he sent word immediately to Egypt, which however did not reach that city till about the fifth hour of the night, when the several public criers announced the danger which threatened Mustafa, calling, at the same time, on every one, on pain of punishment, to rally round their commanders. So promptly was this announcement attended to, that before daylight every military man in Egypt was on his way to Adeleya. On reaching Adeleya they perceived the danger which had been announced in Egypt was by no means an imaginary one. The royalists, in the circumstances in which they found themselves at this juncture of events, thought it would be most advisable to send the six-fingered sheikh, Mohammed Effendí, to speak to the insurgents about the unreasonableness of their conduct; but the rebels turned a deaf ear to all his exhortations and expostulations. They were too sensible of their advantages, and too ardent in pursuit of them, to attend to the worthy priest. He tendered them many good advices, and made them many fine promises, provided they would follow his counsels; but they still remained obstinate, and prepared for battle. The commander, after this fruitless negotiation, removed with his troops to Berkat a l’haj, where he remained till the following day, when he marched against the insurgents. They, in their turn, advanced towards him, and soon both armies stood facing each other. By this time, however, the royalists were greatly increased in numbers by detachments which had joined them from other places; and when the insurgents found themselves opposed by an army far superior to every thing they had anticipated, their courage failed them. They now began mutually to accuse each other for the steps they had taken, each one blaming his neighbour; and at length several of them came to the commander, craving forgiveness. In the most abject manner, they dismounted from their horses, and threw themselves on the ground, supplicating for mercy at his hands. The commander, Mustafa Beg, said he had it not in his power to grant it them, as he should be obliged to carry them all, bound in chains, to Mohammed Páshá, whose province it was both to forgive and set them at liberty, as he pleased. Those who thus submitted, however, met with clemency, and were incorporated with one or other of the military bodies brought against them; but such as remained obstinate, and chose rather to try their strength than submit, met with the fate they deserved: their dead bodies were made into heaps on the field of battle. About forty of them escaped into the desert, but of their life or death nothing more was ever heard. Mustafa Beg now returned to Cairo, bringing with him about forty or fifty of the principal leaders in chains, and presented them before the válí, Mohammed Páshá, as trophies of his victory. Mustafa was highly honoured on account of his success against the insurgents, and the heads of those whom he brought bound in chains were ordered to be cut off on the spot. About as many as were thus put to death were killed by Mustafa himself before he left the scene of action. About three hundred of the insurgents were shipped off at Suez, and sent into Arabia, and the rest of them were, through the intervention of the great men of Egypt, pardoned, and set at liberty, after having promised in the presence of their intercessors every thing that was required of them.

After succeeding in crushing the insurgents, as above described, and establishing good order everywhere, Mohammed Páshá extended his prudent and capacious mind to every department of government, as well as to other objects of utility. _One of his measures was_, regulating the coin of Egypt, which had been very much worn and obliterated, and which of course had caused much confusion, and even deception in buying and selling. _Another was_, rectifying the abuses and unlawful practices carried on between the farmers and the tax-gatherers, which had occasioned, not unfrequently, a deficiency in the public granaries and magazines. _A third was_—The janissaries and other troops in Egypt having no barracks, and being besides unmarried, he erected, within the fortress, suitable odás for them to live in. By this means the garrison or fortress was always furnished with troops, whilst the inhabitants, at the same time, were screened from the violence of the soldiery. _A fourth was_—He took charge of the golden and silver girdles or hoops which had been made for defending the pillars of Mecca, and the cistern of pure gold, all which had been sent to Egypt from Constantinople, and forwarded them with proper artists to the place of their destination. These artists not only performed that work without either fee or reward, but rendered several other important services to that holy place. For instance, they enlarged and renewed the pulpit, which was formerly too narrow; they renewed the portico which runs along the cistern; they beautified and adorned the pillars in the centre of that noble edifice, and also its walls; the metaf (or the place round which pilgrims walked in procession) was rendered smooth and equal; they repaired or built anew the court, and carried away the whole of the rubbish and dirt which had for years been accumulating in the vicinity of the sacred temple; they also caused the beds or canals of the waters of Mecca and Arfat to be repaired. _A fifth was_—The repairs of the wells of Azlam, a place which was about half-way between Mecca and Cairo, where the pilgrims and the well-furnished caravans of Egypt used to meet, which were in a great measure rendered useless by the rebellious Arabs. It would appear that the válí of Egypt, Sheríf Páshá, had, in 1004, opened these wells, commonly called the wells of Ibrahím Páshá, and to prevent their being rendered useless by the Arabs, he built a fortress in their neighbourhood, and placed some few troops in it. This, of course, proved a source of great comfort to pilgrims and other travellers, inasmuch as it served as a place of refreshment and repose. A very heavy rain afterwards demolished this fortress, and the Arabs, to the annoyance of pilgrims, rendered the wells useless. The vezír, whose good deeds we are here recording, rebuilt the demolished fortress, put a garrison in it, and repaired the wells. _The sixth was_—A work similar to the one we have last mentioned, which he caused to be constructed at Adjerú, between Cairo and Akba. _A seventh was_—The erection of shops in the vicinity of the great temple in Cairo. _The eighth was_—The erection of a khánegáh (an edifice for religious purposes), and also of eleemosinary places for sheíkhs, dervishes, and others. On the annual commemoration of Mohammed’s nativity he distributed numerous presents amongst those who read on that occasion. _A ninth was_—The erection of new houses near the odás which had been built for the janissaries; a huge wall or mass of rock, forty cubits broad and sixty long, having fallen down by accident, the space which these ruins had occupied he caused to be cleared away, erected new houses on it, and filled them with families. _A tenth was_—The rebuilding of the redoubt or fortress between Cairo and Shám. This building having been demolished by heavy rains, and having also become the haunt of worthless Arabs, he ordered it to be rebuilt, and supplied it with water. _An eleventh was_—The rebuilding of the fortress or redoubt of Yúnus, which was in a similar condition to the one last mentioned. He also placed a number of paid soldiers in it, and ordered a mosque and a bath to be erected in it. _A twelfth was_—The rebuilding of the fortress of Beít Khaberín, between Gaza and Balad al Khalíl-rahman; on which also he ordered a mosque and a bath to be erected, and an aqueduct to be constructed. The painted tiles in the dome erected by Sultán Soleímán Khán having become mutilated and loose, he replaced them with new tiles.

This wonderful man, after having governed Egypt for four years and five months, was recalled to Constantinople. Whether at Cairo or journeying, he was in the habit of visiting holy and consecrated places, and of offering up prayers for the emperor; thus gaining to himself advantages in both worlds. After his return to Constantinople, Jouher Khán Sultána, daughter of the grand sultán, thought him worthy of her affections, and the result was that he became the emperor’s son-in-law.

The articles of the treaty of peace between Turkey and Austria, which may be called the treaty of Sidova, was finally ratified and signed by the Ottoman emperor on the 1st of Rajab in this year.

_A great earthquake._

The fortress or city of Nova, situate on the sea-coast, belonging to the dominions of the archduke (of Austria), was visited by a tremendous earthquake, which almost entirely overthrew it. Forty-four yúks,[21] the average of the receipt of its custom-house, were expended in erecting a new one. A magazine of salt, which stood on the shore, and near the custom-house, and which brought a revenue of four or five yúks per annum, sustained considerable injury by the shock, inasmuch as it caused the sea to retire to the distance of about a bow-shot.

A Spanish fleet of about thirty ships approached within three miles of this city, either about the time of the earthquake, or some time either after or before it, with hostile intentions. The governor of that sanják happened to be at that very time engaged in the war in Transylvania; but the defterdár of Bosnia hastened to the aid of Nova, and commenced firing its cannon, when the Spaniards disgracefully retired.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1018, H.

_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, is again sent to the East._

We have already mentioned the return of Murád Páshá to Constantinople, and the reception he there met with. Every preparation for resuming warlike operations in the east was carried on, during the winter months, with the utmost activity and vigour, and early in the spring the pavilion of the commanding-general was again erected in the plains of Scutari. Before this, however, it is to be observed, that the commander-in-chief wrote to Meseli Chávush, who had taken part in the late rebellion in Anatolia, but who had not yet been subdued, to hold himself in readiness for acting under him against the Persians, and desired him to join the royal camp along with Zulfekár. In the communication he sent Meseli he promised, though only with the view of getting him into his own hands, to confer on him the government of Caramania, and that he would bestow that of Anatolia on Zulfekár. In a private letter to Zulfekár, however, he expressed himself thus: “I have employed every method I could to get Meseli Chávush into my power, but have hitherto failed. Having secured himself among inaccessible rocks, I did not think it proper to risk troops in searching him out. Under the pretext of esteem for him, a sanják in the interior has been conferred on him, and I have written to him to join the army destined against Persia, and have promised him the government of Caramania to induce him to do so. Use what dissimulation you can, and perhaps you may succeed in getting him into your power. The love of office will induce him to come to you. Remove all his suspicions by showing him every mark of respect; you will thus secure his confidence, and incline him to come and join the grand army. You are not to permit him to do this, however, but as soon as you have him in your power, cut off his head and send it to Constantinople. If you succeed in compassing his destruction, I promise to give you the government of Anatolia, and also a vezírship, as a reward for your services. You will, if you succeed, do the emperor a very important service, who will, besides the honour which shall be conferred on you, present your son, Mohammed Beg, with a province in the interior. You will act, I have no doubt, like a man: I have committed the whole affair to you.”

In a similar way to that in which he addressed Meseli he also wrote to Yúsuf Páshá, who had been ketkhodá to Oveis Páshá of Aydin, Sarúkhán, and Mantesha. This Yúsuf Páshá was at the head of a body of rebels which amounted to four thousand armed men, beside some cavalry. The letter which Murád Páshá sent to this rebel-chief was couched in these terms: “My son, I have heard of some of your virtues and high talents, which I esteem very much. Although you have such a considerable number of men under you, yet no rumour of any injustice practised by you is any where heard. The reverse of injustice in you must be the case. Still, however innocent though you appear to be, you are considered a rebel; free yourself, then, if you are a man, from the odious imputation. You are a person every way fit for taking part in the war against the Persians: it may even be proper to give you the command of troops for this purpose. If you show that you have regretted your former conduct, you may depend on obtaining the emperor’s favour. Those men who have rebelled against the benign Ottoman government have met with no pity. Jánbulát Oghlí, Kalander Oghlí, and Karah Seyed, were the most conspicuous of rebels; but what is become of them? Attend to my counsel, and be my son here and hereafter (_i.e._ in both worlds). In order to persuade you to do so, I swear, in the most solemn manner, that you shall suffer no injury whatever from our most gracious monarch. I, an old, frail man, am ordered to march against the Persians, and I ask you to accompany me. You may, perhaps, chance to acquire great wealth, and at all events you will be put in possession of Magnesia: you will thus have an opportunity of acquitting yourself in the eye of the emperor, and securing his favour. If, in rejecting the counsel I have now tendered to you, you decline going to the Persian war, then I am free of the oath I have made to you. I need not say any thing more to you. You are safe if you come to Scutari. There you can remain a few days and look about you, when afterwards you shall have the honour, along with me, of kissing the emperor’s hand. Come to what conclusion you think best, but remember what will be the result if you now neglect to follow my advice. Answer this letter at any rate.”

When this letter reached Yúsuf Páshá, he called his friends together and read the contents of it in their hearing. “Why,” said his rebel-associates, “whoever may be so foolish as to give credit to the vain and deceitful words of this letter, will find, to his experience, that he will have to part with his precious life. It is altogether preposterous to put any faith in that old man’s oath. In answer to the question, ‘whether we shall be able to stand our own ground, should he, when he finds us obstinate, come against us?’ we would shortly say, ‘Anatolia is a wide country, and we have no necessity to meet him; let us go to some distance out of his way. The winter will soon arrive, and he and his army will then be obliged to retire into winter-quarters, when we may rest in safety.’” Others replied, “That a decree affecting their life might, in the event of proving obstinate, be issued against them, when the whole country would rise up to be revenged on them. Better,” said they, “that we agree to follow the advice given in the letter from the commanding-general, and return to our obedience. Let us, however, use every precaution: he cannot kill us before our time come. What a terrible rebel was Zulfekár once, and he did not kill him! He called him his son. Turkijeh Bilmaz Hasan and others after the days of Karah Yazijí (Scrivano) were not trampled under foot and murdered. Was not Tekelí Mohammed Páshá a notorious rebel? and when he fell into his hands he did not murder him.” Such was the way these wise men reasoned among themselves, and at last agreed to send the following answer: “You have invited us to come to you, and we are no way disposed to resist your will. Your oath has inspired us with confidence, and as soon as your excellency arrives at Scutari we shall show you our sincerity.” This answer was sent with the person who had brought Murád Páshá’s communication to Yúsuf Páshá, as before mentioned.

We must now return to Murád’s own operations. After having transported his troops and baggage to the Asiatic side, he took up his lodgings in his own pavilion, which had been previously erected for him. The emperor himself also visited the city of Scutari, and took up his residence in the gardens of that city, whither his council was summoned to attend. His vezír (Murád) told him it was not the custom of his illustrious progenitors to do so: that Istámbol was the place where a council should properly be held. “Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá,” continued his vezír, “is káímakám, let him attend to the affairs of the faithful. As soon as the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, settles the pecuniary affairs of his department let him come over, when I shall hand in to your majesty a report how matters stand.” This advice of the vezír pleased his majesty, at least it appeared to do so, for he did not urge the meeting of his council any more. Not long afterwards, however, the emperor wrote to Murád to hasten his departure for the Persian war, and to delay no longer. Murád Páshá, on receiving this imperial notice, waited on his majesty, and said, he had something particular to say to him. They both retired into a private apartment, when the grand vezír addressed him thus, premising, however, that what he had to say to him must be kept a secret, which the other faithfully promised to observe. “Be it known, therefore, to your majesty,” said the premier, “that though we have been ostensibly engaged in preparing for the Persian war, it has been, in fact, for a different object that we have been so engaged. The notorious rebel, Meseli Chávush, is in possession of six or seven fortresses or places of strength in the mountainous part of Anatolia. It would not be safe to send an army into the mountains after him, because by hurling down stones he might destroy numbers of our orthodox believers”—here he related the steps he had taken in writing to Meseli. The asylum of the world appeared surprised, and asked him if he was capable of murdering a person who, in the faith of his promises, put himself in his power? His excellency, the grand vezír, replied: “If, in obedience to your orders, we march against Persia, how will you act with the rebel-chief of Aydin and Sarúkhán, Yúsuf Páshá?” “By God,” said his majesty, “you have remarked well; that rebel had totally escaped my memory; his case has not been attended to.” The grand vezír then informed him of the steps he had pursued with regard to him, and of the result, which we need not again repeat, and added: “if these two notorious rebels are once in our power, the whole of the province of Anatolia will not only be regained, but peace and tranquillity will also be restored. Let your majesty keep what I have been saying to you a perfect secret: let nothing of it transpire.” His majesty ejaculated a short prayer, wished him God-speed, and dismissed him.

_Yúsuf Páshá arrives at Scutari._

About a month after the grand vezír had the above interview with the emperor, Yúsuf Páshá’s followers arrived at Scutari, and he himself in three days after them, when he ordered them to erect their tents. The grand vezír showed him every mark of esteem and friendship, and permitted him, when he appeared in his presence, to be seated at his side. “Be my son,” said the vezír, “here and hereafter,” presented him with a double suit of robes, and ordered robes to be given to a hundred of his men. A few days afterwards he presented him to his majesty, to whom Yúsuf had brought some very important and valuable presents; and on this occasion he was honoured with another robe from his sovereign.

About this time, the grand vezír, Murád Páshá, received an answer to his communication to Zulfekár, which informed him that Meseli Chávush had arrived. The vezír wrote back to assure him that he would not fail in his promises, and urged him to do the work assigned him. Another month passed away, and Yúsuf Páshá became impatient to be employed against the Persians, for whose wealth and property he thirsted. The grand vezír, however, found means to put him off from day to day, for Meseli was not yet disposed of, and on this, in a great measure, his own fate depended.

In the mean time, in consequence of some representation made to the emperor from some quarter or other, Murád Páshá was again ordered to set out on his march to the frontiers of Persia, and that too without delay, unless he wished another to supersede him in the chief command. This order was peremptory; within the space of three days he must be on his march. The grand vezír, on receiving this intimation, again waited on his majesty and said to him, “Sire, your slave explained to your majesty how matters stood, the last time I had the honour of speaking with you: it certainly must have escaped your blessed memory.” “No, by no means,” answered his majesty, “I have perfect recollection of it; nor have I intimated a syllable of it to any one.” “Why,” replied the vezír, “if you approved of what I at that time proposed to your majesty, wherefore is it that you have ordered me to march? We have Yúsuf Páshá in our power. If we despatch him just now, Mesli Chávush will, when he hears of it, make his escape from Zulfekár, and become more formidable than ever: it will be no easy matter to get hold of him again. As soon as we set out for the Persian campaign, he will come and attack Scutari. Pay no regard, sire, to the speeches of your cazís, for they are unacquainted with the state of matters; they will be brought to understand things better afterwards. Leave me to act as I think proper.” The emperor was again overcome by the reasoning of his vezír, and left him to do as he thought best, and dismissed him.

_Mesli Chávush and Yúsuf Páshá are murdered._

Mesli Chávush, who had joined Zulfekár, lived with the latter on terms of apparent intimacy and friendship, but which, on the part of Zulfekár, could not have been sincere, whatever he might have manifested to the contrary. His apparent friendship had the effect he wished, and that was to disarm Mesli of all fear and suspicion as to his own safety.

One day he proposed that both should pay a visit in company to the country or sanják which had been promised to Mesli, to which Mesli agreed. On this journey they spent a month: they went from Iconium to Larenda, and visited the fortresses of Mút, Mirah, Kúnis, and Tumrak, each of which was so impregnably situated among rocks, that an Osmánlí army would have found it next to impossible to reduce it. Such were the places which Mesli commanded, and which had rendered him formidable to the Osmánlí government.

After an excursion of one and twenty days of pleasure they returned to Iconium, whence, in a day or two afterwards, they went to Miram, having taken their respective followers and equipages along with them. Here also they went about together in the greatest apparent friendship, visited together the different spectacles which were to be seen there, and went together to the different places of amusement. Zulfekár was seeking all this while a fit opportunity for accomplishing Murád Páshá’s wishes, and it was not long before such an opportunity offered itself. Mesli was sitting one day with a turban or tiara on his head, and like a prince was enjoying his pleasures, without fear or suspicion of any thing, when some of the men of his ostensible friend, who had been previously instructed how to act, fell upon him and despatched him. One of these came secretly behind him, and secured his head in a sort of noose with one hand, and with the other stabbed him with his dagger. The rest of the assassins, when they saw the struggle which ensued, came hastily forward, and after strangling him, cut off his head. Whatever valuables were found in his possession were seized by Murád’s lieutenant, for the purpose of being afterwards confiscated. Zulfekár Páshá and the defterdár of Caramania, Yúnus Effendí, went to take an account of the property he possessed in the fortresses which he had taken; and his head, under the charge of ten men, was sent off to Scutari, to Murád Páshá. The men who had the charge of Mesli’s head reached the place of their destination in five days, and communicated secretly to the grand vezír the purport of their visit to Scutari. He immediately waited on the emperor and communicated to him the news of the fate of Mesli; and added, that the head of the rebel Yúsuf Páshá would not be much longer on his shoulders. We ought to have mentioned, however, that the head of Mesli was, after having been fixed on the point of a spear and carried publicly through the camp, placed before the grand vezír’s tent. When the grand vezír announced to his majesty, that the head of a formidable enemy had been brought into the camp, and as we have already observed, that the head of Yúsuf Páshá would not remain long on his shoulders, he started up from his sofa in surprise, and said “May God, my dear father, reward you for your many services to me,” and desired him to do as he thought fit.

On the following morning he sent a messenger to invite Yúsuf Páshá to come and take a cup of coffee with him. The messenger, whilst on his way, met Yúsuf Páshá, and delivering to him the invitation, conducted him to the vezír’s tent. On going into the tent his excellency addressed him in the most gracious and flattering terms, calling him his son, and so forth. “How could I drink my coffee without you, my son: you know how much I esteem you; come, let us retire to the back part of the tent, where we shall not be disturbed, and where we shall be at liberty to converse with more freedom. God willing, you shall have permission tomorrow to march against the Kizilbáshes.” After sitting down, and just as one of the domestics was handing Yúsuf a cup of coffee, and before he had time to lay hold of it, an officer announced to his lordship, Murád Páshá, that Hasan Beg, beg of Avlonia, had arrived. His lordship affected surprise, and said, it was a hard case to be so much oppressed with business as to have no time to enjoy himself for a few moments. “But there is no help for it,” said he; “I must step out for a little, but do you, sir,” (addressing Yúsuf Páshá) “make yourself comfortable.” The grand vezír no sooner went out of the tent, than he desired three or four of his officers to enter the tent and take a dish of coffee with his son Yúsuf Páshá. These men accomplished the vezír’s wishes. As the unfortunate Yúsuf Páshá was in the act of receiving a cup of coffee into his hand, he was tripped up by one of these assassins, when the rest, pouncing upon him, cut off his head, and placed it on a table. On the vezír’s re-entering, he ordered his body to be thrown out, and sent word to the defterdár to seize on the whole of his property. When some of the soldiery heard of the fate of Yúsuf Páshá, they ran into his tent and seized on all the spoil they could find in it. Yúsuf Páshá’s deputy and some of his principal followers were also put to death, and the rest of his associates fled.

After these things, the grand vezír waited on his majesty and informed him of what had taken place. “Let this suffice,” said the vezír; “we need now proceed no farther. Even here, at Scutari, your majesty has been avenged on two of your most formidable enemies, to each of whom great forbearance has been shown. The province of Anatolia will now enjoy peace and quietness, and now the war with Persia may again be renewed.” The emperor bestowed great praise on his vezír: the whole of the property that belonged to Yúsuf Páshá’s followers, who had been put to death, was ordered to be confiscated; the beasts of burden, and several packages of valuable articles which had belonged to his lieutenant, or which were in his possession, were all sent over to the tulip-garden in Constantinople. The whole of the articles which had belonged to the rebels were afterwards sold, and the price of them put into the imperial coffers. The head of Mesli and the body of Yúsuf Páshá remained exposed for two days in the Maidán. The sanják which had been promised to Mesli was conferred on Mohammed Beg, son of Zulfekár.

_Treachery in some of the grand vezír’s domestics discovered._

The grand vezír, Murád Páshá, had also premeditated the death of the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, usually called Etmekjí Zádeh, and, with this view, asked the emperor’s consent to assassinate him. The emperor, though very reluctantly, yielded to the wish of his vezír, who immediately gave directions to his domestics and officers how to act in this matter when Ahmed Páshá, who was then expected from Constantinople, should arrive. He placed a sentinel on the shore, who, so soon as he saw Ahmed Páshá arrive, was to give him notice: the executioners put themselves in readiness. It was not long before the sentinel above-mentioned announced the approach of Ahmed Páshá; and informed Murád, that at the moment he was stepping on shore, a young man came sailing up to him in a boat, and put a sealed note into his hand. Ahmed Páshá no sooner read the contents of this note, the sentinel said, than he immediately sailed back for Constantinople. This information necessarily awakened surprise and doubt in the mind of the grand vezír, who secretly set about employing persons to find out the boatman who had been commissioned to convey the bearer of the note. The boatman, on his discovery, related to the grand vezír all the particulars as to the manner in which he had been hired, and the trouble he had endured before he met with Ahmed Páshá at the pier. The vezír asked him if he thought he should be able to recognize the young man who had delivered the note to Ahmed Páshá, and whose dress he had already described. He replied in the affirmative: stating, that he, the young man, on delivering the note, had gone directly towards the camp. The vezír immediately caused the boatman to change his clothes, and despatched him, with some of his officers, to the camp, to commence the search. The whole camp, from tent to tent, was minutely examined for several days without success, when a mere accident discovered the delinquent. Two of the vezír’s domestics had fallen into a violent dispute, in which they mutually accused each other of treachery to their master. The treasurer, Hasan Aghá, overheard them, and resolved to chastise them; when one of them whispered something into his ear. This induced the treasurer to conduct him into the presence of the vezír, when he confessed that he and four others of his fellow-domestics had been in the practice of receiving daily a pecuniary remuneration from Ahmed Páshá for giving him information of every thing they knew relative to their master’s administration or conduct. The boatman was again called and confronted with this person, and immediately recognized him as being the very man who had given the note to Ahmed Páshá. His four accomplices were instantly executed, but he himself was not only pardoned, but rewarded with a spahilik and a handsome sum of money, for having disclosed the fact. He was, however, dismissed the vezír’s service.

_The arrival of Yúsuf Páshá’s and Mesli Chávush’s wealth.—A display of ill will and malevolence._

The persons who had been sent to take possession of the property of Yúsuf Páshá and Mesli returned, two hundred camel-loads of property which had belonged to these two men having been regularly registered and taken possession of. The emperor, on hearing of this, remarked to Murád Páshá, the grand vezír, how successful they had been; not only in vanquishing the two potent enemies above alluded to, but in being also able to replace, in a great measure, the funds which had been expended in fitting out the expedition, by the spoil which had fallen into their hands. But the grand vezír, notwithstanding all he had done, had still many enemies. Mustafa Aghá, ághá of the palace; the lord high treasurer, Ahmed Páshá, or Etmekjí Zádeh; and Mustafa Páshá, who had formerly been governor of Constantinople, took every opportunity they could to injure him. They talked amongst themselves, and in the presence of others, that Murád Páshá was entirely averse to his being employed against the Persians. “He is an old frail man,” they said (sneeringly), “and the emperor will not force him.” A hint of this conversation was communicated to his majesty by Muftí Mohammed Effendí. The emperor was displeased at the liberty they had taken with his vezír, and said, “He was a warrior, a most worthy hájí, and a most active and useful vezír: he restored all Anatolia to peace and tranquillity: he overcame and defeated the rebels, and delivered the country of the two formidable rebel-chiefs mentioned at the head of this section: he performed and achieved great deeds; and nothing but envy,” continued his majesty, “could have induced them so to speak of him. That he was by no means pleased with the liberty they had taken, and that the vezír might either go or stay, as he himself saw fit.” This strong expression of his majesty’s disposition silenced, for the time at least, the vezír’s enemies.

After a stay of four complete months at Scutari, the troops returned to Constantinople just about the time of the full moon of the following or fifth month, and seven days before the commencement of autumn, or the time for entering into winter-quarters. Preparations for commencing hostilities against Persia in the following spring were immediately begun and attended to during the interval.

_Concerning the naval operations of the lord high admiral, Khalíl Páshá.—Karah Jehennem taken._

When Kapúdán (or lord high admiral of the Turkish fleet) Khalíl Páshá sailed this year for the Mediterranean, and after he had cruised round the largest cape or promontory of Silivria, the second station from the metropolis, an Algerine vessel, commanded by a Genoese, met a Spanish pinnace, which had on board the son of the infidel viceroy of Sicily, a relative of the king of Spain, and about five hundred soldiers. This pinnace was destined to convey the young man to see his high relative, the king of Spain, and to carry certain valuable presents to the same. The soldiers, of course, were sent as a guard to both. When this pinnace met with the Algerine vessel, a most desperate battle ensued, which terminated in the capture of the former. Every living infidel found in this vessel, and the whole of the presents before mentioned, were according to custom distributed amongst the conquerors. The youth referred to was carried and delivered as a present to his majesty the Ottoman emperor. The person who had brought him to the admiral of the Turkish fleet received handsome rewards for having done so; and the young slave, after he was carried to Constantinople, and actually presented before the emperor, was instructed in the Moslem religion, which he readily embraced, and was placed in a special chamber of the palace.

The Turkish fleet now proceeded to Scio, where the admiral received intimation that six mountain-like vessels (of war), belonging to some of the infidel powers, had arrived from Egypt, and were then before Cyprus. The admiral went immediately in pursuit of them; but heard or saw nothing more of them till he arrived before the haven of Báf, where he was informed that they had sailed to the coast of Syria, and had done some mischief in several places. The admiral, Khalíl Páshá, hastened with all the speed he could make, and by break of day he descried their top-sails, when they appeared to be about thirty miles distant. At mid-day, or some little time after it, he made up to them, when a tremendous cannonading commenced from both sides, which was continued till night intervened. The Turkish admiral, though night did come on, never slackened his movements, but continued to keep up with them, whilst the enemy, manifesting no symptoms of fear whatever, lighted up their lanterns, and made all the sail they were able. Day-light no sooner arrived, however, than the battle again commenced. A certain person in the Turkish fleet, a corsair, who had been brought from Barbary by the emperor, and on whom he had conferred the sanják in the Morea, came along the admiral’s ship, and advised him not to come into close contact with the enemy, but to continue playing upon them at some distance. This advice was attended to, and in a short time their masts and rigging were shattered and destroyed, and they themselves totally disabled. In this state they were boarded, and the troops on board, five hundred in number, one hundred and sixty guns, and two thousand muskets, were all seized and disposed of. Four of these captured vessels were conducted to Tamagusta (in Cyprus). One of the three vessels, which was called Karah Jehennem (Black-hell), and resembled a lofty castle, was sent to Constantinople as a trophy of the admiral’s victory. The admiral, after having gained this victory, made the circuit of Sidon, Bairut, Alexandretta near Aleppo, and Tripoli, but did not meet any of the enemy in the whole of this tract. He returned to Tamagusta, took in provisions, and then set sail for the port of Constantinople, where a royal letter and a sable robe, tokens of his sovereign’s approbation, awaited his arrival. He also had the honour of kissing the royal hand, and was raised to the rank of vezír.

On the 9th of Rajab, in this year, the digging of the foundation of the noble mosque of Ahmed Sultán, in the At Maidán, was commenced; and on the 8th of Shevál all the ulemá, vezírs, sheíkhs, and seyeds, assembled together to celebrate the ceremony of laying the first stone.

_Ancient treaty with France renewed._

Franciscus Sawari, ambassador of Haricus, king of France (Henry IV.), at the court of Constantinople, at this time presented a request, that the existing treaty of friendship between the Ottoman emperor and the king of France should again be renewed. This was done; and the treaty which was entered into during the reign of the late Sultán Mohammed Khán formed the basis of the new one. By the new treaty, or rather, by this renewed treaty, it was stipulated among other things as follows: 1. That not only British and Venetian vessels, but also those of Genoa, of Portugal, of the two Sicilies, of Ancona, of Spain, and of Florence, trading to Turkey, should be permitted to do so only under the French flag; and that the commanders of all such vessels were to announce their arrival to the French consul of the place or port to which they might come for the purpose of trade. 2. That all persons belonging to France, going to visit Jerusalem, or the monks living at the Holy Sepulchre, or returning from the same, were to be allowed to go and return without molestation or interruption. 3. That the prohibition laid on spun and unspun cotton and on morocco-leather, during the reign of Soleimán, was to be removed. 4. The prohibition laid on bee’s-wax and hides in the days of Mohammed Khán was also to be removed. 5. That all such specie as traders brought along with them was to be received at its usual or current value. 6. Vessels belonging to the French government, employed in carrying provisions from one country unfriendly to Turkey to another country of that description, were, though discovered by Turkish ships, to be allowed to pass unmolested; and, in the event of any vessel belonging to a French subject being seized whilst carrying provisions from any part of the Ottoman dominions, it was to be set at liberty, its freight was to remain untouched, and no more, than three hundred _akchas_ were to be levied on the articles of lading. 7. French vessels entering into any of the havens belonging to the Barbary states were to be respected; and gunpowder, lead, sail-cloth, or any other articles which might be needed, were to be furnished them: for, formerly, the Algerines were in the habit of kidnapping and making slaves of French merchants, and seizing their property. Frequent prohibitions against this practice had been issued during the reign of Sultán Mohammed Khán; and the governor, who happened to be in office when an aggression of this kind took place, was deposed, and ordered to make full restitution. 8. Fishing vessels were to be allowed to fish, and also to take coral on the coasts of Algiers and Tunis. 9. All interpreters belonging to the French embassy were, according to ancient custom, to be free from all kinds of imposts or taxes. 10. French subjects, on paying the just dues to their ambassadors and consuls, were to have all disputes which might arise settled by them: they were to oppress or injure none. 11. Those having a dispute or law-suit with any consul, the dispute or law-suit was to be settled in Turkey. 12. The French ambassador on entering into the royal diván, or into the privy-council, was to have precedence, according to ancient custom, of the Spanish, and all other ambassadors whatever. 13. When a French prisoner or captive was discovered, and the consul declared him to be so, then his master or owner was to send him to Constantinople, where his case was to be thoroughly investigated. 14. Frenchmen, or persons belonging to any country subject to France, living in Turkey, were not to be required to pay a poll-tax. 15. Frenchmen living at any of the sea-ports belonging to Turkey, were not to be prohibited from appointing their own consuls; and such consuls were to be free from all taxes whatever. 16. If a dispute should happen to arise with a French trader, and an appeal was made to a cazí, the cazí was not to decide, unless the French trader had an interpreter present to interpret for him. 18. French ships sailing to or from Constantinople were to meet with no hindrances in the Dardanelles, or force or violence from any Turkish ship, whether of war or not, in the open or high seas. A friendly intercourse between vessels belonging to both nations, was to be faithfully observed. The end or conclusion of the treaty.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1019, H.

_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, goes to Tabríz._

The victorious hero, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Murád Páshá, having fully completed all his preparations for opening the campaign in the east, re-appointed Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá governor of Constantinople, and passed over with his brilliant army to Scutari, on the 5th of the month Sefer. The commanding general, impatiently anxious to march against Persia, left Scutari about the beginning of Rabia I., and reaching the frontiers of that country, he was joined by the various beglerbegs with their respective troops, who had been appointed for this war. His army, in a short time, became greatly increased. Having heard that the sháh of Persia intended to take up his position in the vicinity of Tabríz, and as the winter season was nigh at hand, he hastened towards that place with all the speed he was able, and was not long in arriving in its neighbourhood. The inhabitants having all fled, and left the city exposed and desolate, the orthodox troops entered, and demolished or set fire to its buildings. The sháh having advanced nearer, shewed a disposition to try his strength, and posted himself upon a hill near the city. It was not long, however, before his courage forsook him; for in a general engagement, in which he was soon involved, his troops were defeated and put to flight, leaving the field to the victorious Moslems. Finding it therefore dangerous to stay much longer, and seeing that the winter was fast approaching, he felt it necessary to seek a place of repose and safety for himself and his army. In this way, and for these reasons, the war was necessarily postponed till the following year. In the meantime, however, the orthodox army did all the mischief they could to the enemy’s country, and then returned, when his excellency the commanding general, Murád Páshá, went with the household troops to Diárbeker.

After defeating the sháh, his excellency, Murád Páshá, sent him a letter, to which the following was received as answer: “You say that we have violated the agreement made in the days of Sháh Ismael II. He was not long enough at the helm of affairs to cause any rupture. Your governors on the frontiers having coveted the goods of our merchants, have murdered several of them. We have represented our grievances to your august majesty, the emperor, but no redress whatever has been afforded. The honour of our dignity cannot endure this, especially as we are now come, by the grace of God, into the possession of our paternal hereditary dominions. We have been braved by a Tátár army. Formerly, Islám Gheráí and Ghází Gheráí brought their armies as far as Shirván, but were defeated by the kizilbáshes, and the two kháns made prisoners. If they should again attempt a similar invasion, they shall pay dearly for it; they shall meet their reward. The great wealth which the emperor of the Osmánlís can command is not unknown to us. We also have our heroes. The sight of your numerous hosts will not move them. If it be thought proper to abide by the conditions granted by Sultán Soleímán Khán to Tahmasp, my grandfather, then I am his august majesty’s servant. When one is not brave and bold in his hostility, his friendship is not to be depended on. Our friendship may be contemplated. If, therefore, you are not satisfied, then let that which is behind the curtain of fate discover itself—Farewell.”