Chapter IV: Part 4

The Moslems unable, in consequence of the fatigues they had endured the preceding day, to take advantage of the flight of the enemy, and thus gain the open field, retreated a little. Here they remained two days, during which time some prisoners were brought in, who informed them that the enemy had concentrated at Bekrish. Encouraged by this information, Hasan Páshá, on the 18th of the month, crossed over with his division, gained the plain beyond the valley or pass, and sent out a foraging party through the country, who returned with provisions, prisoners, and cattle.

Michael, not thinking himself secure at Bekrish, retired to Terghúshta, and afterwards, from the same dread, penetrated the almost inaccessible mountains which form the boundaries of Transylvania. The grand vezír, now that the enemy had entirely disappeared, passed through the valley on the 20th and appeared before Bekrish, in the plains of which he pitched his tent. The churches of Bekrish were converted into mosques; and worship, according to Mohammedan usage, was performed in them. The ornaments and crosses which adorned the roofs of the churches, as well as the whole of the images and pictures which were placed in them, were totally demolished. Not a vestige of them was allowed to remain.

_A Council held.—A Fortress built._

The nobles and princes having assembled in the grand vezír’s pavilion, they consulted as to the most effectual method they should adopt to prevent Valachia and Moldavia from falling into the hands of the infidels; and also as to the difficulty there existed in keeping the inhabitants of these provinces under subjection. After these matters were fully discussed, it was resolved and agreed to: 1st, That an impregnable fortress should be built at Bekrish; and 2ndly, That a similar one should be erected at the pass of Terghúshta. After the passing of these resolutions, it was thought proper to transmit a report of affairs to the court of Constantinople for its approbation; and at the same time, the government of the country was conferred on Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. When once these things were thus settled, the grand vezír and his nobles proceeded to the suburbs of Bekrish and measured off double the space of ground on which Alexandra, the Waiwoda’s Monastery stood, and which was formerly a fortress, and made preparations for commencing the first fortress mentioned in the resolutions adverted to above. The whole was completed in the space of twelve days after it was fairly commenced. But what more relates to this fortress we must reserve till we relate the events of the following year.

_Concerning the Enemy’s Operations on the Frontiers._

Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, having been appointed commander-in-chief on the frontiers, went, at the commencement of the month Shevál, to Buda, where he properly housed a quantity of provisions which had been sent from Belgrade; and afterwards distributed troops among the military stations along the frontiers in that quarter. He himself went to Kiris Elias, where he pitched his camp. The beglerbeg of Anatolia, of Karamania, of Sivás, of Buda, of Temisvar, of Haleb, and of Scutari, the deputy-ághá of the Janissaries, the salihdárs of the Spáhís, and all the various troops regular and irregular, assembled at Old Buda, where a distribution of provisions and of other necessaries was made to them.

About this time Osmán Páshá, beglerbeg of Yanuk, sent information that the Austrians were preparing to send a large army; and it so happened that, towards the end of Dhu’l Kada, an army of 50,000 foot and 20,000 horse laid siege to Osterghún. The Moslem serdár, or commander-in-chief, and the other beglerbegs, could muster no more than 10,000, and therefore prudently forbore attempting to offer battle to so immense a host. They accordingly took up their position on a hill opposite the enemy, and there meant to wait till they received more succour.

_The Moslem Army advances to Osterghún, and are defeated._

About the commencement of the month Dhu’l hijja, the commander-in-chief, Sinán’s son, the beglerbeg of Buda; Súfí Sinán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Temisvar; Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Scutari; Teríakí Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Haleb; Mohammed Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Yanuk, Osmán Páshá, advanced with the 10,000 lately mentioned to Osterghún, and took up their position immediately opposite the enemy. This was a fool-hardy step, and one for which they paid dearly: for that very day the battle commenced, and was continued for several days, when it ended in the discomfiture of the Moslem army, as might have been easily anticipated, considering the vast majority of the enemy. The following day, when the Moslems advanced to the conflict, they were encircled by a considerable body of the enemy, drawn up in regular order to receive them, but whom the Moslems, led on by Osmán Páshá, drove back, retaking at the same time Jegirdilen, a place of some strength, and spiked the whole of the cannon in it. Hitherto fortune seemed to declare for the orthodox army, but on the fourth day it experienced a reverse. In approaching Dipadilen, another place of strength, the Moslems were much annoyed by the small arms of the enemy, which played incessantly upon them. Here many of the brave Musselmans fell lifeless on the ground, and among them was Osmán Páshá. Another division of the Moslem army attacked the enemy’s trenches on the Danube, and got possession of them. Here they either slew or drowned in the river such of the enemy as fell into their hands: but alas! this act of heroism was dearly paid for; for on retiring from these trenches they were met by a strong augmentation of the enemy coming forward to the aid of those who had been in the trenches, when a most desperate and awful conflict ensued. The Serdár, thinking his Moslems were overpowered, turned his face towards Buda and set off. Others, seeing this, followed his example. Teríákí Hasan Páshá was no sooner made aware of the state of matters than he too ordered his tents to be struck, loaded his waggons with the heaviest of his baggage, caused oxen to be put to them and to his field-pieces—which had been kept as memorials of Soleimán—and moved off for Buda, whither the rest had fled.

After this signal superiority gained by the enemy they proceeded, without any further resistance from the scattered army of the Serdár, to effect their original purpose, the reduction of Osterghún. But we must defer any further account of this till we relate the events of the following year.

The Serdár Mohammed Páshá, after reaching Buda, and after his troops had found their way to that city, was in conformity to a resolution passed by a council of war, appointed to the government of Yanuk, and proper persons were also dismissed in order to assemble forces at Belgrade.

When the enemy, stationed about Novograde, heard of the defeat sustained by the Moslems they were emboldened to lay siege to Wáj, but were repulsed with great loss. Finding they were unable for the task they had undertaken, they contented themselves with carrying off what cattle they could seize or drive off. But this also belongs to the affairs of the following year.

_The Apostate Michael gains a victory._

The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, after having seen the fortress completed, which he had ordered to be erected of wood at Bekrish, as before observed, placed a garrison of one thousand Janissaries and a thousand other troops in it, besides cannon and other implements of war for defence, and on the 13th of Moharrem removed to the plains of Terghúshta. The inhabitants of this latter place having all fled before his arrival, he commenced building in it a fortress of wood, similar to the one erected at Bekrish, and ordered two deep ditches to be cut round it. The whole was completed in the space of a month; and after having placed a garrison in it, and supplied it with all kinds of necessary stores, he commenced his countermarch on the 12th of the month Sefer.

The grand vezír had scarcely reached the very first stage, however, before the atrocious Michael started out of the woods and surrounded Terghúshta with his troops. The sound of his cannon was distinctly heard in the grand vezír’s camp. After three days of violent effort he took the place. Alí Páshá, Khoja Beg, and other persons of distinction, he caused to be fixed on spits and roasted before a fire: the rest of the garrison he made prisoners, set fire to the place, and withdrew. Information of this disaster reached the grand vezír the day it took place, and awakened the grief and sympathy of the whole army. Whilst they stood deploring the fate of the garrison, and of their brethren who had fallen into the hands of their merciless enemies, three hundred of these infidels issued out of the wood, not very distant from the Moslem camp, but they were all dispersed by a party of the Romeilian troops. The army now began to retrace their steps. After consulting as to the propriety of returning to Terghúshta, about which there existed a variety of opinion, they at last resolved on going to Bekrish, which they accordingly did. During fifteen days which the army was ordered to remain there, all the traders, whether belonging to the army or otherwise, were requested to remove in that space of time with their effects out of Bekrish, and retire to some other place of greater security. After this and other matters of importance were fully attended to, the guns and other stores belonging to this garrison were put on waggons and removed, and itself, so lately built, set fire to about midnight, when the troops left it to perish. After hastily passing through the pass of Bekrish they arrived at Yerkok, where they halted three days.

On reaching this place, the grand vezír was confounded when he perceived that the bridge, which had been confided to a sufficient guard, across which ten thousand waggons and captives had passed, was now watched only by five. Formerly, the Moslem troops were in the habit of making excursions by this bridge into the country of Transylvania, and returning by the same with waggons loaded with spoil, thousands of captives, and with droves of cattle, sheep, and young horses, and which used to be sold in the Moslem camp. Here also a faithful custom-house officer used to sit and collect an impost which was levied on all such imports.

The grand vezír was but a very few days at the above place when he learned that the apostate Michael was at his heels. Without waiting the arrival of this rebel he crossed over by night, and permitted his troops to do as they might be able. Before morning they succeeded in getting over part of their ordnance, whilst they were obliged to leave the remainder behind them. Whilst all were in confusion, and petrified with terror at the recent information, each one, concerned about himself, sought to save himself the best way he could. In these circumstances of confusion and terror the enemy appeared in the vicinity of Yerkok, and arrived in sufficient time to seize on all which yet remained to be passed over to the Moslem side. A party of the enemy, more like enraged swine, hastened forward to the edge of the river, and from an eminence sufficiently near, played with their cannon against the bridge, which soon gave way in the middle. Such of the retreating Moslems and baggage as were crossing at the time, fell into the river along with it, and were lost. Some of the unfortunate wretches who got hold of pieces of the bridge were carried down the stream, and their shrieks pierced the skies. All who had not been able to make their escape from Yerkok were butchered without mercy, and their blood made to flow in rivulets. In short, the slaughter was terrible. The cannon which fell into the hands of the enemy were directed, after they had burned the city, against the fortress. So very disastrous a retreat, as well as defeat, has never been recorded in any history.

_The fortress of Yerkok taken._

The troops who were stationed in this garrison at this time shut themselves up in it, but the rabble-army, after three days’ bombardment, took it by storm on the 10th of the month Sefer, put every Mussulman within it to death, and afterwards directed its cannon against the grand vezír’s camp on the opposite side of the river. About this time information was received from Ghází Gheráí Khán, khán of the Tátárs, which apprised them that he had entered Moldavia with his Tátár army, and had brought the inhabitants of that province under subjection and promise of obedience; and further, that they had promised to deliver up the apostate Michael, the sole author of all the evils and mischief which had taken place. In the letter which they addressed to the khán, they requested that one of his emírs might be appointed governor over them; but their chiefs not liking this arrangement, the thing was delayed.

_Osterghún delivered up to the enemy._

In the month of Dhu’l hijja of last year the enemy, as we have seen, laid siege to the fortress of Osterghún, and after having defeated the army sent from Buda to oppose them, they redoubled their efforts against the above place, which at last the Moslems were necessitated to give up. This took place on the 1st, or about the beginning of the month Sefer. About forty or fifty Mussulmans, who were allowed to leave Osterghún, went by water to Buda.

_Vishégrade is taken by the enemy._

After the reduction of Osterghún the enemy surrounded the fortress of Vishégrade, a place of considerable strength, not far from the above, and which, through the treachery of one Osmán, who had been degraded from the rank of an ághá of the Janissaries, was delivered over to the enemy; but the inhabitants and the garrison were allowed to retire to Buda. The above-mentioned apostate Osmán, in order to ingratiate himself with the King of Hungary, went and pointed out the vaults in which the Moslems had preserved their gunpowder, and which till then had not been discovered. The enemy carried the whole away in boats.

_The Grand Vezír deposed.—Lála Mohammed Páshá made Grand Vezír._

When accounts of the ill fate of the expedition conducted by the grand vezír into Valachia, of the pusillanimity of his son, who permitted Osterghún to fall into the enemy’s hands; and who was the first who fled from the field of battle, and shut himself up within the fortress of Buda, were received at Constantinople, the whole of the Moslem population and the grandees of the state were roused to madness and indignation; and when the emperor was formally informed of these disgraceful circumstances, he immediately ordered the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, to be deposed and to go to Mulghura. On the 16th of Rabia II. the seals were transferred to Lála Mohammed Páshá, but who, on account of his bad state of health, was never able, with the exception of the day he had the honour of kissing the emperor’s hand, to attend to his duties in the diván. He died shortly after his elevation to the premiership.

_Sinán Páshá is made Grand Vezír a fifth Time._

The káímakám of Constantinople, Ibrahím Páshá, of whom frequent though not honourable mention has been made, expected that on the death of Lála Mohammed Páshá, as well as on some former occasions, when a prime minister was degraded, that the emperor would confer the seals upon him. He was mistaken, and of course disappointed. The fact was, that the emperor had discovered before then that he was the principal cause of Ferhád Páshá’s murder, and was seized with a kind of horror and remorse, and therefore dismissed him from office and from his presence.

The friends of Sinán, lately deposed and banished, were not idle. They threw a cloak over his faults, and represented his virtues and high qualifications for government in such a light as to induce his majesty to recall him from his exile, and to reinstate him (a fifth time) in his former office. He took his place in the diván about the end of Rabia II.

A circumstance took place about this time which is worthy of being recorded. A great dispute having taken place between Ibrahím Páshá and his father-in-law, Sinán Páshá, the former accused the latter, in the presence of the diván, of maladministration, and charged him with being the cause of all the insurrections which had happened, by his having given places of trust and responsibility to men who were unfit to hold these offices. On another occasion Ibrahím spoke in the same strain in presence of the emperor, which so enraged Sinán that he said: “I am represented to your majesty as a person every way unfit to hold office, and though it be Ibrahím who has thought fit to do so, I challenge him to go down to the court, and there let us try the edge and strength of our daggers.” Thus saying, he seized him by his robes and thrust him out of the presence of the emperor. These were times in which rebellion and disorder, hatred and envy, reigned without; rudeness and asperity within; and had the effect of marring the tranquillity of all ranks and conditions.

_Sinán Páshá’s counsel to the Emperor._

One day when the grand vezír was sitting with his imperial majesty he offered him the following counsel. “Sire,” said he, “it is inconsistent with sound policy to have a commander-in-chief in hostile countries, and it is incompatible for two to hold that office. In having a commander-in-chief, or a person of this description, it falls either to the grand vezír, or some other one of the vezírs, to hold it. If the grand vezír exercise this function, then the káímakám, in order to get himself into the vezírship, will throw all the hindrances he possibly can in his way, and no good will be effected. On the other hand, if it be a vezír who shall exercise that high office, then the grand vezír, for fear his services should, perchance, recommend him to hold the premiership, will, from mere envy, seek to hide what glory he may acquire in the service of his country. For how many years have ambition and envy of this kind been the cause of the ruin of our armies, and the wasting of our treasures, without producing the least benefit to the state, but, on the contrary, misfortune and disgrace! Do you, therefore, Sire, imitate the example set before you by Sultán Suleimán, and declare that you will, in person, take the chief command of the army in the present war with the infidels on the north of our frontiers. Do this, that, after you have gained victories, and restored the fading glory of the Ottomans, you may then have it in your power to make peace on honourable terms. The presence of the royal warrior in the midst of his camp will inspire the enemies of our religion and of our country with dread, and paralyze their efforts against us.” Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, being of one mind with the grand vezír, confirmed his sentiments by an appeal to the practice of former emperors, who all commanded in person, and who, by their valour and heroism, extended the dominions of the Ottomans. The result was, that the grand sultán determined on joining his army, and on conducting it to battle in person.

Accordingly, every preparation for furthering the views of the royal warrior was promptly attended to. Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was appointed to accompany the royal suite; and on the 1st of Rajab, 150,000 ducats were delivered out of the royal treasury to Kara Mohammed Páshá, who was commissioned to proceed to Belgrade and make the necessary purchases of provisions for the army. Artificers were also sent out to mend the roads and bridges every where. Orders were issued to have all kinds of vessels, and all sorts of apparatus in a state of readiness on the Danube. The whole of the royal tents, &c. were confided to the emperor’s chancellor, Hamza Páshá. To the chief master of the horse, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, in conjunction with a chávush, called Konáí Zádeh Mohammed, was committed the charge of collecting in Caramania and thereabouts the necessary number of beasts of burden for the war. In short, the preparations were decisive and complete.

_Sinán Páshá’s death.—Ibrahím Páshá is made Grand Vezír._

Whilst the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, was actively employed in carrying on the preparations alluded to in the preceeding section, death put an end to his blemished life. He did not survive the murder of Ferhád Páshá a full year. His death took place on the 5th of Shabán. Ahmed Aghá, Ketkhodá of the household troops, was deputed to carry the seals to Ibrahím Páshá, who happened, at the time they were sent to him, to be praying in St. Sophia. The learned and exalted men, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí and others, besides vezírs, who were present in the temple when the seals were put into his hand, congratulated him on his elevation. After having finished their religious duties they accompanied the remains of the deceased grand vezír, and buried him in his own tomb, when the newly created one, Ibrahím Páshá, returned to his own palace.

_Strife and contention between Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí and the Muftí._

On the third day after Ibrahím’s exaltation to the premiership, the reverend Effendí, Sa’d-ud-dín, went to pay him a visit, and to do him the honours due to his high office. Whilst the reverend father was sitting and holding friendly conversation with the grand vezír, letters were brought to his excellency, one of which was from Hasan Páshá, son of Mohammed Páshá. This letter informed him of the submission of the haughty Michael and of the Boyárs of Valachia. As the exalted vezír was in the act of beginning to read these communications, the Muftí arrived to congratulate the new minister, and formed one of the company. These two magazines of learning and science sat, the one on the right and the other on the left hand of the grand vezír, resembling two lofty but firmly based mountains. These two august personages, being noble, were permitted, of course, to sit and speak in the sublime council. The papers above alluded to were put into the hands of the reverend Effendí, who began to read their contents in a loud voice, and gave his opinion freely on the points submitted to their consideration and judgment. But the Muftí, from motives dictated by envy, opposed and contradicted his reverend brother without ceremony. To his grave, wise, and straight-forward advice he would give no place. This circumstance, unfortunately, was the cause of producing a most serious altercation between the two reverend prelates, which put a complete stop, for the time being, to all further reading and cool deliberation. “Why,” said the reverend Effendí, “if the Boyárs of Valachia, and Michael, have petitioned for pardon, let no discouraging answer be returned to them. Let them only be required to deliver up Michael’s son, as hostage, in proof of the sincerity of their repentance. It is in this way, I propose, their letters ought to be answered.” The superior priest, or Muftí, under the influence of envy, opposed this judgment, and in his turn maintained, that no offers whatever ought to be accepted at the hands of the apostate Michael. The storm increased: mutual accusations ensued. To such a length, indeed, did these reverend fathers carry their animosity and personal reproach, that they completely exhausted the patience of the other emírs present. At length the Muftí rose up from his seat, turned himself to the grand vezír, and thus addressed him: “If it please your excellency, we have come hither for the purpose of congratulating you on your recent exaltation; not for contention and strife: may the most high Allah, therefore, bless you in your high office.” Thus saying, he returned to his own house. The other prelate was very much offended at the Muftí for his outrageous conduct, who, at the very commencement of their deliberations, began to oppose his opinion and advice, and then marched off in a pet. This, he said, was far from being honourable. However, he had this consolation afforded him: his advice was adopted and followed. Orders accordingly were given to Músá Chelebí, the secretary, to prepare a suitable answer to Michael and the other Boyárs, and Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí returned home.

_The Emperor of the Moslems prepares to set out for the scene of war._

By the time the spring arrived the preparations deemed necessary for the war were fully attended to, and on the 15th of Ramazán the different commanders were appointed. Immediately after the feast in the month of Shevál the royal pavilion was erected on the plains of Dávud Páshá. The ulemá and great men were ordered to join the royal suite, and record the deeds of the war. On the journey, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí regaled the royal ear, in presence of his vezírs, by talking to him of foreign affairs. On reaching Adrianople, the reverend prelate’s second son, Izzet Effendí, a eunuch and cazí of Adrianople, applied to his father to importune the emperor in his favour for the cazíship of Constantinople. The father’s request was graciously granted. The grand army had scarcely commenced its march towards Philippopolis, when Izzet Effendí directed his course to the metropolis, but was disappointed. Abdul Helím Effendí, through the intercession of the queen-mother, was confirmed in the office of which Izzet thought himself sure, and was obliged to retrace his steps to the place whence he came. When his father had learned that his wishes respecting his son had been thwarted, he approached the grand vezír, and complained against the Káímakám Hasan Páshá, for his want of politeness, and of the disdain and contempt which had been shown to his son. The grand vezír went immediately and laid the affair before the royal presence, and added, that it had been owing to the intercession of the queen-mother the favour had not been granted: but something else he intimated ought to be conferred on the reverend priest as an equivalent. The monarch ordered his minister to create him a military judge, which was accordingly done. His father soon after this fell sick of a fever, but was fully restored to health by the time the city of Agria was taken.

On the 8th of the month Dhu’l Kadah, the emperor removed from Adrianople, and after reaching Philippopolis, the fifth stage, the cazí of that city, Chelebí Kází, inspector of the river Ebras, gave him a splendid entertainment in a large pavilion erected for the occasion. During four days which the emperor passed in this city, nothing was seen or heard but demonstrations of joy. Chelebí Kází was confirmed in his office for life.

When the emperor arrived at Batchina, Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, came with a choice body of troops and saluted him. Two days afterwards, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, who was sent to Belgrade to collect provisions, &c. for the army, came out to meet the emperor, and had the honour of kissing his hand. Shortly afterwards the emperor entered the city of Belgrade, where every thing had been prepared for the reception of the royal guest.

Soon after his majesty entered Belgrade, his royal pavilion was erected on a small eminence opposite to the city, and demonstrations of joy were every where manifested by the roar of cannon and the firing of musketry. Provisions also were distributed among the troops, and a considerable quantity of the same article was sent in boats up the Danube to the fortresses on the frontiers. It is to be observed, however, that the emperor, who was exceedingly displeased with Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, for having allowed the city of Osterghún to fall into the hands of the enemy, and for neglecting to watch the frontiers with greater vigilance than he had done, put him in prison, and confiscated the whole of his property. One Kishedhán Alí Chávush, a man lame in both his feet, and who had been appointed by the late grand vezír to be resident custom-house officer at Belgrade, was discovered to have been guilty of some crime or other, and therefore ordered to be executed before one of the gates of the city; but his majesty was satisfied with having him thrust into prison. Both these prisoners, however, were afterwards set at liberty, and Mohammed Páshá was reinstated in his vezírship. In consequence of the whole of his property having been confiscated, he was not in circumstances to enable him to accompany the army, and therefore remained at Belgrade. The munificence of his late fellow-prisoner, however, made up this deficiency to him, and he immediately set out and followed the royal camp.

_A Council held._

His majesty, the asylum of the world, removed from Belgrade, crossed the Save, and on arriving in the neighbourhood of Islancúmin, called a general council of all his princes, great lords, and high vezírs. In this council it was discussed whether it would be more advisable to commence their operations by first laying siege to Komran, or to proceed directly to Agria. To Jaghala Zádeh the first of these two proposals seemed the most proper; but the other vezírs opposed this. They said that Komran was a place of no note, and of no great importance: neither would the reduction of it reflect any great credit to their royal leader, nor very much intimidate the enemy. Agria, they maintained, and justly too, was a place of great importance, it being one of the largest and most populous cities of the Germans, the chief or principal one within the limits of Hungary; famed also for the mines which abound in its neighbourhood, and which are held in much esteem by the infidels. The reduction of this city and fortress, continued the speakers, will extend the glory and promote the honour of the Moslem religion. This speech had the effect it was intended to have; and, accordingly, the army, in order to reach Segdin, in the enemy’s country, passed the fortresses of Tetul and Waradin, when the ághá of the Janissaries was ordered to proceed with carpenters and erect a bridge of boats across the Danube; which he accomplished in the space of four days. The emperor, vezírs, and the army, after having crossed this bridge, waited a whole day, until all the ordnance and heavy baggage were also safely got across, when they proceeded to the plains of Segdin, and pitched their camp opposite that fortress.

Here the royal camp was joined by the army of Romeilia with their beglerbeg, Hasan Páshá, a heroic vezír, at their head, and the sight of whom inspired the royal troops with animation and courage. His battering cannon he caused to be transported in boats along the Danube from Widin; and among other important services which he rendered on this occasion, he caused all the other Romeilian princes to be sent down the river Tisse to Segdin.

The army was not long at Segdin before a number of letters were presented before the royal presence by a deputation from the borders, which set forth the conduct of the detestable enemy in laying siege to Khutván, and many other grievances which these infidels had given occasion to complain of. The deputation added, that if immediate aid were not afforded, the besieged Mussulmans would inevitably fall into the hands of the enemy and perish.

To prevent, therefore, the disgrace of allowing these Mussulmans to perish by the enemy’s sword, Jaghala Zádeh was ordered to proceed with a party of troops to their aid, and beat off the besiegers. But Jaghala Zádeh, another son of Sinán Páshá, was too tardy in his movements, and before he had time to arrive to afford aid to Khutván, it was in the hands of the abject enemy. All the men, women, and children were put to death, and the fortress itself was made level with the ground. The conduct of Jaghala Zádeh on this occasion was such as deserved the severest punishment; but being highly esteemed and of noble birth, he not only escaped with impunity, but even without reproof, a circumstance which is truly marvellous and confounding.

About this same time, also, the troops created a tumult, and complained against Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, the treasurer, under the pretext of not receiving their dues; for which reason the treasurer was deposed and Kej Dehán Alí, a chávush báshí, was appointed in his stead. On the 18th of the Moharrem the troops were all paid their wages, each man receiving his usual allowance.

After the army had reached the vicinity of the fortress of Sonluk they disembarked their serpent and dragon-mouthed cannon, which they had conveyed thither by water, and transported them on sledges drawn by oxen towards Agria, as also their heavy baggage. The royal camp, after three other stages were accomplished, reached, without being observed, an open field in the skirts of the city, where the necessary quantity of arms and ammunition was immediately distributed among the troops.

_Agria besieged._

It was on the 28th of Moharrem that the Sháhin-Sháh of the universe pitched his royal camp in the plains of Agria. The two first days were employed in arranging the machinery for making the ditches and raising mounds, and in examining the ground.

Agria appeared, in the distance, like a mountain. The top of the fortress was hid in the clouds; its towers rose one above another; and its lofty buildings and turrets filled the eye. The fortress itself was situated on a high hill, and three parts of it presented a rock, on which was built a wall so firmly constructed that cannon could hardly affect it. A huge mineral rock adjoined it on the south side, and as a guard to their outer works or fortifications, there was an immense deep ditch cut in front of them. In short, it was a place of the utmost strength—a first-rate fortress. There were in it at this time two princes; the one a relation of the Emperor of Austria, who was the commander of the Germans in it; the other the Prince of Hungary.

Before the commencement of hostilities the following communication was sent to the two above-mentioned chiefs, and to the inhabitants of Agria. “Be it known to the princes and all others in the city of Agria that we (the Emperor of the Ottomans) have come with the intention of reducing it. We, therefore, call upon you, in the name of the most High Allah, to embrace our religion. If you become Mussulmans, then we promise you shall sustain no injury from us, but shall be allowed to live in tranquillity and in the possession of all your property. If, on the other hand, you will not be converted, but continue obstinate at all hazard, then we command you to abandon your present position, and to set out for some other country. In the event of your not embracing either of the alternatives now proposed, and prepare to offer resistance; if you fire one cannon, musket, or mortar at us and our army, then, by God and by God’s prophet, we shall commence a general slaughter, and not one of you shall escape. Let this be known to you.” The person who carried the above to Agria was seized as a spy and put into prison.

In the meantime, however, the Moslem troops entered into the trenches they had before this prepared, and during the night planted their ordnance in the most proper position for annoying the walls and the sides of the citadel. When all was in a state of preparation the Moslems cried _Allah! Allah!_ and commenced the work of destruction. Day and night the firing of cannon and musketry and the bursting of mortars ceased not. The sound and roar of these instruments of death from both sides shook the earth, whilst the volume of smoke formed a black cloud above and around them. The brave, the heroic, the orthodox Moslems relaxed not in their mighty efforts, nor once turned away their faces from danger.

After a whole week’s constant fighting, as above described, the Moslems succeeded in taking the outer line of the enemy’s fortifications, and drove the enemy within the inner one. The Moslems slackened not in pressing them hard; and by the constant springing of mines they at last effected a breach; but in consequence of a constant fall of rain for some days they found it impossible, though they made several heroic attempts, to scale the walls. The artillery, however, continued to play with effect.

On the 18th of the month Sefer the command of the Janissaries was conferred on Mustafa Aghá. Next day, which was the Sabbath, and the 19th of the month, the rain fell in torrents, and the difficulty of succeeding in reducing the place appeared to be greater than ever; yet by constantly and unweariedly, and under every difficulty, persevering in their efforts, they brought the besieged, about noon of that day, to capitulate for their lives.

Next morning two begs and eight sons of begs came forth to the trenches to the vezírs, whilst Begtásh Beg, beg of Sonluk, was sent into the city as a hostage till the articles of the capitulation were fully settled and signed. This negotiation being over the commissioners were conducted into the imperial presence, when they informed his majesty that one or two of them wished to embrace Islamism. Immediately they were clothed in white robes, and the drums throughout the camp began to beat in token of victory, and great rejoicings took place. The beglerbeg of Romeili, the ághá of the Janissaries, the commander of the artillery, and the head of the arsenal, entered the city and took possession of it in the name of the Emperor of the Ottomans.

On the 20th of the last-mentioned month, the commander of the Spáhís was ordered to conduct the weak and half-famished garrison of Agria, in conformity to the articles of capitulation, which guaranteed to them their lives, to the end of the first stage; but unfortunately for them, though the emperor had promised them every security, and even granted them passports, the men of the borders and the Tátár military, roused with indignation and thirst for revenge, when they remembered the fate of the inhabitants of Khutván, seized on what weapons lay nearest to them, and massacred them all before they got out from among the tents. Not one of them escaped, and their number amounted to about 5,000. The two princes who had the command in Agria were sent to Belgrade.

The victorious Moslems commenced repairing the breaches which their own artillery had effected in the walls of Agria, and on the same day, _i.e._ on the 20th, the beglerbeg of Caramania, Khezr Páshá, and the begs of Sonluk and Segdin, were ordered to repair to Khutván and commence rebuilding it. Dilsiz Aghá was sent off to Constantinople with tidings of the fall of Agria. On the 23rd provisions were distributed among the various troops. The guns in the trenches were all conveyed into the fortress. On the 25th, being the day of assembly (Friday), the emperor and his suite converted the large churches of Agria into mosques, in which public devotion was performed.

_The Moslems are threatened by another immense host of Infidels._

Some captives, who had been seized by Moslem spies, informed the Osmánlí camp that Maximillian, with an army of 100,000 foot and horse, composed of Bohemians, Poles, Italians, Spaniards, and others, was encamped in the valley of Mehaj not far from Tokái, and only three stages distant from Agria, where he had erected fortifications. This information had only the effect of awakening more strongly the enthusiasm of the Muselmans, who all with one voice declared they would either bring renown on the Muselman name, or perish for their religion. The news, however, turned out to be true.

In the _Fateh námeh_ it is said, that when it was known that the Ottomans were collecting troops on the frontiers, and marching towards Agria, an army of 300,000 men levied by the kings of Vienna and Spain, by the Pope, and the ruler of Transylvania, in short by the seven European monarchs, assembled also in the vicinity of Agria. This mighty host was furnished with one hundred pieces of ordnance, and with every kind of military apparatus. Its object was, so soon as the Moslem army was fairly engaged in carrying on the siege of Agria, suddenly to surround their camp, and cut them to pieces. The fate of Agria, however, reached them before they found an opportunity of accomplishing their object, and caused them to alter their manœuvres. They retreated two stages, but it was only with the view of deceiving. Their real purpose was, when they found the Moslem army had retired from Agria, to return with all their force and retake it: but the Moslems, who were informed of their movements, as well as of their purposes, resolved on anticipating them on their own ground.

Maximillian being lame and afflicted with blindness, the crown was conferred on his brother, Duke Matthias, and with it the whole command of the army. It is related in some history, that after the Duke and the ruler of Hungary had united in their hostility against the Osmánlís, they debated over their cups about the propriety of attacking the Moslem camp. Other histories say, however, that it was the Austrian minister to whom the joint command was given.

_Ja’fer Páshá sent with a body of Troops to surprise the Enemy._

After it had been fully ascertained what the enemy meditated to do, Ja’fer Páshá, one of the most illustrious vezírs, and an eunuch, was dispatched with a chosen body of various troops to surprise the enemy in their strong-hold. Ja’fer Páshá, on leaving the camp, began to reflect what the issue of the expedition on which he was sent might be, and therefore sent out spies, who brought him intelligence with regard to the numerical force of the enemy, which was immense. Ja’fer Páshá, on receiving the above intelligence, sent word to his Majesty that his offering to contend with such a vast multitude with so small a force as he possessed, could only terminate in disgrace and ruin. For his own part, he said, the thought of his own life gave him no concern, and that at all times he was ready to sacrifice it, when necessary, for the honour and glory of the Mohammedan Faith: to proceed to the assault, therefore, under such circumstances, could not fail, as he had before observed, to throw disparagement on the Supreme authority: the great men in the camp however said, that this story was a mere pretence; and, in order to remove it, proposed sending the governor of Romeili with his Romeilian troops to his assistance. This proposal was accompanied by bitter reproach, and of course was very discouraging; yet Ja’fer Páshá, notwithstanding all this untoward aspect of things, attempted to face the enemy with the forces he had. After having girded on his arms he divided his artillery into two divisions, and having rescued his men out of the mud into which they had sunk, conducted the whole to a secure spot, but from which the enemy could not yet be observed. It was not long however before they began, like black mountains, to make their appearance, and seemed as if they covered the whole surface of the plains of Mehaj. Ja’fer Páshá, with a select body of borderers, ascended an eminence in order to get a view of the enemy’s camp, which had the appearance of an extended sea, whose raging billows beat against the shore. Though the troops of Ja’fer Páshá amounted only to three thousand, he resolved, few in comparison though they were, to attempt something, and prepared to engage some of these iron-cased infidels. They on perceiving his boldness dashed towards his standard and knocked it down. The contest became general. Ja’fer himself fought most desperately, though almost up to the breast in mud and water; and continued thus to show his bravery, till all who were about him either perished or fled from the contest, and he himself was nearly taken prisoner: such was the heroic boldness which this brave man evinced on this occasion of unequal battle. Several of the ághás came up to him and begged him on bended knees to retreat. “It was no bravery,” they observed, “for a handful of men to contend with a host; it was not necessary, in order to escape the reproach of the enemy, to throw one’s self into utter ruin and destruction: it was impossible for a small number of men, however valiant they might be, and where there was not _one_ to a thousand, either to resist such a vast multitude as that with which they then contended, or even to make an impression upon it. Return,” they still continued, “return to the Moslem camp, and do not be the cause of the destruction of troops whom no one will blame. Such conduct can never advance the general interest.” This exhortation had not the desired effect on the mind of the valorous chief. It was night before he consented to yield to their entreaties. One Ahmed, in consequence of the darkness of the night, led his horse to the gates of Agria. The whole of his ordnance and heavy baggage fell into the hands of the enemy. About thirty or forty of the men perished; and had not night come on, not one of those who had entered the lists with the iron-cased soldiery would have escaped alive. Their retreat was however marvellously quick, for they performed in one night a journey of three days.

The emperor, on receiving intelligence of the above disaster, which was now become public, was displeased with Ja’fer, reprimanded him for his adventurous mode of attack, which ought to have been made during the night, deposed him from all his offices, and granted his principality to Mohammed Páshá, Sinán Páshá’s son.

On the morning after the disaster above described took place, the grand vezír, the reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín, the vezírs and other magnates assembled in the royal pavilion, in order to take into grave consideration the propriety of giving the enemy battle or not. In this august assembly most of the grandees opposed the experiment of offering the enemy battle. The excellent and reverend Sa’d-ud-dín, however, formed an exception. He rose and addressed the assembly in the following heroic speech: “Doubtless, it is right,” said he, “to give battle to the enemy of our religion and perish to a man, rather than suffer their insult to pass unnoticed and with impunity: for should they perceive any unwillingness on our part to meet, or if they see us begin to retrace our steps, then most assuredly they will attack us. To act in this way, would be like alluring a bird into a gin. More especially,” continued he, raising his voice, “was it ever heard that an emperor of the Ottomans turned away his face from danger!” And even after the members who composed this council entered the royal apartment, he continued to express the same sentiments and with the same freedom—and again added: “the situation in which this fortress (Agria) is situated, is far from being favourable to our engaging with them in so narrow a space. Should they, for instance, succeed in placing their artillery on the surrounding hills, we shall find it hard work to resist them. The plains where the enemy now lies encamped afford ample space for performing heroic exploits: thither let us march. This is the first and only thing which ought to be attended to. We must attack them and not they us.” So much for the reverend prelate. The bold and heroic speech of the veteran priest made a deep impression on the heart of his royal master, and awakened within him that innate bravery which he had inherited from his ancestors.

It was proposed by some in the assembly, that Hasan Páshá, the válí of Romeili, should be appointed to conduct the next attack. This was opposed. To conduct so important an expedition as the one now contemplated, it was absolutely requisite, not only that the whole of the army should be called into requisition, but that the emperor himself should be its conductor. This last proposition met with the royal approval, when the discussion, of course, came to an end. The Reïs Effendí immediately sent off dispatches to Sultán Fateh Gheráí, brother to the Tátár khán, in which he instructed him to be on the look-out for such stragglers as might chance to fall in his way.

After the above-mentioned assembly or council broke up, the grand vezír Ibrahím Páshá entered into the fortress, and made a selection of such pieces of ordnance as could most easily be made use of in the approaching conflict. Among other arrangements which the grand vezír attended to, he appointed Súfí Sinán Páshá and Lála Mohammed Páshá, governor of Anatolia, with his provincial troops, to take charge of the garrison or rather fortress of Agria. Towards evening he returned to the emperor’s pavilion, when a note from the reverend prelate was put into his hand; it imported, that if the Anatolian troops were to occupy the fortress of Agria, his majesty, when he entered the field of battle in consequence of this arrangement, would necessarily be defenceless on one side. “This,” said the sagacious prelate, “is a dangerous thing. If the enemy should even attempt to get possession of Agria, its present garrison is sufficiently able to hold out till succours can be sent to them. From the garrison, in the day of battle, no aid can be expected. It is therefore proper that the troops of Anatolia, according to ancient custom, be appointed to form the right wing.” Lála Mohammed Páshá was, accordingly, ordered to be in readiness with the troops under his command.

After having made a distribution of provisions to those employed in repairing the breaches and appointed to garrison the fortress, many of whom were very ill off, the zealous, the orthodox army stood fully prepared to take the field.

_The Orthodox Army advances to attack the Enemy._

Early in the morning of the 1st of the month of Rabia II. after the troops were all properly adjusted, and when his Majesty, the asylum of the world, had mounted his steed with pomp and great glory, the moslem, the orthodox legions, commenced their march, which they continued till after mid-day, when they happened to halt at the very place at which Ja’fer Páshá halted, when he was sent to surprise the enemy, as before related. The grand vezír lost no time in advancing a little farther, in order to reconnoitre the enemy’s camp and apparent strength; and having made his observations, he determined in his own mind on commencing hostilities on the following day. He reached his own tent towards evening, and after having offered up his devotions, he was suddenly put into a state of surprise by the appearance of a royal letter which was brought to him from the emperor, and which was as follows: “I appoint thee, my lálá or adviser, to be commander-in-chief in this war: may I not return to Constantinople?” The grand vezír, as may easily be conceived, was utterly confounded and astonished at this sudden and unexpected change in the emperor’s views, and hastened to consult the Reïs Effendí on the subject. They were not long together, however, when a messenger arrived to call them to the emperor, who wished to see them. They proceeded to the royal pavilion together, and it was about supper-time when they reached it. Here they were met by Ghaznafer Aghá, the steward of the royal house, who took the vezír aside and conversed with him privately, and both afterwards entered into the royal apartment, and laid themselves down to sleep there. It was not long after they had laid themselves down, when behold, sixty-three iron-cased captives, which were sent by Fateh Gheráí Sultán, were arranged before the royal pavilion. The object in sending these prisoners was to elicit from them information respecting the enemy, and the grand vezír and Ghaznafer were soon on the spot to put the proper interrogatories to them. The grand vezír said to Ghaznafer in their hearing, “Let the money promised by our gracious emperor be paid to these men, and let them have security afforded to them of their personal safety.” The ághá replied, that he would do all these things. This stratagem of the vezír and the ághá had the effect intended, _viz_. that of making the prisoners tell all they knew concerning their late associates in arms. They confirmed the account, more than once received before, of the confederacy formed among the European powers for annihilating the Ottoman dominions; and moreover, that Zughmund, the bán or chief of Transylvania, was amongst the enemy. The prisoners, after having given the above information, were immediately slain, and the grand vezír returned to his own tent.