Chapter XI: Part 11

147. #hwerto . . . iturnde#, in what direction they are going, what way of life they have chosen. #Hare lates# &c., let them wisely give heed to their gestures, behaviour; ‘porteures,’ F.

150. #venie#, acknowledgement of fault and petition for pardon, usually in the form of a genuflection or of a profound bow (curvatio). It was also used as a formal act of humiliation at the end of a Psalm and with the angelic salutation, as ‘cum tribus veniis totidem feci salutationes,’ Caesarius Heisterbach., ii. 33, 39: see also Ecbasis Captivi, ed. Voigt, ll. 769-72. Comp. ‘nimeð ower uenie dun et ter eorðe mid te honden one[;] oðer ualleð adun al uor muchel misnimunge,’ AR 46/27; ‘sumat veniam super terram,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxxi.

154. #do--ut#, put it utterly out.

156. #eiðer# &c., and let them raise one another and end with a kiss: #ham# in N is reciprocal.

157. #þe greatluker gulte#, who was more in fault; see 125/270.

158. #witen# &c.: see 90/73 note. #some#, concord: comp. ‘to some and to sehtnysse,’ Ælf., Hom. Cath. ii. 198/19, ‘myd sib and myd some,’ OEM 89/15; ‘sib ⁊ sæhte,’ 11/184; ‘sib wið ute uihte,’ 133/60. #somentale# in T means concord; in Orm, sammtale, in CM, samertale, concordant.

159. #umben#: see 74/229 note. For #leaððe#, OE. #lǣððo#, hatred, N has substituted the commoner #wreððe#.

160. #o brune#, alight; comp. ‘bed bringen o brune,’ SK 1355; AR 296/12. #aga#, go out; an uncommon use of a word which means, to depart. Comp. ‘That other fyr was queynt and al agon,’ Chaucer, C. T., A 2336.

161. #nond#, aphetic form of anond, onond. The emendation appears to be justified by the reading of N, although this shortened form does not occur elsewhere. All the scribes seem to have been puzzled by the peculiar use of the word; N adds a gloss ‘also.’ T has dos hond to, sets his hand to; C omits. The word is adverbial, meaning likewise; a development of #on efen#, on a level with. He doth likewise the same thing, is a tautology characteristic of the writer: ‘il fet meismes ceste chose,’ F.

162. #ꝥ he wule ꝥ#, which he wills that it should burn: comp. 7/52: ‘le quel il vult qe arde en n{ost}re queor,’ F.

163. #ne geineð nawt#, is of no avail.

164. #nohtunge#, depreciation: comp. ‘for noht oðer nohtunge,’ HM 9/1. But F interprets it otherwise, ‘ascune altre chose qe rien ne vaut.’ #to hurten#, may dash asunder: ‘par quey il seuerent lune de laltre,’ F. #to hurren# CT means, whirl asunder: comp. dialectal Danish hurre, dial. English hurr, to whirr round.

165. For #frommard# see 58/66. #cwencheð# should be cwenche or #hurten#, hurteð. An early instance of cwenchen, to be extinguished.

166. #halden ham#, let them, i.e. the brands, hold themselves firmly together.

167. #ne--of#, let them not heed; see 8/84. F has ‘⁊ ne lour seit a rien tout soffle lenemy.’

168. #monie#, i.e. brondes. #iueiet#, joined; corresponds to OE. #gefēged#, _pp._ of #gefēgan#: a favourite word of the author; comp. ‘iveied togederes,’ AR 26/9; ‘iueied somed,’ id. 308/17; ‘hope ⁊ dred beon euer iveied togederes,’ id. 336/9, 356/7. #ontende#: comp. 128/370; ‘of þeos two treon ȝe schulen ontenden fur of luue wiðinnen ower heorte,’ AR 402/7. For #wið# see 130/52: F has ‘nomeem{en}t ensemble. si plusours estes ensemble iointes ⁊ bien dam{ur} esprises,’ where the first ensemble is superfluous.

170. #schriuen ham#, let them make their confession: a new development in the meaning of the word: OE. #scrīfan# means, to hear confession, to impose penance (#scrift#). F has ‘Al p{re}stre ia le plus tard ne se co{n}fessent souent,’ where the equivalent of #noðeleater#, nevertheless, is noteworthy.

174. #se lengre se mare#: ‘a touȝ iours · plus ⁊ plus,’ F.

177. #gruchesi#, a hitherto unrecorded form, means, like the other readings, to munch, nibble. It is related to #gruse# T as the mod. dialect. forms growdge (Lincs.), grouge (Notts) are to grouze, to eat noisily (mostly Lincs.): #gruselie# N may be represented by gruzzle, to eat voraciously (Lanark). Similarly OF. groucier is grutch in ME., in mod. dialects, grouse, to grumble.

178. #liht#, readily given by the mistress; comp. 48/312. F appears to have read liþ, ‘le conge gist en toutes choses la ou ny ad pecche.’

179. #na word#: the rule for the anchoresses was, ‘Silence euere et te mete[;] vor ȝif oðre religiuse doð hit . . . ȝe owen biuoren alle,’ AR 68/21. #⁊ teo stille#, and those few in a low voice: N has added #beon#, and let those be &c. #complie#: after the anchoress has said compline, the servant must be careful not to disturb her obligatory silence. The times of silence are stated in Ailred’s thirteenth chapter. #aþet#, until; OE. #oð ðæt#, until that, a conjunctional phrase, as at 72/189, 77/61, 69, 118/23, but here a preposition; comp. ‘aþet endunge þissere weorlde,’ OEH i. 119/15; ‘aðet tes dei,’ SK 1305. þet, þat are used alone as conjunctions, until; comp. 162/248; ‘ꝥ come þes dei,’ OEH i. 33/32; KH 123 note. #a þa#, 78/71 (= a þe) represents #oð þe#, _conj._, until: so too #of# = oð, 13/15. #uort# N 73/162, until, is shortened from for te (= for to); comp. ‘slepte uort midniht,’ AR 236/25; ‘for to þe fowertuðe dai,’ OEH ii. 23/7. But it is mostly a conjunction, as at 134/64, 136/156, 151/41; ‘uort ȝe beon al greiðe,’ AR 16/6; ‘for to þe time cam,’ OEH ii. 23/4; or it forms with þet a conjunctional phrase, 73/172; ‘vort tet we speken,’ AR 64/12; ‘forte ꝥ on þen þridde dai[;] ꝥ is heorte be liht,’ OEH ii. 103/23. Finally, in ‘ȝet nabbe ȝe nout wiðstonden uorte þet þe schedunge of ower blode,’ AR 262/17, #uorte þet# is a preposition. Note the readings of TC at l. 172.

181. #hure# appears to be a repetition of the preceding: N has cloð; CT clað: ‘fors le mangier ⁊ auestir,’ F.

182. #ꝥ . . . bi#, by means of which. #flutte#, subsist; OWScand. flytja, but the meaning here answers to the reflexive flytjask, to maintain oneself: ‘dunt ele se puit sustenir,’ F. Comp. ‘þet moni þusunt muhten biflutten,’ AR 202/25, apparently the only other place where it is used in this sense. The noun fluttunge is in HM, ‘to fluttunge ⁊ to fode,’ 27/8, 29/4; SM 22/34. #Ne misleue# &c., Let no recluse’s servant have such want of confidence in God as to think that He will fail her, whatever betide the recluse. The servant may rest assured that she will be provided for in any contingency. ‘Nule ne mescroie dieu qeiqe auienge de la recluse qil lui faille,’ F. See 141/36, and for #trukie# comp. further 82/105, AR 68/6, 234/17, 356/31.

183. #þe meidnes wið uten# would seem to restrict the application of the last sentence to the aged indoor servant, see 66/121. The reading of T, þeo ꝥ arn wið ute{n}, applied to people in general who help the recluse, seems better.

184. #alswa as#, even as, just as: so ‘alriht so,’ AR 92/8. hom in T is a mistake for ho.

185. #haueð ehe . . . toward#: comp. ‘hwon ȝe habbeð touward me eien oðer honden,’ AR 76/15 (= ‘cum extenderitis manus’): ‘qi ad loil desperance v{er}s si haut louer,’ F. In N 168 ‘of’ has been lost after ‘eie,’ which cannot mean any.

186. #heh bure#, Blake’s ‘heaven’s high bower’ is quite in the manner of the writer; he has ‘breoste bur,’ AR 34/11; ‘heorte bur,’ 102/22; ‘in to þe stirrede bur bliðe to heouene,’ SM 22/12. Comp. also, ‘in to þan heuenliche bure,’ OEH ii. 167/3. A has preserved the original reading: F has ‘v{er}s si haut louer.’

187. #eise . . . este#: a frequent combination in AR, comp. ‘Eise ⁊ flesches este beoð þes feondes merken,’ AR 364/2, 136/26, 220/6, 374/27; ‘Al þe este ⁊ al þe eise is her,’ HM 29/26. ‘Od aise ne od delit ne achate hom pas tiele ioie,’ F.

188. #reden#: F has ‘lire,’ but the women would not understand French. #euche wike eanes#: ‘Quater in anno legantur scripta fratribus et sororibus,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *xciv. #ou beoðe# in N 173, to both of you, means, to the anchoresses as well as to their servants; comp. N 176.

190. #igodet#, improved: comp. 8/92; AR 386/15.

192. #for þi as#, for the reason that: comp. 130/53. The writer affects a fullness of expression in such phrases: so ‘ȝef þet’ in the preceding line; ‘uor þi ꝥ,’ in order that, AR 66/22; ‘uor hwon þet,’ if on occasion, id. 160/3, 270/11, 300/16; ‘mid tet ꝥ,’ as soon as, id. 76/22; ‘wið þen þet,’ on condition that, id. 242/27; ‘bi þen þet,’ by that, id. 330/18. #ow#: dative, to you.

194. #liðeliche ⁊ luueliche#, gently and affectionately. #wummone lare#, teaching to women.

195. For #selthwenne sturne#, F has ‘relement estiburne’; the former word is dialectic for rarement, the latter apparently ME. stiborn, Chaucer C. T., D 456; comp. ‘Styburne, or stoburne (or sterne). _Austerus_,’ Prompt. Parv., ed. Way, 475: OF. estibourner, to palisade.

197. #eoli ⁊ win#. The source is probably, ‘Hinc namque est, quod docente Veritate per Samaritani studium semivivus in stabulum ducitur, et vinum et oleum eius vulneribus adhibetur, ut per vinum scilicet mordeantur vulnera, per oleum foveantur. Necesse quippe est ut quisquis sanandis vulneribus praeest, in vino morsum doloris adhibeat, in oleo mollitiem pietatis,’ S. Gregorii Pastoralis Cura, ii, ch. 6. The biographer of S. Gilbert says he applied this teaching, ‘Quoniam autem vulneribus saucii nunc vinum, nunc oleum infundere debet Samaritanus qui interpretatur custos, studuit . . . medicus iste animarum utroque uti genere medicamenti.’ Dugdale, p. *vi. Wine is mystically interpreted justice; oil, mercy.

199. #suhinde#, biting, smarting: perhaps connected with OWScand. svíða: a Northern word, see Minot, v. 12 note and EDD _sou_. C substitutes sturne.

200. #luue eie#, love-fear; ‘doute en am{ur},’ F. Comp. ‘With loue awe, sone, þy wyfe chastyse,’ How the Wyse Man taught hys Sone, 33/140, where the editor reads lone; ‘frigti luue,’ 197/18. The words are often associated, as ‘And quat for luue and quat for age,’ GE 3632.

201. #icnaweð#, confess: arn cnawe in T means are confessing; OE. #gecnǣwe#; see KH 983 note. #Ase forð as#: see 64/85: ‘Ausi auant come v{us} poeȝ,’ F.

203. #nearowe#, strict, sparing: comp. ‘hold hire neruwe,’ AR 268/25; ‘neruwe domesmon,’ id. 156/14; ‘et te neruwe dome,’ id. 308/9. It is a noun in the next line, as is #wide#, l. 205: ‘lestreit del corn . . . le large,’ F. #hearde#: as they in fact were; ‘Noðeleas, leoue sustren, ower mete and ower drunch haueð iþuht me lesse þen ich wolde,’ AR 412/28. Similarly Ailred, ‘parcissimo cibo vix corpus sustentas,’ 644 c.

205. #ȝe don#, may ye do, do ye.

207. #ahnes#, own; a gen. sing., corresponding to OE. #āgnes#, in a sort of apposition to #ower#: so aunes in C: the construction is probably the same in ‘His ahȝenes þonkes he þrowede for us,’ OEH i. 121/27. With #ones# N 193, alone, comp. 147/163; ‘mid his ones mihte,’ AR 160/10, where T has the curious anres as here; ‘wið his anes wit awarpen,’ SK 591, 1283; as in Latin, ‘Mea unius opera respublica salva est.’ In OE. are found, ‘mid þines anes ȝeþeahte,’ Boethius, ed. Fox, 128/19; ‘ðæt ge ures nanes ne siendon,’ Cura Past. 211/14, where the possessive has conformed to the adjective.

209. #cumeð# &c., pay a visit to your maids for relaxation. With #froure# comp. ‘iuvencula quaedam quae ei (sanctimoniali) ad solatium fuerat deputata,’ Caesarius Heisterbach., ii. 216. #cumeð . . . to þe þurl#: comp. the rule as to visits of the recluse’s friends, ‘ȝif eni haueð deore gist, do hire meiden ase in hire stude te gladien hire uere, ⁊ heo schal habben leaue to openen hire þurl enes oðer twies ⁊ makien signes touward hire of one glede chere,’ AR 68/22. #earunder#, before undern, noon: undern is from nine to twelve, sometimes twelve as here and at 206/323, sometimes nine as at 220/205: comp. ‘ereyesterday,’ the day before yesterday, quoted from Coverdale in NED iii. 267. With #ouerunder#, after undern, comp. ‘ofer non,’ Wulfstan, 205/9; ‘ouernon,’ afternoon, R. of Gloucester, ed. Wright, 7302, 7487; ‘mydouernoon,’ Hymns to the Virgin, 84/49; ‘þy feorþan dæge ofor undern,’ BH 93/14. The dialectic overday, overnight, overyear refer to the past day &c.

210. #note gastelich#, spiritual occupation, duties.

211. #sitte# &c.: do not remain at the window talking to them past the proper time for compline.

213. #hurten heorte#, wound another’s feelings, if retailed: that readily works mischief. Comp. AR 256/1-7, where the devil is said to be busy about separating the sisters with gossip.

215. #lokeð#, watches over, preserves; see 4/20. #edhalden#, entertained: comp. ‘Prohibemus . . . ne aliqua . . . praesumat alicui hospiti dare carnes . . . nec aliquem balneare, vel minuere vel ultra unam noctem retinere,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxxv. #ꝥ beo#, let it occur.

218. #plohien# is _subj. pr. pl._, Let not the anchoress or her maiden play; it represents OE. #pleogian# as ME. pleien does OE. #plegian#. Possibly the dialect word ploy, amusement, usually explained as aphetic for employ, is connected with this form. The #gomenes# would be backgammon, chess, and the like.

219. #ticki to gederes#, pat, caress each other, or possibly, romp, play the child’s game of ‘ticky.’ See NED _s.v._ Tick, _v._^1 for examples of the phrase ‘tick and toy.’

220. #fleschlich froure#: the reference is perhaps to ‘Venientibus quippe ad religionem non est consideranda carnis fragilitas, ut ei delicate subserviatur, sed impedimenta fervoris spiritus, ut sollicite fugiantur,’ Opera, i. 370 b.

221. #wið ute met# &c., beyond measure (exceptional) exquisite joy. Comp. ‘utnume feir,’ SJ 6/1.

222. #þruppe# usually means, in addition, as at 127/358, but in AR it generally refers to what has previously been said. Comp. ‘Turneð þeruppe (= back to the place) þer ich spec hu he was ipined,’ AR 188/17; ‘þet ich spec er of þeruppe,’ id. 372/23; where it repeats ‘er’; ‘þeruppe is inouh iseid,’ id. 194/5, already enough has been said. The passage to which he refers them is probably ‘ne schal tu nonesweis þeos two ilke cumforz, min ⁊ te worldes--þe joie of the holi gost ⁊ flesches froure habben togederes,’ AR 102/13.

223. #eise#, at leisure, have opportunity: so ‘hwen þu art on eise carpe toward ihesu,’ OEH i. 287/11; ‘eise (= opportunity) makeð þeof,’ HM 17/24; AR 288/21; ‘aisie,’ convenient, OEH ii. 47/16; ‘efter hire eaise,’ to her liking, AR 114/10. In ‘Et te one psalme ȝe schulen stonden ȝif ȝe beoð eise,’ AR 20/27, it means, in good health, as ‘hwo se is ful meseise,’ id. 46/22, means, whoever is very infirm. The Gilbertine Rule gives leave to sit at the choir offices, especially after bloodletting, p. *lvii.

225. #biheue#: see 91/108. #bitohe#: see 21/106.

226. #wite#: subj. as in the exclamation ‘wite Christ,’ OEH i. 29/26: the ind. as in N is usual. CT have deu le set. #do me toward#, set out for Rome, a journey of hardship and difficulty; see Arnulfi Lexov. Epistolae, ed. Giles, 197. The simple infinitive after #leouere# is noteworthy: the reading of N represents the normal OE. #to donne#.

229. #beoð umben#, be bent on. The phrase is constructed with (1) inf., 70/159: (2) noun, ‘and beo ge embe þæt ylce,’ Ælf., Lives, i. 120/79, 154/120, 434/34; ‘Ac hi efre beoð ymbe þat an,’ OEH i. 221/7: (3) relative adverb as here and at 75/201: (4) with relative clause, ‘⁊ ymbe þæt wæron þæt hig hig sylfe on Hierusalem beclysan woldon,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann, 185/123; ‘is vmbe eueriches weis þet heo him luuie,’ AR 218/12. #beon abuten# has the same meaning and constructions: comp. 46/267, 118/29; ‘Aure to feawe men bien abuten to habben ðese hali mihte,’ VV 133/20; ‘Satan is ȝeorne abuten (= expetivit) uorto ridlen þe ut of mine corne,’ AR 234/15, and absolutely, ‘Inouh ich was abuten,’ I did my best, AR 88/8. But ‘abuten to eggen,’ AR 146/1, means, employed in inciting. #þeronuuen#, thereupon, on that object, i.e. that ye keep it better &c., where the adverb is somewhat superfluous, but in the writer’s manner. OE. #þǣr an ufan#. But #on uuen# has in two places at least the meaning of, for the future; SJ 53/9; AR 236/14; and the word in the text might mean, thereafter. #þer abuten# N 202, about that thing.

231. #wite . . . warde#: see 118/50.

233. #dreheð ⁊ dreaieð#, suffer and endure; OE. #drēogað ⁊ dragað#: comp. ‘þe alre meast derue | ꝥ eni deadlich flesch | mahe drehen ⁊ drawen,’ SK 1889; ‘þu hauest for mi luue muchel idrohen ant idrehen,’ SJ 34/9. For the form #dreaieð#, comp. 123/206, 147/153.

234. #him seoluen#: comp. 50/360. #aa#, ever: comp. 118/53, 119/90, 120/108, 125/276: so in SK (MS. R) 664, 1480; HM (MS. T) ‘aá’ 15/34. The doubling is merely an indication of length.

235. #þe leafdi#: comp. ‘Saluum la Dame souent,’ Adgar, 200/58.

236. #meaðful#, moderate: OE. #mǣþfull#; comp. 122/197.

237. #writere#, the scribe; comp. 128/375. #sum chearre#, sometimes; comp. ‘sume cherre,’ AR 108/10.

238. #þe#, for thee, dative.

_Greek_

κρεάγρα [kreagra]

_Cross-References_

1/3, 1/10 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments)
13/34 (note) = V. (A Parable)
54/6 (note) = _present selection_ (A: Seven Deadly Sins)
62/22, 74/229 (notes) = _present selection_ (B: Outer Rule)
77/63 (note) = X. (In Diebus Dominicis)
90/73 (note) = XIII. (Vices and Virtues)
118/52, 125/270 (notes) = XVI. (Sawles Warde)
132/9 (note) = XVIII. (The Orison of our Lady)
table on p. 356 = _present selection_ under Manuscripts

_Errata_

v. Cotton Cleopatra C 6 [_corrected by author from “C 5”_]
#Literature:# ... Mühe, T. [Muhe]
#Phonology:# ... but _u_ in wule 72
[_“u” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
#ā# is regularly ... (beside leasse 61 (4), leaste b 188)
[(4) leaste]
#ū#, _u_; [_u_,]
#ea# before #r# ... ȝeouen b 71 [ȝeouen,]
#ēa# is regularly ... #ȝīet# is ȝet b 193
[_printed as shown: apparent error for “gīet”_]
#a# + #g# ... in MS. C ploȝe [C. ploȝe]
Final #ig# is regularly _i_
[_“i” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
#siehst#, #siehð# with _i_-umlaut
[_“i” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
#ea# before #r# ... and _a_, after #w#
[_#w# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
before length. groups _o_ [length groups]
#eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#
[_#i# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
(4) =Of T and C.= ... investigation of Mühe [Muhe]
Three-fourths of the infinitives ... witen _pr. pl. subj._
[_pr. pl. subj._,]
idon _pp._ b 176; [176,]
(2) =Of B.= ... sunnen 26, earen 71 are _s. d._ [_d. s._]
(3) =Of N.= ... ueonde 139 is _s. d._, [_comma missing_]
Infinitives end in -en ... II. bitinde 183: [183.]
Infinitives are divided ... II. bitende 183: [183;]
#Vocabulary:# ...
[_all commas in this paragraph are printed (or missing) as shown_]

[IX A.]
3. ... inter scorpiones et colubros [colubres]
32. ... F. T has ‘þe ondfule ⁊ te luðere [_open quote missing_]
37. ... a windes puf [þuf]

[IX B.]
26. ... Grossioribus peliciis utatur [_spelling unchanged_]
65. #broche#: ‘fermail,’ F; ‘firmaculos,’ [_open quote missing_]
68. #forte--wið#, with which to get yourselves friends
[_“with” added by author_]
75. #efter#: see 7/53. [#efter#;]
78. The amice, L. amictus [L amictus]
103. ... p. *lvi ... see NED. _s.v._ Here § 16. [N.E.D.]
207. ... apposition to #ower#
[_#ower# misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]

X. IN DIEBUS DOMINICIS

#Manuscript:# Lambeth, 487: see p. 312.

#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 41-47, and Specimens, 17-21; Zupitza-Schipper, AE Lesebuch, ed. viii, 92-95.

#Literature:# (1) =of the Vision of S. Paul=. Brandes, H., Ueber die Quellen der me. Versionen der Paulus-Vision, in ES vii. 34-65; id. Visio S. Pauli, Halle, 1885; Batiouchkoff, Th., in Romania, xx. 17; James, M. R., Visio Pauli in Texts and Studies, ii. 3, Cambridge, 1893; Meyer, P., in Romania, vi. 11-16, xxiv. 357-375, and in Notices et Extraits, xxxv. 153-158; Ward, H. L. D., Catalogue of Romances in the British Museum, ii. 397-416; Cohn, O., Die Sprache in der me. Predigtsammlung der Hs. Lambeth 487, Berlin, 1887. Vollhardt, W. (see p. 269/19). (2) =of the Vision in general=. Fritzsche, C., Die lateinischen Visionen des Mittelalters, in Romanische Forschungen, ii. 247, iii. 337; Peters, E., Zur Geschichte der lateinischen Visionslegenden, in Romanische Forschungen, viii. 361-364; Becker, E. J., A Contribution to the Comparative Study of the Mediaeval Visions of Heaven and Hell, Baltimore, 1899; Bedae Opera Historica, ed. C. Plummer, ii. 294. (3) =of the Sunday Letter=. Priebsch, R., in Otia Merseiana, i. 129, and in Mod. Lang. Review, ii. 138-154; Napier, A., in An English Miscellany, 355-362.

#Phonology of x and xi:# References to piece xi are marked b. Oral #a# is _a_, crabbe b 84, slakien b 67; #a# before nasals, _o_, biwon 73, from 87, but swam b 90; #a# before lengthening groups, _o_, ahonge 14, ontful 53, but and 8, 85, b 25. #æ# is regularly _e_, cweð 45 (3 times), þet 25 &c., but abac b 86, blake b 82, b 120, blaca b 99, saterdei 71, þat 25, 68, watere b 86: with habbe b 14, b 77 comp. LWS. _subj._ #habbe#. #e# is regularly _e_, betre b 24, eten b 101, b 104 (but eoten 80), engles 5 (4), sunbendes b 67; but it is _i_ in tilden b 110, _eo_ in seolcuðre 17: stude 40, 41, b 26, whulche b 80, wulc b 20, swulc b 85 are due to OE. forms with #y#, hwilc b 21, swilc 21, uwilc 83, 85 to forms with #i#. #i# is _i_, bidde 60, wille 60, b 62, bindeð b 110, but en 59, wule 6, nule b 28 and all other parts of #willan#. #o# is _o_, froggen b 83, longe 47, but iwrat 79, walde 46, 47, b 93, nalde 46, 51, nalden 32, 58, all Anglian forms with _a_; in weord 65 (5) _eo_ is written for _o_. #u# is _u_, bicumeð 73, sunedei 4, hundes b 38. #y# is _u_, cunnes b 80, cunde b 85; #mycel# is muchele 67 &c.

#ā# is regularly _a_, an 16, claþeð b 114, gast 87, lauerd 39 (5), na b 100 (Anglian), þas 30, swa 29, but on 43, louerd 60, þon 5, þeo b 19, þeos b 14 (4) þos b 95, b 99, se b 11, b 69; noteworthy is foage b 119: escade 44, 49 descends from #ǣscian#. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, efreni 27, ledde 50, but _a_ in þare b 98, _ea_ in eani 18, 48, sea 24 (4); ulcne b 66 descends from #ylc#. #ǣ{2}# is _e_, breðe 42 (Anglian #brēþ#), neddren 26, but ariste 87. #ē# is _e_, gleden 35, ferde 10, but deað b 58. #ī# is _i_, is 25, swiþeliche 90, fifte 26. #ō# is _o_, bicom b 9, nom b 10, bisocnie 80, but eoðre 45. #ū# is _u_, hus b 73, lude 33. #ȳ# is _u_, fur 25 (3), mus b 113, tuneð b 27 (4), uþe 24, but forþi 6.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_, herde b 51, midelerd b 81, both before lengthening group; _a_ between #w# and #r# appears in swart b 105, warp 16, warðe 41. #ea# before #l# + cons. is invariably _a_, ald 43, alle 5. The _i_-umlaut is _e_, aweriede b 29, erming 6 (3), but earming 22, bicherreð b 112. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, eorðe 59 (4), ȝeorne 49, heorte 16 (3), weorkes 67, but ibureȝe 36, apparently from OE. #gebeorgan# (comp. ‘bureȝe,’ OEH i. 25/16, ‘bureȝest,’ id. 39/20). The #wur# group is represented by wurþien 75, 90. The _i_-umlaut is wanting in beorninde 12, after #w# it is _u_, wurse 26, wursien b 14, unwurðe b 29: berninde 16 (3) is from #bærnan#, smurieð b 114 from #smyrian#. #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in seolf 76, 83. #ea#, _u_-umlaut of #a#, appears in eateliche 17, heauekes b 38. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is _eo_, heofene 5, 99, ȝeolewe b 107, b 108, weorlde b 91, b 100, or _o_, ȝolewe b 120, world b 36, but hefene 82, heueneriche 55, ȝeluwe b 83, without umlaut. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, is seen in beode 80, beoden b 29, beoreð b 82, eoten 80, feole 19: unaneomned 28 is perhaps an analogic form. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #i#, is _eo_ in seodðan 16, b 115, seoðþan 40, seodðe b 25, heore 6 (3); hare 31 is Anglian #heara#: analogous are dalneominde 99 (comp. ‘neoman,’ OEH i. 29/18), icleped 88 (4). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in seofen 41, seofe 17, seofeþe 26. The palatal diphthong #ea# appears in sceal 62, scal b 89, ȝete 13: #ie# after #ġ# in ȝeue 71, ȝefe 60, 69, geuen b 49, b 102, ȝeueð 93; #gef# is ȝef 1, gif 6. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_ in ȝunge b 87; after #sc# it is seen in sceolde b 13, scolde b 111, sculen b 21: #heom# is heom 9 &c., ham 70.

#ēa# is _e_, deðe 87, eren b 27, aȝen b 90 (#ongēan#), and six others, but ædie b 19 (‘eadi,’ OEH i. 39/5), dead, deade b 59: the _i_-umlaut gives _e_, alesnesse b 76, chese b 111, iheren b 28 (12), remeð 33. #ēo# is regularly _eo_, beot 98, feorðe 25, iseo 58, þreo b 51, but bitwenen 83, fredome 3, þre b 69; the _i_-umlaut does not occur. After #sc#, #ēa# appears in scean 29.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, daȝes 98, maȝen 40 (5); slage b 57, slaȝeð b 98 are new formations from the _pp._ #slagen# (Bülbring, Ablaut, 96); ah 51 (5) is Anglian #ah#. #æ# + #g# is invariably _ei_, mei b 103, seide b 87. #e# + #g# is also _ei_, eisliche 12, toȝeines 60 (3), wei b 24, but awey b 94. #o# + #g# is seen in forhoȝie b 25. #ā# + #g# is _aȝ_, aȝene 23 (4), faȝe b 82 (3), foaȝe b 119, expressing the [ā^o] sound. #ǣ{1}# + #ht# gives ehte b 100, b 105. #ē# + #g# appear in leies 17, leit 30 (#lēget#), tweien 8; #ō# + #g# in wohe 47; #ū# + #h# in þruh b 60. #ea# + #g# is seen in gneȝeð 34 = *#gneagað#, with _å_-umlaut of #a#, idreȝen b 70, _pp._ analogous to #dreagan# _inf._ with the same umlaut; #ea# + #h#, #ht#, in iseh 48; the _i_-umlaut in mihte 42, mihte 92, niht 30. The _i_-umlaut of #eo# + #h# occurs in siste 26 (#siexta#). #ēa# + #g# is _eȝ_, eȝen 15, heȝe 12; #ēa# + #h#, _eh_, abeh 64, heh 45: þah 23, b 97 is Anglian #þæh#. #ēo# + #g#, #ht# are seen in liȝere 53, lihtliche b 43, the _i_-umlaut in lihting 72. #ā# + #w# is _aw_ in iknawe b 24, nawiht b 22, _au_ in saule 7 (7), snau 25. #ǣ{1}# + #w# gives _eu_ in eubruche b 34. #ō# + #w#, noht b 11 (#nōht#). #ēa# + #w# is seen in sceawede 12 (8), sceaude 16, scawede 11, scawere b 116; #ēo# + #w# in eow 2 &c., feower b 45, heowe 17 (WS. #hīw#), reowliche 33, how b 118, fower b 80, bireusunke b 53.

In syllables without stress #a# is usually levelled to _e_, but it survives in dringan 47, ilca 31, locan 86, 91, pinan 36, 37: #o# becomes _e_ in heuene 55, seofeþe 26, suteliche 3, but _a_ in escade 44, 49; #onuppan# is anuppon 46. In alla b 76, alra b 46, blaca b 99, wiðinna 43, _a_ is written for final _e_, similarly clusterlokan 41, manaðas b 34; comp. quica 41/192. The prefix #ge-# is largely retained as _i_, iblissieð 5; it is _u_ in uwilc 83 &c. #e# is added in amonge 30, medially in hefede 68, swiþeliche 90, lost in onswerde 57, sceaude 16.

_w_ is added in hwure 61. #ll# is simplified in suteliche 3; #m# doubled in summe 14 &c.; #mm# simplified in swim b 88, swam b 90, as #nn# in clenesse 51, 91, ene b 45, ine b 34: #n# is doubled in sunne 100. #p# is doubled in deoppre b 41. Initial #f# is written _u_ in ualleð b 46, b 47, uindeð b 7, uenne b 8, b 33, but _f_ in falleð b 106: #f# between vowels or vowel and liquid is usually _u_, but ȝefe 69, leofe 72, monifolde 57, ufele 42, b 94, wifes b 37, nefre 45, 51, 52, efre 97, efreni 27: #f# is assimilated in wimmen b 113, but wifmen 93. #tt# is simplified in put b 31; #ts# is _c_ in milce 63, milcien 62. #dd# is simplified in midelerd b 81; #d# is lost in onswerde 57, 70: #d# is _t_ in ontful 53, iseit 82, b 14, _td_ in feðer fotetd 28, _ð_ in forðwarð b 87, iclepeð 3, iherð 73, isceaweð b 49. #þ# is written _ðd_ in strengðdeð b 85, _dþ_ in redþer 68, _d_ in dringan 47, rested 95, wurdliche 91, _t_ in speket b 92: #þþ# is _dð_ in seodðan 16, b 115, seodðe b 25, but seoðþan 40. #sć# [š] is _sc_ in gledscipe 81, iscild b 121, scal b 89, scolde b 111, and other forms of #sceolan#, scrift 32 (5), _s_, _ss_, _ssc_ in fis b 84, fisses b 88, fissce b 84: the scribe writes elsewhere ‘ichefte,’ OEH i. 77/5 (#gesceafta#), ‘iblesced,’ id. 5/7, ‘edmodnesce,’ id. 5/19. #č# is expressed by _ch_, chese b 111, chirche 79 &c., eche b 98, tech b 89, uwilche 74, whulche b 80; but _c_ is used finally for the same sound in ic 57, hwilc b 21, swilc 21, swulc b 85, uwilc 85, wulc b 20. #čč# is seen in totwiccheð b 94, wrecche 7, 11. The stop #c# is _k_ before _e_, _i_, stoke b 113, swike b 111 and in clusterlokan 41, otherwise _c_, locan 86, but apparently _ch_ in musestoch b 109, b 110. #čǧ# is _gg_ in liggeð b 34, seggen 3. #cw# appears in cweð 45 (3), but _qu_ occurs elsewhere in the MS., as ‘quic,’ OEH i. 81/1. #ġ# is _ȝ_, daȝes b 45, ȝef 1, ȝeue 71, ȝete 13, slaȝed b 98, but Gif 6, slage b 57, geuen b 49: #ng# is _nk_ in bireusunke b 53, ‘of sprinke,’ OEH i. 75/31 (comp. Horn, Beiträge, 29); but _ng_ for #nc# occur in ‘þong’ (= þonc), OEH i. 39/33, ‘dringen’ (= drinken), id. 37/33. Initial #h# is lost in lauerdes 4 &c., lusten 1, lude 33, redliche 64, redþer 68, remeð, reowliche 33, bireusunke b 53, witsunne 88; it is added in heow b 21, how b 118, hiheren b 16; #h# is also lost in iwrat 79; for it _ð_ is written in þurð b 53. #hw# is seen in whulche b 80, wulc b 20: siste 26 is #siexta#, Angl. #se(i)sta#.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n._ sune b 120 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -es, muðes b 53, cunnes b 80, but monedeis 72; _d._ -e, deie 3 (3 times), scrifte b 69, fredome 3, ȝete 13, but domesdei 72, sunnedei 61, gast 87, 100, scrift b 67, atter b 106, non 71, smel b 112, without inflection. _Plural n. a._ of masculines, -es, daȝes 98, sunbendes b 67, but euencristene b 96 with adj. termination; neuters _n._ are deor 28, 33, weord b 14, beode 80 (#gebedu#), but þinges b 80, with masc. termination; beoden b 29, clusterlokan 41, deoflen 21, 43, 48, weak forms; _a._ hors b 37, weord 65, but huses b 36, weordes b 16 (4), wifes b 37, treon 12; _d._ -es, rapes b 12, weorkes 67, -weorkes 94, weordes b 94, but manaðas b 34, treon 13 (? #trēum#). Of the feminines mihte 92, 94, 95 has added e in the _nom._, bisocnie 80 represents #-socn#. The other cases end in -e, _s. g._ dede b 54, but weorldes b 100, a masc. form; _s. d._ ireste 77, weorlde b 91, but irest 5, sea 24, 27, b 84 (#sǣ#); _s. a._ reste 7 (5), but rest 6, sea 24; _pl. n._ ehte b 105, saule 19, but gleden 35, saulen 6; _pl. d._ pine 27, 97, saule 7, 73, but honden 14, pinan 36, 37, sunnen b 32 (3); _pl. a._ laȝe 59, b 28, pine 57, saule b 98, but laȝen 46, pinen 39, saulen 14, 22, sunnen b 62 (3) are weak forms. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular, _n._ crabbe b 84; _g._ heorte b 53; _d._ chirche b 28; _a._ nome b 96: the plural has -en, _n._ crabben b 84, neddren 26, b 82, but neddre b 91; _d._ eȝen 15, haleȝen 68; _a._ eren b 27, but licome 31. Minor declensions: fet _pl. d._ 14, 28, 64 (possibly _sing._); mon _s. n._ 42 (3), _s. a._ 43, b 66, men _pl. n._ b 33, monne _pl. d._ 32, 74, 83, men 31, wepmen 93, wifmen 93, wimmen b 113; boc _s. d._ b 7; mus _pl. a._ b 113; þruh _s. d._ b 60; niht _s. a._ 30; feder _s. n._ b 120, fedre _s. d._ 99; moder _s. n._ b 88; breðre _pl. n._ 72; children _pl. a._ b 37.

The weak declension of adjectives has -e throughout the singular, _n. m._ alde 44, b 87, halie b 121, _f._ leofe b 88, foaȝe b 119, blake b 120, _neut._ faȝe b 91; _d. m._ ȝunge b 87, halie 87, 100, ufele 42, _f._ eche b 98, stronge b 106, _neut._ halie b 17; _a. f._ muchele b 36. The only exception is heh _s. n. m._ 69. The strong forms are flectionless in the singular, except _s. d. f._ halie b 7, b 27, b 75, heuie b 66, mildere 70, seolcuðre 17 (with heowe _neut._), warde 41 (= wardre); _s. a. m._ sunfulle b 66, _s. a. f._ muchele b 15, b 49. The termination of all cases of the plural, strong and weak, is e; exceptions are blaca b 99, freo b 50, sari b 56. #āgen# is represented by aȝene _s. a. f._ 34, _pl._ 23, 35, b 98: #ān#, #nān# appear as an _n._ 45, 50, b 84, on 43, nan 42, b 69, naþing 79; ane _d. m._ b 8, _a. m._ 40, ene b 45, an 16, ane _a. f._ 20, b 9, an _a. neut._ 49, nan 51, na b 101. Adjectives used as nouns are deade _s. d._ b 59, fulle _s. a._ b 104, god 48, 52, b 101, sunfulle _pl. d._ b 76, _pl. a._ 11: nouns as adjectives, erming 6, 22, 31, 96, liȝere 53, wrecche 7, 11, 13: hindene b 116 has _pl._ adj. termination. Noteworthy among numerals are þridde 25, 95, fifte 26, siste 26, seofeþe 26 (#seofoþa#).

The personal pronouns are ic, we, us, þu, ȝe, eow, heow b 21, how b 118. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 13, heo _f._ 50, 86, 91 (dei like L. dies is _fm._), b 88, b 104, hit _neut._ 10, _d._ him _m._ 12, 13, hire _f._ 91, _a._ hine _m._ b 10 (4), heo _f._ 50, hit _neut._ 2, _pl. n._ hi b 93, heo 8 (10), ha 21, b 15, _d._ heom 9, 56, b 39, ham 70, b 117, _a._ heon b 98 (for heom), ham 36, 39. Reflexives are ham 5, heom 94, heom seoluen b 117, b 118; definitive, seolf 76, 83; possessives, mine _s. a. f._ 63, _pl. a._ 58, þin _s. n. m._ 60, 69, þines _s. g. m._ b 62, þine _s. d. m._ 66, b 63, _s. d. f._ 67, _pl. d._ 66, his 34, hire 20, ure 55, 83, heore 6 (5), hare 31. The definite article is _s. n._ þe _m._ 4, _f._ 25, þet _neut._ 25 &c., þat 25, _g._ þes _m._ 4, _f._ b 100, _neut._ 68, _d._ þam _m._ 41, 87, þan 3 (6), þen 61, 69, þon 5, þe b 8 (4), þa 3, þare _f._ b 98, þere b 60, b 84, b 103, þer 15, b 106, þe 15, þan _neut._ b 17, þon 23, þa b 111, þe 15, _a._ þenne _m._ 75, þene 90, 97, b 59, þon 88, þe b 24, þa _f._ 20, b 32, þe 24, þet _neut._ b 70 (with scrift _m._), _pl. n._ þa, 5, 6, b 79, _d._ þam 7 (4), þan 13, 32, þa 14 (4), þe 15, _a._ þa 11 &c.: þet 8, b 35, b 47, b 51, b 114, b 115, b 116, is demonstrative. The article is also used as antecedent to relatives, þeo þe b 19, þa þe b 39, they who. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þis _m._ b 84, þes b 31, þis _neut._ b 91, þas b 73 (comp. 13/43), _d._ þisse _m._ b 10 (3), þis b 77, þisse _f._ 54, b 91, _neut._ 31, _a._ þeos _m._ b 81, þas _f._ b 36, þis _neut._ b 39, _pl. n._ þas 30, b 90, þos b 95, b 99, þeos b 14, b 33, b 105, _d._ þas b 113, _a._ 57, 65, þes b 100. The relative is mostly þe, but ꝥ 43 (6), þet b 106: interrogatives are hwa _s. n._ 7, 73, hwet 44, hwat, ꝥ b 78, hwilc _s. n._ b 21, wulc b 20, whulche _pl. n._ b 80, correlative swilc 21, b 40, swulc b 85: #ilca# is ilke _s. d._ 27, _pl. n._ 30, ilca _pl. d._ 31. Indefinites are hwa 6, hwa efre 97; me 36, b 9, mon 98, b 24; sume _s. d._ 9, sum _s. a._ 95, summe _pl. n._ 14, 28; oðer _s. d. neut._ 50, eoðre 45, oðre _pl. d._ 27, b 35, oðer _pl. a._ 97; ulcne _s. a._ b 66; uwilc _s. n._ 85, uwilche _pl. d._ 74, uwilc 83, uwilcan _s. n._ 17 (#gehwilc ān#); eani 18, 48, efreni 27; monie _pl._ b 113; alle _s. d. f._ 5 (4), al _s. a. m._ b 81, _s. a. neut._ 90, b 39, alle _pl. n._ 17 (4), alra _pl. g._ b 46, alremest b 35, alle _pl. d._ 27, alla b 76, alle _pl. a._ b 121.

The infinitive ends regularly in en; locan 86, 91, iþolie b 11 are the only exceptions; verbs of the second weak conjugation have -ien, iðolien 40, lokien 46, and six others; exceptions are enden 32, iloken 85, sceawen b 21. Dative infinitives with inflection are to bihaldene 18, to brekene 30, to demene 89, to swimminde b 86, uninflected are to haliȝen 74, to wurðien 75 (virtual nominatives), for to lokien 9, for to arisen b 40 and ten others in piece xi with for to, to draȝen b 117 and fifteen others with to. Presents are _s._ 1. bidde 60, iseo 58; 2. bringest b 63, leist b 60; 3. bicherreð b 112, wuneð b 91, exceptional are bitacnet b 74, speked 37, speket b 92, contracted forms as beot 98, bret b 111 amount to one-third of the total number; _pl._ 1. cumeð b 58, slage we b 57, tuneð b 44; 2. habbeð 73, b 20; 3. beoreð b 82, wepeð 34, and of the second weak conjugation, iblissieð 5, lokieð b 115, smurieð b 114, wunieð b 80; _subjunctive s._ 2. ȝefe 60, 69, milcie 68; 3. ibureȝe 36, iknawe b 24, icnawe b 25, cume 61, 69, forhoȝie b 25, ilokie 97, trukie b 105; _pl._ 1. tunen b 44: _imperative s._ 2. aris 70, haue 39, iscild b 121, swim b 88, tech b 89; _pl._ 2. ihereð b 79. Past of Strong Verbs: Ia. _s._ 3. cweð 45 (3), iseh 48: Ib. _s._ 3. com 10 (3), bicom b 9, nom b 10: Ic. _s._ 3. biwon 7, 73, gon 65, bigon 54, b 89, swam b 90, warp 16; _pl._ 3. urnen 20: II. _s._ 3. scean 29; _pl._ 3. swiken 30: III. _s._ 3. abeh 64: IV. _s._ 3. stod b 7: V. _s._ 3. het 9, weop 55. Participles present: Ib. dalneominde 99: Ic. beorninde 12, berninde 16 (3): II. glidende 35; past: Ia. ibeden 71, geuen b 49, b 102, ispeken b 77: Ic. biwunden b 79, idoluen b 46: III. icorene _pl._ 68: IV. idreȝen b 70, istonde b 9: V. ahonge 14, 19, ihaten 4, b 52. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. ferde 10, ledde 50, sende 88, escade 44, 49, onswerede 70, onswerde 57, sceawede 12 (7), sceaude 16, hefde b 69, b 70, hefede b 8, seide 59, b 87; _pl._ 3. ledden 44, 49. Participles present: graninde 33, liuiende 42, wuniende 12, 53; past: afered b 104, ibet b 62, forgult 22, iherd b 20, iherð 73, b 77, isceaweð b 49, iseit b 14, ise[i]t 82, isend b 39, iwrat 79; fotetd 28 is participial in form; inflected are aweriede b 29, blessede b 19, iclepede b 110, forgulte 73, isende b 73. Minor Groups: witen _inf._ 7, 58, wat _pr. s._ 62, witeð 2 _pr. pl. imp._ b 118, b 119, wiste _pt. s._ 51, biwisten _pt. pl._ 21; aȝen 1 _pr. pl._ 90, b 65; sceal 1 _pr. s._ 62, scal b 89, sculen 1 _pr. pl._ b 21, sceolde _pt. s._ b 13, scolde b 111; mei _pr. s._ b 103, b 107, maȝen 1 _pr. pl._ 40, b 50, 2 _pr. pl._ 65, 92, _pr. pl._ b 101, mihte _pt. s._ 42, b 11; to beon _dat. inf._ b 49, is _pr. s._ 60, nis b 69, bið 53, b 59, beoð 1 _pr. pl._ b 56, _pr. pl._ 34 (5), beon b 19, beo _pr. s. subj._ 79, 84, beo 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 119, _pr. pl. subj._ 99, wes _pt. s._ 8, nes 52, weren _pt. pl._ 17 (4), were 11, nere 23, were _pt. s. subj._ 44, nere b 70; wulle 1 _pr. s._ 62, wule _pr. s._ 6, nulle 85, nule b 28, b 67, wulleð 1 _pr. pl._ 2, wuleð 2 _pr. pl._ 1, walde _pt. s._ 46, nalde 46, nalden _pt. pl._ 32; don _inf._ 48, _dat. inf._ b 101, deð _pr. s._ 29, deað b 58, do we 1 _pr. pl._ b 44, doð _pr. pl._ b 34, fordoð b 81, idon _pp._ b 69; gan _inf._ 42, 43, eode _pt. s._ 10, eoden _pt. pl._ 9.

With ȝette _adv._ 19, comp. ‘ȝiete,’ OEH i. 139/13, ȝetten 64/54; mid _prep._ 65 with accusative is Anglian (Napier, Anglia, x. 138): leste _conj._ b 104 (#þȳ lǣs þe#) is an early instance of the compound.

#Dialect:# These pieces were copied by the scribe of the PM in the same MS. As was said at p. 327, he belonged to the Southern border of the Midland area. On the evidence of the spoilt rhymes in the Pater Noster, inne : sunne, OEH i. 55/23, 24 (4 times), linnen : sunnen, id. 67/230, 231, he must be located to the West of that area, where u was the representative of OE. #y#, #ȳ#.

In the present articles his exemplars were in the South-Western dialect. That of piece x was considerably the older, probably of the early transition period about the beginning of the twelfth century, as is evident from the archaic forms which have survived in the copy. There is no trace of these in piece xi, the original of which was probably little older than the copy. As in the copy of the Poema Morale, the scribe’s alterations affect mainly the sounds; the grammar remains Southern; a Midland form like beon b 19 is isolated.

#Vocabulary:# The foreign element is small; most of the Romance words are in piece xi. French are archangel 8, blanchet b 114, castles b 38, feble b 9, glutenerie b 34 (first appearance), grace b 49, lechurs b 117, manere b 84, prophete b 7, b 43, sacreð b 76, sacramens b 75, salmes 47, seint b 22, merci 39, meister 21, meistres 23, ureisuns b 75: Latin, apostles 88, sancte 8; mihhal 8 is probably a direct borrowing from the Vulgate Michahel. Scandinavian are caste b 10, icast b 68, griðe 80.

#Introduction:# The ultimate sources of this discourse are (i) the Legend of S. Paul’s visit to the other world, and (ii) the Sunday Letter as extended by the addition of the Dignatio diei Dominicae.

(1) S. Paul in his second epistle to the Corinthians, xii. 2-4, said that he had been caught up to the third heaven and heard words unspeakable. But a detailed account of what he saw, partly drawn from the Revelation of Peter (ed. M. R. James, p. 65) and coloured by Egyptian ideas of the other world, was extensively circulated in the early Church, and existed in two Greek versions as early as the fourth century. One of these, the Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου, is lost, but it is probably represented in a Latin version discovered by Dr. M. R. James and published in Texts and Studies, ii. no. 3. The other younger Greek version, denounced by S. Augustine as ‘nescio quibus fabulis plenam’ (iii. 541 e), was printed by Tischendorf in Apocalypses Apocryphae, 34-69: he dates it about 380 A.D. There is an early Syriac version, an English translation of which is reprinted by Tischendorf under the Greek Text.

The Latin version already mentioned is the most ancient and the fullest form of the legend, and it is the main source of the Latin mediaeval versions, which have been classed by Brandes in six redactions. Of these the first alone contains an account of S. Paul’s visit to heaven, the others describe only the abode of the lost. The fourth redaction (B iv) printed in Brandes, Visio Pauli, 75, in the Cologne edition of Beda, vii. 362, as one of his sermons, and by P. Meyer from a Toulouse MS. of the fourteenth century in Romania, xxiv. 365, appears to be the main source of most of the versions in the modern languages, as of our text. Meyer enumerates twenty-three MSS. of it; he thinks that it is not anterior to the twelfth century and that it was widely circulated in England. In Notices et Extraits, xxxv. 153, he gives a list of six versions in French: (1) by Henri d’Arci, there printed; (2) by Adam de Ros, trouvère anglais, printed by Ozanam in Dante et la philosophie catholique, 1845, p. 425; (3) Anonymous, MS. Bibl. Nat. 2094, of which Brandes cites the beginning and end, p. 51; (4) Anonymous, B.M. Add. 15606, printed in part in Romania, vi. 11-16; (5) by Geoffroi de Paris, an adaptation of the preceding; (6) by an anonymous English trouvère, printed in Romania, xxiv. 357. The English versions in verse are (1) MS. Laud 108, Bodleian, printed by Horstman in Archiv lii. 35; (2{a}) MS. Jesus Coll. Oxford E 29, printed in OEM 147-155; (2{b}) MS. Digby 86, Bodleian, printed by Horstman in Archiv lxii. 403; (3) Vernon MS. Bodleian, in OEM 223-232 and ES i. 293-299; (4) MS. Douce 302, Bodleian, in OEM 210-222. There is, besides the present article, a fourteenth-century prose version printed in ES xxii. 134. The relations of the English and French versions are determined by Brandes in ES vii. 34.

Some references in the older literature should be noticed. Ælfric (Hom. Cath. ii. 332) calls the legend a lying composition, and proceeds to tell that of Fursey as true. The writer of the Blickling Homilies (43, 45) relates the episode of the wicked bishop, following a text closely resembling the oldest Latin version, which differs little from the Greek at this point. In a second passage, 209/29-211/7, he has combined vague recollections of the legend with scenery drawn from Beowulf (see the Preface to BH, pp. vi, vii).

The first part of the present article differs from B iv and agrees with F iii in substituting smoke (‘smorðer,’ l. 26) for fulgur; with F iii it omits the Fiery Wheel and the Bridge of Dread, and the punishment of usurers by name. It is therefore possible that it and F iii had a common source. But our author has exercised a free choice in details; he says nothing of the punishment of the unchaste child murderers, of the oppressors of widows and orphans, of those who broke their fast before due time, and of those in the pit; nothing of the vision of sinful and righteous souls borne through the air; all of which are in B iv. His own fantasy is probably responsible for the division of the torments of the furnace, l. 24, between the furnace, the fount of fire and the sea of hell, and for the pleading of S. Paul in ll. 56-72, which are without parallel in any of the other versions.

(2) The Sunday Letter was a fiction which originated in the south of France or northern Spain towards the end of the sixth century. It purported to be a letter, which had fallen from heaven, written in Latin by Christ’s own hand, denouncing judgement on those who did not observe Sunday rightly. It had great vogue in England before the Conquest, and furnished material for the homilies printed in Wulfstan, ed. Napier, nos. 43, 44, 45, 47, in Otia Merseiana i. 129, and in An Eng. Miscellany, 357. Latin versions are printed in the two last-named. Our author makes only general reference to it in 78/75-85, but ll. 85-91 are taken directly from a Dignatio diei Dominicae which is sometimes associated with it, and is found separately in the Pseudo-Augustine Sermons clxvii, cclxxx, and Alcuin, ed. Froben, ii. 487. It is also added to one MS. of the Visio Pauli (Brandes, 102), and it precedes the German version which he prints at p. 83. It also forms the subject of the fourteenth homily in OEH i. 139.

1. #Leofemen#: like ‘Men þa leofestan’ of the Blickling Homilies: the writer also uses, ‘Gode men.’ But ‘Lordinges and leuedis,’ 215/31 is French = Seingnurs & dames. #ȝe willeliche#: Zupitza prints ȝewilleliche (_adv._, meaning gladly), and the separation of the words in the manuscript is of no weight against it. But the prefix #ge# is in this text commonly reduced to _i_, and ȝewilleliche occurs nowhere else and has nothing to correspond in OE., the forms in which are #willīce#, #willendlīce#, while willeliche is in AR 396/20. #ȝe# is probably a repetition of the preceding by mistake for ec, which very frequently goes with and in these homilies (comp. 76/4, 78/68).

2. #hit# belongs to lusten as well as to understonden; comp. ‘þe luste nulleð þesne red,’ OEH i. 63/161, and for the postponement of #hit#, ‘Al hit us mei rede ⁊ to lare ȝif we wulleð,’ id. i. 15/5, where to goes with rede.

3. #fredome#: the Latin version in Harley 2851 has for title Priuilegia diei dominice.

4. #blisse# &c.: see 78/77.

6. #erming#, only here and at 76/22, 31 as adjective, for the usual armliche. OE. #earming#, a miserable person. #rest of#: comp. 78/96; ‘þæt is sio an ræst eallra urra geswinca,’ Boethius, 144/27; ‘hwonne him lifes weard, | frea ælmihtig frecenra siða | reste aȝeafe,’ Genesis, 1426; ‘lagosiða rest,’ id. 1486. Rare in ME., but for the verb comp. ‘thei rest of her traueilis,’ Apoc. xiv. 13 (Purvey).

7. #to soþe# &c.: see 90/73 note.

8. #þet wes#: comp. 1/10, where the verb is plural.

10. #hu--ferde#, how things went on there: ‘quia deus voluit ut Paulus videret penas inferni,’ B iv. 75/5. #Mihhal--wuniende#, there is nothing corresponding in B iv, but James has, ‘dixit [angelus] mihi: Veni et sequere me, et ostendam tibi animas impiorum et peccatorum ut cognoscas qualis sit locus,’ 28/17, and Adam de Ros, ‘Seint michiel en ueit auant | Sein pol ses hores disant,’ Ward, ii. 410.

15, 16. #eȝen#: probably a mistake for eren (= ‘auribus’ B iv), as Kölbing pointed out in ES xxii. 137. #hefede#, by the hair, ‘capillis.’ #heorte#: a strange substitution for ‘brachiis’ of B iv.

16. #ouen--leies#: ‘fornacem ignis ardentem per septem flammas in diversis coloribus,’ B iv. #he#, i.e. ouen; if not a mistake for þe, a striking example of parataxis.

17. #eateliche to bi haldene#: comp. ‘eatolice on to seonne,’ Beda, 240/21; the _dat. inf._ answers to the L. supine as in terribilis aspectu. In #sead . . . to iseonne#, 133/30, it corresponds to the genitive of the L. gerund, aspiciendi.

18. #strengre#: see 21/94 note, and comp. ‘ne geþæncaþ hio na, hu strang hit biþ an helle to bionne,’ Wulfstan, 225/12.

21. #meister deoflen#, principal devils: for this use of meister comp. KH 642 note. They are not in B iv, but F iv has ‘Soignours, an l’apre fornoise habitent · vij · delo[u]rs | · vij · diable l’atisent: cest lor maistre labours | Et · vij · flames an issent de diverses colours.’ #swilc#, as if; OE. #swilce#, _conj._; comp. ‘He . . . geseah | modiglice menn on merebate | sittan siðfrome swylce hie ofer sæ comon,’ Andreas, 247; ‘mon geseah swelce hit wære an gylden hring on heofonum,’ Orosius, 234/8; ‘þe king Leir iwerðe swa blac[;] swlch hit a blac cloð weoren,’ L 3069. #Swylc swa# is also found with the same conjunctive sense, ‘þyslic me is gesewen . . . þis andwearde lif . . . swylc swa þu æt swæsendum sitte,’ Beda, 134/24. For #swilc swa#, such as, 76/29, see 34/80 note.