Chapter XII: Part 12

24. #þe sea of helle#: B iv has ‘Et septem plage erant in circuitu eius (i.e. fornacis): prima nix, secunda glacies’ &c. The writer or his original has changed these plagues of the furnace into waves ‘uþe’ of the ‘flumen orribile in quo multe bestie dyabolice erant quasi pisces in medio maris,’ which is mentioned at a later point in the Latin, while he alters the river into a lake, perhaps due to a recollection of the ‘stagnum ignis et sulphuris’ of the Apocalypse, xx. 9.

25. #snau#: comp. 120/100.

26. #smorðer#, thick smoke: B iv has ‘sexta fulgur’; F iv ‘Et la siste de foudres et d’avenimemant.’ F iii agrees with the English text. #ful stunch#: comp. 46/277; 133/44.

28. #unaneomned#, without a name, because they were like nothing in this world; not ‘unmentionable, on account of their number,’ Morris. There is no description of the beasts in the Latin, but such details are to be found elsewhere in the Visions literature, e.g. Visio Tnugdali, 16/7, 17, 19/26.

31. #to brekene#: dative infinitive: OE. #swīcan#, #geswīcan#, to cease from, are often constructed with dative of nouns, as, ‘gif he ðonne ðære hnappunge ne swicð,’ Cura Past., 195/11, but apparently not with the dat. inf. This construction is common with analogous verbs such as #onginnan#, #forlǣtan#, #ieldan#. In ME. the dative of the noun occurs, as ‘þa aswac worden[;] Merlin þe wise,’ L 16112; and the gen., ‘iswikeð unrihtwisra dedan,’ OEH i. 117/32 as in OE., ‘ðæs noldan geswican,’ BH 211/6. Comp. 81/85, 6. #þe--nalden#: ‘qui non egerunt penitenciam post peccata commissa in hoc mundo,’ B iv. 75/14.

32. #enden#: see 80/54.

33. #lude remeð#: ‘ululant’; comp. 120/99, 192/528.

34. #his#, each of them his; distributive in meaning.

37. #Miserere# &c.: possibly from some unprinted version of the Visio, or from some version of the Evangelium Nichodemi; comp. The Harrowing of Hell, ed. Hulme, 18/203.

39. #ham#: the writer frequently doubles the subject or object by a pronoun; comp. ‘ꝥ ic hit efre dude mid mine wrechede licome þas sunnen,’ OEH i. 29/9; ‘þe mon þe leie · xii · moneð in ane prisune nalde he ȝefen,’ id. 33/9; ‘Gif þu hine iseȝe þet he wulle,’ id. 17/13. See also 78/97 note; 136/144; 138/12.

41. #midde warðe#: OE. #middeweard# is usually an adjective, occasionally a noun: it is probably adj. here, and miswritten for middewarðre. Comp. ‘In mideward þe felde,’ KH, O 574. #clusterlokan# is explained as ‘enclosures,’ Morris; ‘cloisters,’ Strat.-Bradley. The corresponding passage in B iv appears to be, ‘Et ostendit illi puteum signatum ·vij· sigillis et ait illi: Sta longe ut possis sustinere fetorem hunc,’ and the meaning, fastening, lock, seems most appropriate here. The word is OE. #clūstorloc#: comp. Pogatscher, §§ 179, 182; L. L. claustella, _pl._ of claustellum, is glossed clusterlocæ, Sweet, Oldest E. Texts, 50/220; hæpsan, loca, Napier, OE. Glosses, 106/4003; clustello, loce, fæstene, id. 136/5936. The metrical versions have ‘seals,’ except the Jesus MS., ‘Seoue duren þer beoþ on’; OEM 153/235 and the second prose version renders, ‘a put ylokke wiþ seuen lockes,’ ES xxii. 136/53. Comp. also, ‘Til he vnclustri al þe lokes | þat liif ligges vnder,’ ES ix. 441/59, 60.

42. #þar neh#, near that place; an expression of rare occurrence; comp. ‘magas þa þe þær neah wæron,’ BH 139/16.

44. #escade . . . to#: see 77/49; a rare construction, not in OE., and probably influenced by F. demander à; comp. ‘Huet may þe zone betere acsy to his uader þanne bread,’ Ayenbite, 110/14: analogous is, ‘fulluht we to þe ȝeorneð,’ L 29473. But at is older, ‘hwæt axast ðu æt us,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 74/112, and of is in Layamon, ‘he axede gauel of þan londe,’ 6122. Comp. ‘þretest to,’ 155/83.

45. In the Latin and the other versions the bad bishop is not in the ‘puteus,’ but in another place of less torment; there he is ‘avarus et dolosus et superbus,’ here he is specialized into one who iniquitously vexed his tenants and dependants by legal proceedings and steady oppression. So the Monk of Eynsham saw a bishop grievously tormented ‘quod placitoris loco inter saeculares iudices consedere plurimum delectari soleret, multis etiam bona conscientia nitentibus in litigantibus violentus contra iustitiam oppressor exstiterit,’ 698/5. Some contemporary is here meant, such as Gilbert Glanville, Roffensis (Godwin, De Presulibus, i. 572), or perhaps the earlier Gerard of York (id. ii. 27; Mapes, De Nugis Curialium, 224). The haughty maiden of ll. 50-54 is not in the Latin; in all probability she is drawn from the life.

46. #lokien#: ‘non custodivit legem dei,’ B iv. 77/21; see 4/20 and comp. ‘witen,’ 77/58.

49. #swiðe unbisorȝeliche#, with great want of care, consideration, like ‘mid mycelre reþnesse,’ said of the bishop’s treatment by the devils in BH 43/29.

52. #Elmesȝeorn#, fond of giving alms, benevolent; OE. #ælmes-georn#: it occurs here only in ME. #prud . . . ⁊ modi#: comp. 3/4; ‘So modi and so prute,’ OEM 82/300.

53. #wreðful ⁊ ontful#: comp. 56/31.

55. #forð mid#, together with: see 1/19 note. #of#, from: a common use with dative in OE.; comp. ‘Peahte ðeod com of Scyþþia lande on scipum,’ Bede, 28/7.

56. #on þunres liche#, in the likeness of thunder: the alteration of the MS. reading wunres is due to Morris, but the resultant meaning is unsatisfactory. He suggested, on þunres sleȝe, comparing ‘þær com swylce þunres slege,’ Ev. Nichod. ed. Thwaites, 13/3, and the expression occurs in ME. ‘ofdradd of ðese muchele ðþunresleiȝ ðe cumþ ut of godes auȝene muðe,’ VV 11/18. The writer has elsewhere, ‘Vre drihten wile cumen dredliche in fures liche,’ OEH i. 143/15, which may suggest the true reading here. The Latin has ‘deus descendit de celo et dyadema in capite eius’; possibly crunes lurks under wunres.

60. #toȝeines#, _adv._, in reply: #him# depends directly on #seide#, as in ‘ic eou habbe þet godspel iseid,’ OEH i. 5/13; ‘heom seggen godes lore,’ id. 7/33, though the construction with to is also found in these homilies. Comp. ‘Cuðberhtus him togeanes cwæð,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 138/34. But the word is generally a preposition, as at 64/56, 86/142. #ȝef--is#: see 134/84.

61. #la hwure#, ah! at any rate. This writer uses #La# mostly with interrogatives, ‘La hu ne beað,’ 89/34; ‘Lahwet scal þis beon,’ 89/36. #a þet#: see 72/179 note.

63. #efterward#, in quest of, seeking; = ‘efter’ 7/53; comp. ‘þat ha beon þe lasse afterward swuch þing,’ HM 37/7; ‘Iohannes . . . wearð him æfterweard,’ Ælf. de Novo Testamento, 18/21. Similar uses of the compound in the sense of the simple preposition are, ‘al urommard þisse,’ AR 178/18; 58/66 note; 70/165: ‘They met Beues inwarde the paleys,’ Beues of Hamtoun, 69/1208; ‘alysde of þam witum ða þe towearde wæron,’ Wulfstan, 228/11. Similarly ‘þu most beon on ward þine sunnen,’ OEH i. 37/20 appears to mean, thou must give attention to thy sins.

64. #swiðe wa#: see 40/181 note and comp. ‘Ofte hadde horn beo wo | At neure wurs þan him was þo,’ KH 115, where him shows that horn is dative. #abeh# &c.: ‘Post hoc prostravit se Michahel et Paulus et angelorum milia milium ante filium dei,’ B iv.

66. #for#, by: comp. 94/26.

68. #þes þe redþer#, the sooner on that account, the sooner. The more regular comparison is seen in, ‘ah þes þe we heoueden mare wele on þisse liue, þes we ahte to beon þe edmoddre,’ OEH i. 5/27, 21/12.

69. #a þet#: see 72/179 note.

71. #non#, three o’clock, when the Sunday festival began; ‘ab hora nona sabbati usque in prima hora secunde ferie,’ B iv. 79/21; ‘fram nóntide þæs sæternesdæges oð monandæges lihtincge,’ Wulfstan, 207/11. #a þa#: see 72/179 note.

72. #þet efre forð#, for all future time: for #þet#, until, see 72/179 note; it is so used especially when aþet, or aþa precedes it; comp. ‘a þet ic beo ealdre oðer þet ic beo sec,’ OEH i. 23/3. #forð#, right onwards, develops the meaning, continuously, ever; comp. ‘ðat we moten forð mid ȝew on blisse wuniȝen,’ VV 21/24, 25/12, 113/16.

74. #mucheles#, by much; an adverbial genitive, mostly used in comparative phrases, as, ‘mucheles þe swuðere,’ AR 368/6; ‘mucheles þe more,’ OEM 86/74; ‘se læce bið micles to bald,’ Cura Past., 60/2.

75. #for--seið#: ‘Hanc epistolam scripsit dominus Iesus Xristus manibus suis,’ Sunday Letter in An Eng. Misc., p. 400. The Latin quotations which follow are probably from some redaction or expansion of the same fiction.

79. #Ne beo# &c.: ‘nec aliud faciatis in die dominico nisi sacerdotibus meis seruiatis,’ An Eng. Misc., 403.

80. #bisocnie#, visit, frequenting; elsewhere, petition, request: Mätzner compares ON. kirkju-sókn: see chirchsocne 82/4; hamsocne 12/9.

82. #iset#, miswritten for iseit, translating ‘dicitur.’

85. #iloken#, observe, from the idea of keeping guard over something; comp. 116/156.

86. #ester dei#: ‘Dominicum ergo diem Apostoli . . . religiosa sollemnitate habendum sanxerunt, quia in eodem Redemptor noster a mortuis resurrexit,’ Pseudo-August. Sermo cclxxx; ‘dies clarus in quo resurrexit Dominus a morte . . . in quo Spiritus sanctus descendit in Apostolos et in quo speramus Dominum nostrum . . . ad judicium venturum,’ id. Sermo clxvii. Comp. Wulfstan 219/27-29, 230/26-28; 294/5-12; Alcuin, ii. 488; OEH i. 143/7.

91. #hafð mid hire#, there is inherent in it.

92. #mihte#, virtues, the power to accomplish certain purposes.

93. #eorðe þrelles#: a combination after the pattern of #eorðwaru#, as in ‘Sunne dei blisseð togederes houeneware ⁊ horðeware,’ OEH i. 139/22: not ‘slaves,’ Morris, but said of men generally as enslaved by earthly pursuits; comp. 14/54-56.

94. #heom#: the corrupt reading of the MS. perhaps points to he heom as the original; see 77/39 note. Comp. ‘þe sonenday is best of alle | þanne aungles habbuz heore pley,’ Archiv lii. 35, the Latin has only ‘in quo [die] gaudent angeli et archangeli maior diebus ceteris.’

96. #ireste . . . of#: comp. 76/6.

97. Whosoever then observes Sunday . . . let them be participators &c., is a sentence of much the same type as, ‘Se þe Drihten ondræde herie hine, eall Iacobes cynn,’ Psalter, ed. Thorpe, xxi. 21; 77/39. Morris suggests the change of heo to he, but singular and plural in these texts often alternate: for #beo#, _pl. subj._, see 82/119. #þa oðer halie daȝes#: the feast-days of obligation.

100. #abuten ende#: see 34/85 note.

_Greek_

Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου [Anabatikon Paulou]

_Cross-References_

1/19 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments)
21/94 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred)
34/80, 34/85, 40/181 (notes) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
72/179 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
77/39 (note) = _present selection_
90/73 (note) = XIII. (Vices and Virtues)
p. 269 = V. (A Parable)
p. 312 = VIII. (Poema Morale)
p. 327 = VIII. (Poema Morale) under Dialect

_Errata_

#Literature:# ... Bedae Opera Historica
[_text unchanged, but work cited spells it “Baedae”_]
_w_ is added ... #ġ# is _ȝ_
[_“ȝ” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
#Accidence:# ... monedeis 72; [72:]
The weak declension ... strong and weak, is e; [e,]
The personal pronouns ... (dei like L. dies is _fm._) [L dies]
(1) S. Paul in ... One of these, the Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου, is lost
[Παύλου is]
represented in a Latin version [Version]
The Latin version ... (4) Anonymous, B.M. Add. 15606 [B M]

XI. HIC DICENDUM EST DE PROPHETA

#Manuscript:# As for piece x.

#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 47-53, and Specimens, 21-25.

#Literature:# Cohn, O., Die Sprache in der me. Predigtsammlung der Hs. Lambeth 487, Berlin, 1880.

#Phonology# &c.: See piece x, pp. 407, 410, 413.

#Introduction:# No source has been found for this singular piece, which, in its treatment of Jeremiah in the pit as the type of the unshriven sinner, differs from the usual mystical interpretations of this episode in the life of the prophet. So Adam of Prémontré, ‘Pax tibi, o sanctificate in utero, virgo et sacerdos Dei, o Jeremia sanctissime! quem de lacu lutoso et funes et panni levant veteres, quia sanctos Dei ab aeterno ad vitam ab ipso praedestinatos de sordido vitae praesentis profundo et sacrae Scripturae praecepta et sancta elevant exempla,’ De triplici genere Contemplationis, Migne, P. L., cxcviii., col. 824. So for S. Gregory, the ropes are ‘praecepta Dominica,’ the old rags, ‘antiquorum patrum exempla,’ Moralia, xxv. 7, and the interpretation of Hugh of S. Victor, ii. 256, is similar.

The homily consists of two parts, very dissimilar in style and discordant in tone; the joint is plainly discernible at 81/76. The first part is an earnest insistence on the necessity of sacramental confession, a question much debated at the time of this sermon and after, till it was finally disposed of by the fourth Lateran Council in 1215 A.D. The passages in Latin, like 81/64, do not necessarily imply a Latin original, they are rather headings of the divisions of the discourse, which is probably an effort of the writer’s own ingenuity in support of his favourite contention. It contains no hint of the crabs and other ‘wurmes’ of the pit. The second part reads like a translation; it has all the vivacity and simple directness of the contemporary French Sermo ad Populum. Its leading idea was probably suggested by the famous apologue in the legend of Barlaam of the man who, pursued by a furious unicorn, fell into a well tenanted by a dragon, a four-headed snake, and two mice. This story was used by Eudes de Cheriton, p. 217, and Jacques de Vitry, no. cxxxiv.

The thirty-third Homily in OEH ii. should be compared with this second part: it is in the same style, if not by the same author.

1. The Latin is based on Jeremiah xxxviii. 6-13, but there is no authority in that place for the second sentence and the first half of the fourth. Comestor adds to the Scripture narrative, ‘et erat propheta in luto usque ad guttur.’

7. #ꝥ# = þet: see 76/8, 25.

8. #⁊ ꝥ#, and what is more, and indeed: comp. 80/33; OEH i. 121/9.

12. #claðes#: ‘veteres pannos et antiqua quae computruerant,’ Jer. xxxviii. 11.

15. #bitacnunge#, spiritual meaning, allegorical significance.

17. #fuliwis#: see 32/40. #almihtin#, comp. 51/337: according to NED., it owes its _n_ to imitation of drihtin: Morsbach, ME. Gram. 95/4 sets it down to late OE. _acc._ #ælmihtigne#.

18. #Beati# &c.: S. Luke xi. 28.

23. Alanus de Insulis, Opera, ed. Visch, 78, has the same words as a quotation without naming the author. S. Gregory, Regula Pastoralis, pars iii. ch. 34 and in four other places, quotes 2 Pet. ii. 21 thus, ‘Melius enim eis non cognoscere viam justitiae, quam post agnitionem retrorsum converti ab eo quod illis traditum est.’

25. #þe#: miswritten for þen; see 80/39: þet, from the preceding clause, is to be understood with it.

26. ‘Qui declinat aures suas ne audiat legem, oratio eius erit execrabilis,’ Prov. xxviii. 9, is quoted by S. Gregory, Moral., xvi. ch. 21, with variant ‘aurem suam,’ as in Codex Amiatinus, and again Moral., x. ch. 15, with ‘avertit aurem suam.’ #Obturat# is probably due to ‘Qui obturat aures suas,’ Isa. xxxiii. 15, also quoted by S. Gregory, Op. i. 755.

28. #þe--beoð#, that proceed from him.

29. #unwurðe#: _pl._ OE. #unwierþ#, despicable: see 26/258. #Puteus# &c. What follows is drawn from S. Augustine’s Enarratio in Psalmum lxviii. 15, 16, ‘Eripe me de luto ut non infigar: libera me ab iis, qui oderunt me, et de profundis aquarum. Non me demergat tempestas aquae, neque absorbeat me profundum: neque urgeat super me puteus os suum,’ on which part of the comment is, ‘Magnus est puteus profunditas iniquitatis humanae: illuc quisque si ceciderit, in altum cadet. Sed tamen ibi positus, si confitetur peccata Deo suo, non super eum claudet puteus os suum,’ Op. iv^1, col. 523, an interpretation adopted by Bede, viii. 655. The writer of the homily probably had for his immediate source the abbreviated quotation in the Liber Poenitentialis of Alanus, 195. Comp. OEH ii. 43 for another comment on this passage.

32. #heueð sunnen#: see 54/8.

34. #glutenerie#, gluttony: OF. glutunerie; apparently here only.

35. #ꝥ#: comp. 1/10.

37. #hames#, estates, possessions, as in ‘hig cípton ealle hira hámas,’ Gen. xlvii. 20 = ‘vendentibus singulis possessiones suas.’

38. #tunes#, enclosures, such as parks: comp. OE. #dēor-tūn#.

39. #þe liggeð--arisen#: comp. ‘in quo lacu sunt multi qui se ibi esse non sentiunt, quia peccata sua non attendunt, nec clamant ad Dominum,’ Beda, viii. 508.

41. #propheta#, S. Augustine: the quotation in Alanus is ‘non claudet super te os suum, si tu non claudas os tuum.’

43. Comp. ‘ne ꝥ þe pit tune ouer me his muð,’ OEH ii. 43/16.

45. #feower daȝes oðer fiue#, for a considerable length of time: comp. ‘Iesus þo his wille wes · aros from deþe to lyue. | Þeyh hyne bi-wusten knyhtes voure oþer vyue,’ OEM 52/538.

46. #ualleð# &c.: probably suggested by ‘Lacum aperuit, et effodit eum: et incidit in foveam, quam fecit,’ Ps. vii. 16.

47. #him#: comp. 2/17, 120/96, 121/132. This dative instead of the possessive adj. is common with parts of the body affected: in ‘þat his ribbes him to brake,’ KH 1077 we find both. #ꝥ is ꝥ#, that means: comp. ‘ꝥ is þet þe deofel þe geð abutan . . . ꝥ he neure ne maȝe cuman wið-innan us,’ OEH i. 127/27. #þer# &c., where he never again cometh out of penance, i.e. where he must make perpetual expiation instead of a brief one on earth. For omission of the subject comp. 6/18 and for of = out of, ‘forfaren of ða rihte weiȝe,’ VV 125/30: for bote comp. 80/58. Morris, in OEH i. 48, translates, ‘from whence he will never again return to repent,’ joining þer of and taking bote as = to bote. In Specimens it is taken to mean, ‘therefrom neuer again cometh help,’ but of should be after bote for that sense, comp. 64/61, 66/116, and the examples in the note at 1/3, though the prep. is occasionally awkwardly placed before a noun which it does not govern, as at 84/45,106/210.

51. #þreo herde weies#: comp. ‘Tria debent occurrere ad hoc ut vera sit confessio; scilicet cordis contritio, oris professio, operis satisfactio. . . . Haec est via trium dierum per quam debemus ire in solitudinem,’ Alanus, 99. But it is a commonplace: see the Liber Sacerdotalis on Confession. In a French sermon we find, ‘Vocabatur [diabolus] primo, gallice “Clocuer,” claudens cor contra contritionem; secundo “Cloboche,” claudens os contra confessionem; tertio “Cloborse,” claudens bursam contra satisfactionem,’ Hauréau, Notices, iv. 159.

54. #dede wel endinge# is wrongly explained in Specimens as = wel dede endinge, completion or performance of good works. It is a very literal translation of the Latin phrase, #dede#, _gen._ = operis, #wel# = satis, #endinge# = factio. For enden, to perform, especially of religious observances, comp. 77/32; ‘þat oure louerd hem ȝeue grace: þis holi dede wel ende,’ E. E. Poems, 47/137. #Cordis# &c.: the source of this is unknown to me.

56. #þe[nne]#: the correction was perhaps unnecessary, for þe = when, occurs in OEH i. 79/21: possibly in both places þe is for þē = þen.

58. #sunbote#, confession, here corresponds to ‘oris confessione’: its more usual meaning is penance, ‘operis satisfactione,’ as in ‘Alle weldede beoð freomfulle to sun-bote · ah nan mare freomful denne elmes idal,’ OEH i. 135/29: so ‘bote’ in l. 48 above. In 48/314, ‘cume to bote’ has a more general sense of, find pardon.

60. #þruh#, coffin, not ‘tomb,’ Morris; the burial belongs to the third stage, 81/63.

61. #scrift underuongest#, dost undertake, submit to the penance enjoined by the priest: comp. ‘ær he hæbbe godcunde bote underfangen,’ = ‘antequam divinam emendationem susceperit,’ Schmid, Gesetze, 178/5.

62. #þenne# &c., when thou hast done penance for thy sins in accordance with the directions of thy confessor: see 62/30.

63. #þine onwalde#, authority, power over thee: #þine# corresponds to the genitive which goes with OE. #anweald#, #onweald# in the same sense, as ‘onwald . . . ðæs folces,’ Cura Past., 3/5, power over the nation.

66. #heuie# is probably a mistake for heued; comp. 80/32; but ‘heuie sennen,’ OEH ii. 11/29.

67. #sunbendes#: ‘colligationes impietatis,’ Isa. lviii. 6; comp. 85/100; ‘þeo þat ye aleseþ here · of heore sunnes bende,’ OEM 55/629. Similarly ‘bendes’ 40/188: the verb is common, 135/123; ‘Ðe ilke mann ðe is ibunden mid heaued-senne,’ VV 101/8; OEM 192/5.

76. #in alesnesse#, for the deliverance: #in# expresses purpose and the noun is historically accusative; comp. ‘in gemynd þæs wundres,’ Beda, 204/27.

77. #þe . . . embe#, about which: comp. 1/3; 89/48; 90/73; 118/44; ‘mast ðar embe spekð,’ VV 101/9. So, þe . . . mide, 79.

80. #fower cunnes wurmes#, crawling things of four kinds; in such expressions the _sing. gen._ cunnes often displaces the normal plural; comp. 27/295, 88/13, 92/117, 119/90, 124/264, 134/93, 187/358, and contrast ‘kunne,’ 132/9 note. So too the predicative ‘manie kinnes,’ of many kinds, 85/104, 105.

82. #⁊ beoreð#, which carry: parataxis as in 150/27; ‘Euelin iseh enne gume . . . ⁊ bar an his riht hond[;] ænne stelene brond,’ L 8435.

85. #euer#, as an invariable result; comp. 7/69. Connect #se mare#, the more. #strengðdeð him#, exerts himself; comp. ‘⁊ streinþede him by al ys miht | to serue god,’ Bödd., AE. Dicht. 257/7. #to swimminde#, in order to swim, for swimming: corresponding in form to LWS. #to swimmende#, alternating with the regular _dat._ infinitive #to swimmene#: comp. ‘to quemende,’ 84/68, 70; ‘to lesende,’ 87/148; ‘to clensende,’ 87/177. Another exchange of terminations is seen in ‘Hit is to vnderstondinge þ{a}t sir Renaud . . . purchacede’ &c., An Eng. Miscellany, 350/6. The writer has ‘to brekene,’ 76/31, ‘for to lokien,’ 76/9.

86-90. Comp. ‘Ecce quot laqueos diabolus tendit litteratis et maxime theologis et predicatoribus, nam subplantatis et dejectis doctoribus facile deiciuntur discipuli; verum dicitur quod cuidam querenti a cancro cur non incederet recte sed retrograde, respondit cancer: “Ita didici a parentibus meis,”’ Jacques de Vitry, xliv. (the Exempla ex Sermonibus Vulgaribus may have been written as early as 1210 A.D.). The crab is accordingly the type of the teacher who cannot himself perform what he expects his pupils to do.

90. #swam hire#, swam: see 13/34.

92. #alse feire . . . alse#, as kindly as if.

93. #in--bosme puten#, clasp to their heart, like ‘suo sinu complexuque recipiet,’ Cic. Phil. xiii. 4, 9.

94. #to twiccheð#, pluck to pieces, speak censoriously of; like L. vellicare, discerpere. #to draȝeð#, rend, practise detraction, L. detrahere.

95. #doctores#: perhaps detractores; comp. ‘Detractores, Deo odibiles,’ Rom. i. 30. But the mother crab was a ‘doctor,’ and #eciam# here may be significant.

96. For the absolute use of #bihinden# comp. ‘þe ꝥ spekeð faire bi-foren ⁊ false bi-hinden,’ OEH i. 143/25.

97. #monslaȝen#, homicides. S. Gregory calls them cannibals, ‘Sciendum quoque est quia hi etiam qui alienae vitae detractione pascuntur, alienis procul dubio carnibus satiantur,’ Moralia, xiv. 52.

100. #þes--ehte#: read þes weorldes muchele ehte.

101. #itimien# represents OE. #getīmian#, to befall, happen, a meaning which does not suit here or at 104. The ME. word may here have been influenced by OWScand. tíma, always used with a negative as in tíma ekki, to grudge (Egge in Mod. Lang. Notes, i. 131), but his suggestion of a connexion with ‘beteem,’ Shak. Hamlet I. ii. 141, must be rejected, and the isolated use of the word in a Scandinavian sense, afford, find in his heart, in this Southern text makes a difficulty. Mätzner suggests the meaning, ‘verfallen auf etwas,’ and Strat.-Bradley, ‘to use opportunities.’ Possibly the writer was trying to translate some such Latin as, non potest temporanee manducare, or temporare (= in tempore vivere, Catholicon), or adtemporare, which would suggest getimien in a strained sense of, to do at the proper season.

102. #ah liggeð þer uppon#: comp. ‘Condit opes alius, defossoque incubat auro,’ Virgil, Georg. ii. 507; ‘Chryseros quidam nummularius, copiosae pecuniae dominus . . . sordidus aureos folles incubabat,’ Apuleius, Metamorp. iv. 9.

103. Eudes de Cheriton, Fabula lxvii. has, ‘#Contra auaros et laycos tenaces.# Bufo, qui habitat in terra, rogauit Ranam, que habitat in flumine, quod daret ei de aqua ad potandum. Ait Rana: Placet; et dedit ei quantum uolebat. Rana esuriens rogauit quod daret ei de terra. Respondit Bufo: Certe nichil dabo, quia ego ipse, timens ne deficiat, [non] comedo ad sufficienciam. Sic sunt plerique in tantum tenaces, quod expectant quod panes sint muscidi, bacones rancidi, pastilli sint putridi; nec possunt manducare nec pro Deo dare; timent quod terra eis deficiat. Hii sunt bufones Diaboli.’ Eudes flourished about 1219 A.D. The parallelism between ‘nec--dare’ and ‘maȝen--godalmihtin’, 101, 2; and between ‘timent--deficiat’ and ‘swa--trukie,’ 104, 5, is striking.

105. #trukie#: comp. 72/183.

107. The passage in brackets is conjectural: the copyist passed over a line ending with the same word as that which he had just completed. For the yellow cloth see 62/46 note.

109. #helfter#, halter, noose: OE. #hælfter#. The original had, no doubt, laqueus diaboli. For similar expressions comp. ‘Revera ornatus muliebris sagena diaboli est,’ Caesarius Heist., 287; ‘diaboli hamus,’ Vitas Patrum, 302. #þeos wimmen# &c.: comp. ‘Mundus est _la garanne au diable_ in qua venatur ut capiat animas, et tendit ibi laqueos infinitos. Unus laqueus ejus est pulchritudo corporalis et ornatus. Unde istae dominae, quae tam pulchrae videntur esse et tam bene ornatae, _acemées_, sunt muscipula diaboli, quam tendit ad capiendum fatuos; ipsae sunt _la ratière au diable_,’ Hauréau, Notices, iv. 154. #lumeð#, shine, are splendidly attired. The MS. reading luueð and Morris’s conjecture liuieð give a poor sense. For _lumen_ comp. ‘Hire lure lumes liht, | ase a launterne a nyht,’ Böddeker, AE. Dicht. 169/23; ‘þat lemeþ al wiþ luefly lyt,’ id. 152/6, 155/8, 145/3. The transitive ‘alemeþ,’ illuminates, occurs in OEH ii. 109/1; ‘alumþ,’ id. 141/29. #musestoch#: comp. ‘Similiter assatur caseus et ponitur in muscipula. Quem cum sentit Ratus, intrat in muscipulam, capit caseum et capitur a muscipula. Sic est de omni illicito. Caseus as[s]atur, quando mulier paratur, ornatur, ut stultos ratos alliciat et capiat,’ Eudes de Cheriton, 221/1; ‘Mulier pulchra . . . est caseus in muscipula. Mulier adornatur . . . Hoc est caseus assatus,’ id. 328/1. See also 62/51 note.

114. #blanchet#, ‘fine wheaten flour,’ Halliwell, who quotes from MS. Bowes of Robert of Brunne, ‘With blaunchette and other flour | To make thaim qwytter of colour.’

116. #scawere#, mirror: comp. OEH ii. 29/9-13. #hindene#, Morris thinks is miswritten for hid-ern, hiding-place; a word which does not occur elsewhere; if it were connected with OE. #hȳdan# the first syllable would be hud- in this text. In Specimens it is translated snare, with comparison of OE. #hinderhōc#, stratagem, as if for hindere. I take it to be the _adv._ hinden in substantive use, the hinder parts, the ‘behind’; in CM 22395, ‘hindwin.’ There is an ‘exemplum’ preserved in Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry, ch. xxxi, which tells what the lady who devoted a fourth of the day to her toilet once saw in her mirror; it was probably in our writer’s mind here. The Book of the Knight was written for the instruction of his daughters.

118. #wið#: comp. 48/299 and ‘þer wið,’ 82/121; ‘þe clenesse iscilt heo wið unþeawes,’ OEH i. 111/17; but ‘from,’ 148/141; ‘Wiðtieð giu fro flesliche lustes,’ OEH ii. 63/28.

_Cross-Reference_

62/46 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)

_Errata_

61. ... Schmid, Gesetze, 178/5. [Schmidt]
103. ... The parallelism between ‘nec--dare’ and ‘maȝen--godalmihtin’
[_second set of quotation marks missing_]

XII. SERMONS FOR PALM SUNDAY AND EASTER DAY

#Manuscript:# Trinity College, Cambridge, B. 14. 52. See p. 312.

#Facsimile:# Frontispiece to OEH ii.; gives f 44 r.

#Edition:# Morris, R., OEH ii., and Specimens, pp. 26-33.

#Literature:# Krüger, A., Sprache und Dialekt der me. Homilien in der Handschrift B. 14. 52. Trinity College, Cambridge, Erlangen, 1885.

#Phonology:# Oral #a# is _a_, ateliche 128, axen 183; #a# before nasals, _a_, manne 168, þanken 48, but _o_ in þonc 72, þonked 84, 139; #a# before lengthening groups, _o_, honde 23, understondeð 146, but _a_ in lange 101, 184, understandeð 180: þanne 45, 136 alternates with þenne 52, 117. #æ# is _a_ (12 times), bad 88, 120, wat 175, and _e_ (9 times), bed 11, set 71, wecche 97. #e# is _e_, eft 37, bendes 100, but understont 176, understant 181 (#-stent#). #i# is _i_, bidden 188, bringen 11, often written #ȳ# in synne OEH ii. 57/5, synfulle id. 57/17, synegeden id. 65/16, and similar words: but #i# is _e_ in beð 122 (from pl.), sleðrende 169. #o# is _o_, biforen 28, one 11, 14, borde 87, wolde 22, but an 185, a 4 (5 times). #u# is _u_, burh 21, bunden 127, but _o_ in comen 66, 69, folcninge 111, beside fulcninge 114. #y# is _i_ (29 times), iuele 116, kinne 103 (3), but _e_ in specð 85, euel OEH ii. 183/10, kenne id. 201/11, _u_ in cunde 162, fulste 76; cuinde 160 shows hesitation between _u_ and _i_. #ā# is normally _o_, aros 137, bitocneð 102, but a 11, an 19, hatte 9, naðeles 13, 74. #ǣ{1}# is mostly _e_, bileueð 158, clensinge 186, leren 65, but _a_ in ani 136, ar OEH ii. 11/24, lareð id. 15/2, _o_ in goð 4, 56 (from plural); a diphthong has developed before #sc# in fleis 144 (6). #ǣ{2}# is also mostly _e_, beren 23, selðe 123, but _a_ in aristes 140, adrade OEH ii. 193/18, dade id. 187/22. #ē# is _e_, bete 73, este 166, but _o_ in doð 15, 159, 164 (from plural), _ie_ in gie OEH ii. 21/9. #ī# is _i_, lichame 126, lif 67. #ō# is _o_, blod 47, blostme 24, but te 11. #ū# is _u_, abuten 101, husel 47. #ȳ# is _i_, kidde 135, _e_, bet 147, _u_, cudden 18.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, armheorted 119, harde 98, warð 175, but _e_ in bern 30, smerte _adj._ 98, _ea_ in smeart _pt. s._ OEH ii. 21/27, _ia_ in giarked 84. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, al 71, half 68, but sometimes _o_, olde OEH ii. 47/3, _ea_, ealde id. 19/15, ealse id. 35/23, and _ia_, ȝiald id. 169/4: the _i_-umlaut is _e_, eldre id. 43/35. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, eorðliche 72 (3), heorte 62, but _e_ in beregeð 114, herte 17, lerneð 17, sterre OEH ii. 161/4, _o_ in storre id. 161/19, storres id. 161/6; the #wur# group has _u_, wurðe 84, 140, wurðlice 92, the _i_-umlaut is wanting, wurð 162, wurðe 91. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _e_, self 155, seluen 90 (4), but sulfen OEH ii. 45/6. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, gives heuene 74, 79, wereld 168: #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, is wanting in fele 105. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, is _e_ in bileue 149, clepen 10, cleped 44, 108, here 20, 107, 123, seueðe 102, but biliue 172. #ea# after palatals is _a_, shal 27 (3), gaf 14, shap 158, but gef 172, giaf OEH ii. 113/27; _a_ in shameliche 127 before nasal. #ie# after #g# is _i_ in giueð 160, forgiuenesse 46, but gief OEH ii. 9/10. #ȝef# is gif 57, 182. #eo# after #sc# is _u_, shulen 74: #eom# is am 17, #heom#, hem 171. #ēa# is regularly _e_, bred 87, 156, deð 6, ec 105, ester 101 (4), leue 143, þeh 12, but _a_ in admod 17, admodnesse 15, shad 148, _ea_ in deaðe 137; its _i_-umlaut is _e_, lesen 147, lesende 148, remden 28, semeð 73. #ēo# is also _e_, beð 51, ben 63 (10), crepe 100, preste 9 (5), but _ie_ in bie 30, 115, bien 61 (4), and _i_ in bi 57; its _i_-umlaut is _e_, þester OEH ii. 39/29, but þiesternesse id. 9/27, and þeoster id. 171/25. #īe# after #g# is _e_ in geme 57, 182; #hīe# is hie 74, 105.

#a# + #g# is _ag_, lage OEH ii. 3/6, dages id. 3/14. #æ# + #g# is _ai_, dai 4 (5), fair 12 (3), mai 38 (4), but sunedeies 99, seið 24, 31, seide 155. #e# + #g# is _ei_, leiden 20, wei 32 (5); agen 37, 182 descends from #ongēn#, so togenes 19, but toȝanes OEH ii. 177/32 is #tōgēanes#. #e# + #h# gives _eh_, sehte 51 (3), sehtnesse 53, but Scand. sahtnesse 50. #i# + #g#, reine 171 (O.North. #regnian#). #u# + #g# is _ug_, muge 152, 188, but mo 77 (Kentish). #y# + #h#, drihten 33, driste 189. #ā# + #g# is seen in agen 165, ogen 121; #ǣ{1}# + #g# in eiðer 126; #ē# + #g# in tweie 39, tweien 10, 17, tweire 103; underfoð 106 (#-fēhþ#) has _o_ from the plural. #ō# + #g# gives boges 33, 65; #ō# + #h#, boh 24, brohten 34; #ū# + #g#, bugen 88 (3). The _i_-umlaut of #ēa# + #ht# is _i_ in mihte 135, 159, _ie_ in niehtes OEH ii. 11/5. #eo# + #h# is represented in riht 68, rihte 143, six 96, sixte 101, its _i_-umlaut in sest OEH ii. 137/5, seð id. 121/26. #ēa# + #g#, #h# in hege 21, heg 35, nehgebures 122; hegeste 176 has no umlaut. #ēo# + #ht# is seen in leochtes OEH ii. 11/5, liht id. 13/16. #ā# + #w# is _ou_, _ow_, soule 116 (4), snow 169, wowe 138, 181; noðer 12 is #nōþer#, noht 65, #nōht#. #ēa# + #w# is _ew_, sheweð 94. #ēo# + #w# is _eow_, _eou_ in reoweð 119, reouð 122, _ew_ in trewes 34, 60, hew 159 but hiu 158 (#hīew#), giu 147, 148, 153, comp. ȝiu 16/117: feorðe 99 is #fēorþa#, reoðe 121 (*#hrēowð#) is probably miswritten for reowðe.

#Swā# is swo 9, in combination alse 15, wat . . . se 175. _e_ is inserted in beregeð 114, forsinegede 71, 124, husel 47, ouelete 154, shameliche 127, added finally in one 11, 14, þermide 139 by analogy of inne 45, uppe 71. For #a#, _e_ appears in felefolde 164, for #e#, _i_ in giarked 84; the prefix #ge-# is _i_ in iwis 150. #o# is _e_ in makede 5, #u#, _e_ in þureh 54 (3); the suffix #-ung# is _ing_, clensinge 186, tocninge 55, wissinge 95, but wissenge 187 and the compromise þroweinge 52. #ǣ# is _e_ in naðeles 74; #ea#, _o_ in felefolde 164; #ēa#, _e_ in endelese 74, loðlesnesse 109.

In nemed 118, _n_ is omitted, by influence of the past #nemde#: #n# is lost finally in selde 98, a 4 &c.: #nn# is simplified in mankin 136, sinbote 109, sunedai 183: #ng# is _gg_ in biginnigge 5. #bb# is _u_ in hauen 71, liuen 153. #f# becomes _u_ between vowels or vowel and liquid, driuen 127, freureð 124, ouelete 154; in other positions it is generally unchanged, fele 105, stefne 28, but uantstone OEH ii. 61/17, uele id. 63/11. #t# is doubled in settle 35, #ts# is _c_ in milce 188, _sc_ in blesced 30: #d# is doubled in bidded 86; for #d#, _ð_ appears in sleðrende 169; #ð# in dauiðes 30 is OE. #þ# is assimilated in atte 156, likeste 122; te for þe 6, 166 is probably from the scribe’s exemplar as tis 174 for þis; betfage is French, bethphage from the Vulgate: _d_ is written for #þ# in bidded 86, maked 62, quedinde 145. #ss# is simplified in cos 53; initial #sc# is _sh_, shal 27, shrud 113, shrifte 183, but exceptionally srifte OEH ii. 73/5, scrifte id. 11/11: medially it is seen in axen 183, acxen 96, bisshopes 61, englisse 44, it is _s_ final in fles 47, fleis 150 (6). The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_, drinke 150, kinne 103, but spece 118: it is omitted in ofþinð 123. #č# is _ch_, eche 125, swinch 98; chosene 78 (#coren#) is conformed to #cēosan#; for cruche 185 see NED. _s.v._ Crouch: #čč# is _cch_ in wecche 97, wrecche 123: #cw# is _qu_, quemende 68. Palatal #g# is written _g_, giueð 160, gaf 14, hege 21, but occasionally _ȝ_, ȝaf OEH ii. 141/28, heȝest id. 197/14: final #-ig# is _i_, but bode 189: swimesse 156 represents #swīg(e)messe#: #čǧ# is _g_ in wig 14, _gg_ in briggeden 32, 59. _h_ is added initially in heste, hestene 164, heorðliche 35, his 47; #h# is lost in ider 130, louerd 13, lude 28, remden 28, reoweð 119, reouð 122, reoðe 121; for #h#, _g_ occurs in hegsettle 35: #hw# is _w_, wat 38 (3), wile 114, wit 113, conversely #hū# is hwu 130, wu 167: #ht# is written _st_ in driste 189, _cht_ in leochtes OEH ii. 11/5.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. _Gen._ -es, sunedeies 99, kinnes 104, 105: _d._ -e, deaðe 137, borde 87, but the inflection is often wanting, as in the compounds of dai, 101, 183, 184 and in most of the neuters, blod 144 (4), fleis 144 (4), &c.; muð 156 may be _acc._ (Anglian) after mid. In the _acc._ weie 59, 60, 62 has _e_ like jo-stems, and tacne 53 from _pl._ #tācnu#: mule 12 is French. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, cloþes 20, prestes 61, bendes 100; preste 9 is a scribe’s mistake for prestes: neuters are burhfolc 21, þing 148. _Pl. g._ kinne 103, but englene 172, estrene 140 (#ēastrena#), kingene 13, muðene 44 are weak forms, louerdes 12; _d._ boges 33, 65, trewes 34, 60. The _fem._ nouns, except wereld 168, have _e_ in the _s. nom._, chirchsocne 4, sinbote 109, abstracts in #-nes#, 109, 118, 119 as also in the _s. acc._ cuinde 160, forbisne 14, mihte 135, 159; hond 69, wereld 168 are exceptions: _g._ -e, sinne 100, but aristes 140 (occasionally _m._ in OE.): _d._ -e, cunde 162, dede 15. Plurals are _n._ hese 73, wede 103, wedes 104; _g._ estene 166, hestene 164, wedes 127; _d._ weden 131, honde 23, wedes 22, 125; _a._ mede 74, sinne 119, sinnes 46 (4), honden 128, pinen 96. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular; lichames _s. g._ 162 excepted. Plurals are _n._ names 39, sanderbodes 18: _d._ axen 183, blostmen 26: _a._ acxen 96, blostme 24. The minor declensions are represented by fot _s. a._ 9, fet _pl. a._ 128; man _s. n._ 36, cristeman 176, mannes _s. g._ 62 (4), man _s. d._ 117, manne 176 (a weak form), men _pl. n._ 10, _pl. d._ 116, _pl. a._ 143; burh _s. d._ 21, bureh 11, 18 (#byrig#); boc _s. n._ 24; helende _s. n._ 5 (5) with participial termination; comp. 273/3, helendes _s. g._ 57; child _s. a._ 112; children _pl. n._ 31.

Strong inflections of the adjective are _s. n. f._ bicumeliche 116, holie 45, 51; _s. d. m._ bicumeliche 93, eche 125, _f._ bicumeliche 93, 94, 183, eorðliche 72, faire 64, lude 28, wise 66; _s. a. m._ endelese 181, rihte 143, sehte 55, _f._ eche 181; but holi _s. d. m._ 184, soð 183, fair _s. a. m._ 12 are not inflected. The weak form has mostly -e in the singular, holie 24 (9), but holi 47 (9), lift 69, riht 68 are not inflected. Adjectives in the plural have -e; as also comparatives and superlatives, loðere 116, hegeste 176, but biterest 178. Adjectives used as nouns are bitere _pl. g._ 178, half _s. a._ 68. #āgen# is ogen _s. d. f._ 121; #ān# is an 19, a 11; #nān#, no 106 (3). Noteworthy among the numerals are tweire _pl. g._ 103 (#twēgra#), fifte 100, sixte 101, seueðe 102.

The personal pronouns are ich, me, we, ure _pl. g._ 182, us, te = þu in likeste 122, ge, giu 147, 148, 153. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 12, _d._ him _m._ 19, _a._ 27, hit _neut._ 19 (with asse _m._), it 21 (with strete _f._); _pl. n._ hie 33, 74, _g._ here 107, _d._ hem 72, _a._ 11. Reflexive is himseluen _d._ 107, _a._ 90: definitive, himself _s. n._ 155: possessives are mi, ure, þin, his, hise _pl. d._ 10, 78, here. The general form of the article is þe, te 6, 156, 166; inflected forms are ðet _s. n. neut._ 26, 117, þo _pl. n._ 17 (3); þet 14, 84 is demonstrative: the article is used pronominally in þo þe, those who 27 (10). The compound demonstrative is _s._ þis, tis 174, _pl._ þese, once þis[e] 125. The relatives are þe, ꝥ = þet, þat 115: wat 38 (3) is interrogative: swiche 106, 129 is _pl._ Indefinites are me 27; sum 24, sume _pl._ 33 (3); eiðer 126; oðer 117, oðre _s. d. m._ 15, _s. a. m._ 136, _pl. d._ 22, _pl. a._ 135; ech 38, elhc 36, eches _s. g. m._ 175, 178; ani 136; manie 104; fele 105; al _s. a. m._ 71, _s. a. f._ 167, alle 114, _pl. n._ 105 (3), alre _pl. g._ 12 (6), alle _pl. a._ 135 (3).

The infinitive ends in -en, bidden 188, þolen 6 and fifteen others; exceptions are crepe 100, reine 171, and the contract verb fon 74. Dative infinitives with inflection are to clensende 177, to lesende 148, to quemende 68, for to quemende 70; without inflection, for . . . to hauen 70, to blissen, to gladien 83, to bete 73 and ten others. Presents are _s._ 1. speke 104, spece 118; 2. likeste (= likest þu) 122; 3. beregeð 114, liðe 100 (miswritten for liðeð), bidded 86, for biddeð; contract verb, underfoð, 106, 117; syncopated forms, about one-third of the total number, bet 120, bet 147, bit 120, 143, sent 53, understont 176, &c.; _pl._ 1. hauen 186, undernimen 142; 2. understonden 154; 3. bidden 46, herien 46, noten 45, þanken 48, wunien 9 and ten others in -en, lereð 67, semeð 73, wisseð 63, maked 62, for makeð: _subjunctive s._ 3. drinke 91, wurðe 84, 140; _pl._ 1. bugen 88; nime we 56, 182, understonde 88; 3. liuen 153: _imperative s._ 2. haue 121, underfo 113; _pl._ 2. brukeð 147, cumeð 87, lerneð 17, understondeð 87, 146. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. gaf 14, gef 172, bad 88, 120, bed 11, set 71, spec 160; _pl._ 3. eten 172: I b. _s._ 2. come 130; 3. com 8, 26; _pl._ 3. beren 23, breken 33, 60, comen 28: I c. _s._ 3. warð 175; _pl._ 3. funden 19: II. _s._ 3. aros 137, rod 20: IV. _pl._ 3. understoden 27: V. _s._ 3. let 171; _pl._ 3. bihengen 21; _s._ 3. hatte 9. Participles present: I a. queðinde 16 (3), quedinde 145; past: I b. brokene _adj._ 65, cumen 182, cumene _pl._ 185: I c. bigunnen 179, 187, bigunne 177, bunden 127, worpen 128: II. driuen 127: III. chosene _pl._ 78: V. forleten 179, 187, shad 148. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. fette 138, kidde 135, lufede 175, rerde 137, seide 155, sende 10 (3); _pl._ 3. wenden 23, ferden 18, 28, leiden 20, makeden 61, but exceptionally ferde, makede 58. Participles present: seiende 89, 120, seggende 86, sleðrende 169; past: blesced 30, nemed 118, bet 179, 187, clepede _pl._ 108, forsinegede _pl._ 71. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 38; agen _pr. pl._ 165; shal _pr. s._ 27, shulen _pr. pl._ 74; mai _pr. s._ 38 (4), muge we 1 _pr. pl._ 188, mo 77 (Kentish), muge [ge] 2 _pr. pl._ 152; ben _inf._ 77, 127, am 1 _pr. s._ 17, is _pr. s._ 44, his 47, beð 122, 154, ben 1 _pr. pl._ 142, 185, _pr. pl._ 63 (10), bien 61 (3), beð 51, bie _pr. s. subj._ 30, 115, bi 57, si (lof) 30, bien 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 182, was _pt. s._ 18, weren _pt. pl._ 31, 67; wile _pr. s._ 78, wolde _pt. s._ 6, 22; do 1 _pr. s._ 105, doð _pr. s._ 15, 159, 164, don 1 _pr. pl._ 141, fuldon _pr. pl._ 74, do _pr. s. subj._ 114, do we 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 88, dide _pt. s._ 136, diden _pt. pl._ 31; gon _inf._ 101, goð _pr. s._ 4, 56.

#Dialect:# A scribe of the South-East Midland has copied a manuscript written in the South-Eastern area bordering on Kent. The changes he has made affect both sounds and inflections in varying degree; in this extract the Midland element is more pronounced than usual; towards the end of his task the Southern gains the upper hand. But his exemplar was in its turn descended from an original of the Middle or Western South, written not long after the Conquest, or at any rate by a man to whom OE. constructions, such as the uses of the dative in him 106, iuele 116, folke 174, manne 176, were not strange.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are rideð 62, sahtnesse 50, shereðursdai 184, wanrede 124, and probably gestninge 84. French are absolucion 100, custume 3, diciples 10, mule 12, oliue 24, palefrei 12, procession 4, prophete 169, proue 90, richeise 72, sepulcre 102. Latin are apostles 20, bisshopes 61, calice 52, cruche 100, crisme 112, fant(ston) 101, munt 10, temple 23.

#Introduction:# These pieces appear to be original compositions of the Middle English period, but the work of a writer who drew his ideas from the older literature, Beda and Ælfric, and used many archaic words such as burhfolc, chirchsocne, hegsettle, ouelete, sanderbodes, swimesse, wig. There is similarity in parts to the sixth Blickling Homily.

1. #Turbe# &c.: S. Matt. xxi. 9.

4. #⁊# = and. #haueð--of#, has its origin in: for #of# comp. 131/98.

6. #Et# &c.: not a quotation from the Vulgate or Comestor.

8. #þe# is a mistake for he, necessary as sende l. 10 has no subject.

9. #preste#: ‘Bethphage erat viculus sacerdotum in monte Oliueti,’ Beda, Opera, vii. 183. #þe . . . one#: see 1/3 note.

11. #into . . . ierusalem#: ‘in castellum quod contra eos erat ·i· in hierusalem,’ Comestor, Hist. Euang. ch. cxvij. #wig#: OE. #wicg#, steed; a poetical word, but here apparently in a depreciatory sense.

12. #noðer stede# &c.: comp. ‘Ne he nedde stede · ne no palefray. | Ac rod vppe on asse · as ich eu segge may,’ OEM 39/67; OEH i. 5/19; ‘Broght þai noþer on hir bak | Na sadel ne panel,’ CM 14981.

15. #on his dede . . . on his speche#, by means of act and word: _on_ is more energetic than _in_: comp. ‘herte biðencheð ꝥ hie seggen shal on songe,’ OEH ii. 211/17. But #on oðre stede# is a purely local use.

16. #Discite# &c.: S. Matt. xi. 29.

18. #sanderbodes#, messengers; apparently the word occurs only here, but sandermen is in AS. Chron. 1123 A.D. A combination of #sand#, _gen._ #sande#, message, and #boda#, messenger: r may be due to Scandinavian influence (NED viii. 91), or it is possibly analogous to that in provender, OF. provende, lavender, Anglo-French lavendre, from LL. lavendula. #þiderward#, on the way there; see 91/93 note.

21. #hihten#, adorned; comp. ‘alle þos wennen huihten his wurðshipe,’ OEH ii. 195/32, 71/24.

22. #oðre#: _adj. pl. d._, practically adverbial, besides.

25. #Occurrunt# &c.: Antiphon sung in procession on Palm Sunday, according to Old English and Roman uses: see York Breviary i. 367.

27. #understoden#, received: for the earlier #underfōn# in this sense, comp. 6/37, 11/187, 197, 207.

28. #remden lude stefne#, cried with a loud voice; stefne is dative; comp. ‘and on cleopie agan[;] loudere stemne,’ L, MS. O 20789.

29. #Osanna# &c.: S. Matt. xxi. 9.

31. #Pueri Hebraeorum vestimenta prosternebant# in via, one of the Antiphons sung at the blessing of the palms in the Old English and Roman uses: see York Missal, i. 85, Breviary i. 367. _v. p._ are incorrectly expanded in the text, through a too trustful following of Morris.

35. #heg settle#. OE. #setl#, #stōl# continue in regular use for the official seat of king and dignitary till the middle of the thirteenth century, when they are displaced by F. trone.

37. #fro chirche to chirche#. The Palm Sunday procession at Mattins issued from the west door of the church, visited the stations in the churchyard and re-entered the church by the same door. In so doing it was mystically said to leave Bethphage and return to Jerusalem. The scribe has misplaced #⁊ eft agen#; it should come before #to chirche#. #⁊ bitocneð# parataxis; see 81/82.

40. #domus bucce#: ‘Bethphage autem domus buccae . . . dicitur . . . quia multos ante passionem suam docendo [Saluator] donis piae confessionis & obedientiae spiritalis impleuit,’ Beda, Op. vii. 183; ‘Venit Bethphage quod dicitur domus maxillae, dum adveniente morte salvandus quisque peccata sua aperit in confessione,’ Godefridi Homiliae in Migne, P. L. clxxiv. 22: Hildebert, id. clxxi. 500; ‘Betfage, se tun, getacnaþ þa halgan cyricean on þære biþ sungen ꝥ halige geryne, ⁊ men þær heora synna andettaþ, ⁊ him þaer forgifnesse biddaþ,’ BH 77/14.

45. #þet . . . inne#, in which: see 1/3. #noten#, employ (with advantage) the functions of their mouths: comp. ‘here wiken hem binimeð · þe hie ar noteden,’ OEH ii. 183/1: it takes an _acc._ here and at 87/165, but ‘noten of,’ 191/488: OE. #notian# often governs _gen._ of the thing enjoyed.

48. #uisio pacis#: so Beda, vii. 262; Ælfric, Hom. Cath. ii. 66. #soð#, l. 50, is a mistake for sihð, repeated OEH ii. 53/20; it really translates pax uera; see 116/140. Comp. ‘sibbe gesihð Sancta Hierusalem,’ Crist, 50; BH 81/1.

52. #of þe calice#. At this period, the celebrant after the consecration of the elements kissed the chalice and then the Deacon, with the words ‘Habete vinculum pacis et caritatis’; the Deacon next passed on the kiss to the assistants and so to the congregation. See York Missal, i. 198, Zaccaria, Bibliotheca Ritualis, ii^2. cxlviii-cli. Ælfric calls the messe cos, ‘sibbe coss,’ Lives, ii. 46/699.

53. #þe folc sent#, dismisses the people, with the words ‘Ite, missa est’: a sufficient sense, but interposing awkwardly between ‘cos’ and ‘þer mide.’ Probably folc should be taken as dative, or folke should be read; and sends it to the people and thereby betokens &c.

56. #⁊ eft# should come before #of ierusalem#: the church is Bethphage when the procession goes out of it, but Jerusalem when it returns to it: see 83/37.

60-72. The interpretation is peculiar; in some points it resembles that of Hildebert of Tours, Migne, P. L. clxxi. 501.

62. #rideð#, clear the road; OWScand. ryðja; elsewhere in this text ruden; comp. ‘ich sende min engel biforen þine nebbe þe shal ruden þine weie to-fore þe,’ OEH ii. 133/27. #makeð--heorte#: comp. ‘ut Christo iter ad mentem parent,’ Hildebert.

64. #forbisne#: ‘virtutum suarum exemplis,’ Beda, vii. 263.

65. #þo þe leren#: ‘Hi sunt qui a sanctis patribus bona sumentes exempla, aliis etiam normam [bene] vivendi proponunt,’ Hildebert.

68. #quemende#: see 81/85 note.

69. #hereworde#: see 56/37.

72. #unwilliche# is an adverb; OE. #unwilsumlīce#; comp. 40/181 note.

73. #semeð#, burdeneth, as at 4/18.

74. #fuldon#, fulfil: comp. ‘dædbetan and þæt fuldon on þæs abbodes hæse,’ Benedictine Rule, ed. Schröer, 70/21. As it appears to be always transitive, the following hie, them, must be taken as its object, and shulen is without subject expressed.

79. Read #secla#.

82. #Hec# &c.: Ps. cxvii. 24: the Graduale in Old English and Roman uses for Easter Day.

84. #þonked wurðe him#, lit. be it thanked to him: comp. ‘we ahte . . . þonkien hit ure drihten,’ OEH i. 5/29. #þe . . . offe#, concerning which.

85. #Ecce# &c.: St. Matt. xxii. 4 adapted.

87. Morris alters #þe# to we, but the article is necessary, and the subject is often omitted by this writer; see 83/10, 85/105, 87/152, and 6/18 note.

88. #bord bugen#: so at 85/102, but ‘to godes bord bugen,’ 88/188: bugen, to bend one’s steps, to go, is elsewhere used with a preposition; either to has dropped out in these two isolated instances, or there has been some confusion in the writer’s mind with _begin_.

89. #Probet# &c.: 1 Cor. xi. 28.

91. #wurðe þer to#, fit for that: þer to replaces an older genitive, #ðæs wierþe#; comp. 86/142.

94. #Erest#, firstly: #oðer siðe#, 95, secondly; #þridde siðe#, 99, thirdly.

95. #wissinge#, instruction, guidance; i.e. penance.

96. #acxen#: referring to the ceremony of giving the ashes to the congregation on Ash Wednesday. #bilien#, pertain, are associated with: comp. ‘þe six werkes of þesternesse · þe bilige to nihte,’ OEH ii. 15/3.

97. #saccum#, a penitential garment of sackcloth, worn over other clothes, thus differing from cilicium, hair-shirt; S. Jerome, Ep. 44. The writer has omitted after it, plagas, the ‘smerte dintes’ of the next line, ‘disceplines,’ 62/35.

99. #siðes#: read siðe; the superfluous _s_ is due to the initial of the next word: in #liðe#, 100, final _þ_ has been lost before initial _þ_: #swiðere#, 119, owes its final _re_ to the beginning of the next word. #shereðuresdaies#, of Maundy Thursday: corresponds to OWScand. skíriþórsdagr, purification Thursday, but was wrongly connected with ME. scheren, to shear. The form in _sh_ is native or naturalized; see Björkman, 125, and comp. 99/73.

100. #sinne bendes#: see 81/67 note. #crepe to cruche#, creeping to the cross; the adoration of the cross on Good Friday; Rock, Church of our Fathers, iii^2. 88.