Chapter VIII: Part 8

261. #⁊--aȝen#: End te his aȝen e, and to his own relatives, and similarly in L T D, though the preposition be wanting. J has þeo þat almes, adding as next line, Ne his poure kunesmen · at him ne myhte nouht spede. E has And of his owen nolde ȝiuen.

262. #sonde#: so E J; sande e: but D agrees with T. In the second half of the line L stands alone, with an easy phrase, when he heard it announced. But E e have preserved the original, þer he sette his beode, nor would listen to God’s messenger, when He spread His table; the reference being to the parable of the marriage feast, S. Matt. xxii. 4, as expounded at 85/84-7. The OE. word #bēod, bīed# occurs in ‘Þu gearwodest beforan me swiðe bradne beod’ = ‘Parasti in conspectu meo mensam,’ Psalm xxii. 5. The readings of T, of D, þer he set (= sat) at his biede, and of J, þar he sat at his borde, are all corruptions of that original with identical meaning, as in ‘Noldest þu nefre helpen þam orlease wrec[che]n; | Ac þu sete on þine benche, underleid mid þine bolstre,’ Worcest. Frag. C. 25, 26.

263. #ꝥ# does double duty as _dat._, to whom, to loure, and as _nom._, who, to weren in the next line; similarly T: see 44/252. #hit#: him M; leuere þan beon schulde J.

265. #þon þe#: þam þe e, both meaning, to those to whom. E has ȝam, miswritten for þam, to whom. J rewrites, ⁊ luueden vntrewnesse · þat heo schulden beon holde; Morris translates þat, in which; it is a mistake for þar, which M reads. Comp. ‘treowe and holde,’ OEM 38/48: the offence is in OE. #hlāford-swīcung#, Morsbach’s Studien, l. 167. D omits ll. 263-6: J adds after 265, Heo schulleþ wunyen in helle · þe ueondes onwolde.

267. #weren . . . abuten#, were bent on; see 74/229 note. The other MSS. agree generally with T: ȝysceres E; ȝetseres D; ȝeseres M; gaderares J; witteres e = knowing, wise.

268. #hechte to ⁊ tachte#, bid and taught (them) to do: hem tihte ⁊ ec tauhte E; heom tihte ⁊ to tehte e; heom tycede and tahte J; ham tichede to ⁊ taðte D; tiȝte do ⁊ tehte M. The original was probably tuhte to ⁊ tehte, instigated and taught. Comp. 127/365; ‘Þe deofel heom tuhte to þan werke,’ OEH i. 121/33.

269. #þen#: so E e; it = þe en (40/196), in; ꝥ anie wise D; þat in alle wise M; And alle þeo þe myd dusye wise J, in foolish fashion.

270. #fordon# &c.: comp. ‘fordon ⁊ fordemed,’ SK 427; ‘fordude ant fordemde,’ SM 2/32. Here the Lambeth MS. ends.

271. #of ðufte#: see 30/10.

273. Comp. generally 76/27-32; 120/95-7. #frute#, toads: frude E; fruden J D: akin to OWScand. frauðr (Björkman, 76). Frod is a child’s name for a frog in Yorkshire, EDD. ii. 504. NED. iv. 570 quotes from Dives and Pauper, ‘Some man hadde leuer for to mete with a froude or a frogge in the waye than to mete with a knyght or a squyre.’

274. #speke#: speken E; spekeð J D. #niðfulle#: ondfulle D.

276. #hate#: so M; but hete E J D; OE. #hete#, enmity. #eorre#: ȝeorre E; herre D; erre M.

277. #uuel#: muchel J M.

278. #swierte leie#: comp. 76/17; 119/86-8: þiester leie D.

280. #ꝥ beoð þa#: comp. 1/10.

281. #ateliche . . . eisliche#: comp. ‘swo eiseliche and swo ateliche,’ OEH ii. 171/24: J reads ateliche ueondes ⁊ grysliche wyhtes.

282. #ifon#, seize: the other MSS. agree with T: ison E. #ðurh sihte#: bi sihtes J; mid isiȝte M. NED. explains bi sihtes, by looks or glances. The context rather requires, with open eyes, knowingly, wilfully, but I know no parallel. Comp. Heb. x. 26.

283. Comp. 134/93; ‘sathanas þe cwed,’ OEM 180/213. #ealde#: ‘serpentem antiquum, qui est diabolus et Satanas,’ Apocal. xx. 2: comp. ‘Se ealde deofol þe is mid andan afylled,’ Ælf. Lives ii. 180/183; ‘For to beon yuonded · of sathanas þen olde,’ OEM 38/28, 76/130; OEH i. 75/30; SK 1184; HM 15/14. #belzebud#: belsebuc E; belzebuc M: ‘est finalis litera b,’ Catholicon.

285. A common formula; comp. 119/85, 133/48; OEM 173/57-60; AR 144/21.

287. #Wið#, as regards: it has apparently the same meaning in ‘god heom aredde wið heore ifan,’ OEH i. 87/18, for aredden usually takes of or ut of. E T have of, about: comp. 187/350; J For al.

288. #gamen ⁊ gleo#, a favourite combination: comp. ‘Iluued ich habbe gomen and gleo,’ OEM 160/33; Minot iv. 57 note.

292 T. #of þat#, as concerns what; so far as what one may suffer here is concerned.

289, 90. ‘Tut est desespere iceo les par confund | Ke il seuent tres bien ia merci nen aurunt,’ Guischart, 125, 6; CM 23261-4. #deð--wa#, affects them so wofully, causes them such sorrow: see 40/181: such uses of don are very extensive in ME.; comp. 34/69; ‘don us mare wa on,’ SJ 43/8. #naht#: noþing J.

290. #ꝥ#, as that: bute þat E; Ase ꝥ J; swo ꝥ D.

292. #þe#, to whom. The use of þe as oblique relative is not common in OE.; comp. ‘he sealde his dohtor . . . þæm cyninge . . . þe he ær Æpira rice geseald hæfde,’ Orosius 118/27, where #þe# is preceded by another dative. It occurs more frequently in EME.: for þe = to whom, see 9/116, 12/13, 139/15; = in which, 113/36; with which, 88/4. Similarly þat is used in various relationships, with which 8/108, possibly 26/259; to whom, Orm 118/3439, HM 5/24; for whom, 21/92, 195/634; against which, 201/144, 218/147. E reads þe heom, to whom; the personal pronoun is given a relative force by the addition of the relative þe; comp. ‘þe holie man iob þe non ne was his efning on eorðe,’ OEH ii. 69/32, whose equal was not on earth: þet . . . hire 117/10 is analogous. J reads þet = to whom; comp. 143/84; D þer naht of godes bode, a hopeless corruption. #þe nes naht of#, who heeded not: see 8/84 note.

293-6. ‘Quant fustes baptizez de funz regenerez | Ke dunkes premisistes gardez ne li mentez | Ki or nirrad a lui il ert deseritez | Come fel e traitre pus en ert apelez | En destreit serrat mis e a tel ert liurez | Ki nel rendrat pas pus por mil mars dor pesez,’ Guischart 554-9.

294. #cristen dom#, baptismal vow. #heolde#, kept; see 48/310.

295. #on--grunde#: comp. 40/178. J reads anyþe helle grunde: a nyþe is found only here. It may be a preposition formed from #an# + #neoþan# (comp. anunder), like beneoþan and with the same meaning; but probably it is for a niþer as in T and D in niþerhelle grunde.

296. #ut#: so D: but E J vp. ‘Ne porrat morir | n’a merci venir, | senz fin i serat,’ Reimpredigt 34/67. #marke#: see 34/67, and comp. ‘myd markes and myd punde,’ OEM 89/18.

297. #ibede#: bene D.

298. D, vor naht hi solden bidde þer | ore ne ȝeuenesse, in agreement with T, in which hi must be supplied from hem in 301: see 6/18. ‘Almones ne ben faiz ne lur profiterunt | Messes ne ureisuns ia certes nes garrunt,’ Guischart 127, 8.

299. #of#: so E; but T J D M have wiþ, which is normal, as at 304, and for schilden 50/346, 82/121; biwerien 50/334; werien 50/335; biwiten 117/5, 149/168; witen 82/118, 149/170, 178. Less usual are ‘misdon wið’ 6/23 note; ‘loki wit’ 153/56. #of#, in respect of, as regards; a rare use for, against; comp. ‘uor to warnie wummen of hore fol eien,’ AR 54/26: and note _wið_ interchanging with _of_, 46/287.

300. #þer wið#, against it, i.e. hell pine: see 1/3. #habbe#: wille D; wulle M. With #ido# T 304 comp. 122/185 note.

302. #sceal#, must. #leche#: comp. ‘Of vre louerd ihesu crist · þat is soule leche,’ OEM 51/508. From this place it has been inferred that the writer was a priest with some knowledge of medicine. Perhaps he is only asserting the claim of Christianity to benefit the body as well as the soul, as in 1 Thess. v. 23, and often in Missal and Breviary, ‘mente et corpore pariter expediti,’ &c.

304. #we ꝥ#: wel, swo D.

306. #emcristen#: euen cristen J; nexte M; see 26/265. After #eal#, se has probably dropped out: alse E; as J; swo D; al suo M.

307. Every thing we hear in the services of the Church: comp. ‘Al þet me ret and singeð . . . in halie chirche,’ OEH i. 125/27; ‘al þet holi chirche redeð ant singeð,’ AR 268/9; OEM 91/43. #bifore godes borde#, at the altar.

308. #hanget ⁊ bihalt bi#, derive their authority from and depend on. S. Matt. xxii. 40.

311. #earueðhealde#, difficult to keep; see 12/3. J rewrites, Ah soþ ich hit eu segge · ofte we agulteþ alle.

312. #strang#: see 21/94. #lange#: veste D. #liht#, easy: comp. 72/178; ‘All þiss to shæwenn niss nohht lihht | Shorrtliȝ wiþþ fæwe wordess,’ Orm 99/13032, 3: so lihtliche, 50/343, readily.

314. #unne#: lete J; leue M. #bote#: see 80/58 note.

315. #wele#: ayhte J.

316. #eal#: mest leggeþ vre swynk J; leggeð almest D; muchel M. Comp. 32/57.

318. #of#: for oft: ofte J D M; E omits. #bicherd#, misled. #bi kehte#, ensnared, deceived. But J reads for the latter, vuele by þouhte, saddened by remembrance of our sins: comp. ‘þe man kið him seluen mildhertnesse þe biðencheð on his sinnen,’ OEH ii. 189/5.

319. #erminges#, miserable mortals: mostly an adj. in ME. as at 76/22, 31. Morris suggested erninges, gains.

320. #en#: of E J. #her ⁊#: oþer E J D M.

321-3. Comp. 40/197, 8.

324. #of þere#, of that: J has þer of.

325. #ofte# &c.: see 32/47.

327. #lange#: comp. 42/210; 168/342.

328. J substitutes ⁊ after gode wel wurche · þenne ne þuruue noht kare, and be vigorous in pursuit of good: comp. 30/21, 32/61.

330. Unless we are on our guard, this world will make us drunk: the meaning of #fordrenche# is fixed by drinche l. 331. adrenche D M, drown. With #wurðe . . . iwer#, comp. 9/122; with #us#, 13/34.

331. #scenche#, draught; OE. #scencan#, to pour out; comp. KH 369 note. #deofles#: M reads, of one duole scenche, of a stupefying draught.

332. A man must know how to protect himself well, if it (i.e. the drink) is not to trip him up. See B-T. _s.v._ #screncan#. J is defective here; D omits ll. 331, 2.

333. #Mid#: Vor D. For #almihtin#, 337 T, see 79/17.

334. #ꝥ#: þe J; see 13/28. #he#: he ne E; heo . . . ne J; hi ne D.

335. #werie . . . wið#: see 48/299.

336. #bi ȝiten#: in e only; ȝiuen alle mancunne E; and similarly in the other MSS. The text may mean, acquired for mankind.

337. #bene#, pleasant, agreeable: ‘spatiosa via . . . quae ducit ad perditionem,’ S. Matt. vii. 13. J reads grene, rejecting, as often, the unusual word: comp. ‘the broad way and the green’ of Milton’s sonnet.

338. #niȝeðe del#, nine-tenths, the great majority: niȝende del D.

339. #wei grene#: the path to heaven is compared to what is still in some parts called a ‘green road’ or a ‘green way,’ ‘a road over turf between hedges,’ EDD., the ‘unmetalled road’ of the Ordnance maps, because, unlike the highway, it is used by few. J has, þene wey so schene, and in the next line, and þat is wel eþ-sene; M, ⁊ þat is þe worlde on-sene. The last half of T 344 appears to be corrupt.

341. #us lað#: comp. ‘lað þah him were,’ L 244; 145/106.

342. #eal#, wholly; but M al hare wil.

343. #mid--hulde#, along the lower (downward) slope: nuðer E; niðer helde D M. J omits ll. 343-4. #mid#, in the same direction as, like the modern ‘with the stream.’

344. #godliese#: gutlease D: the earliest quotation for godless, impious, in NED. is under 1528; words before that time are ranged under goodless, comfortless, worthless. But Mätzner puts examples from SK and HM under the former. Are the cheerless wood and the bare field Virgilian? Aeneas passes by the ‘descensus Averni’ ‘per tacitum nemus’ to the ‘lugentes campi’. #bare#: brode D.

345. #hese#: hes E; heste J M; hesne D. #ðer#: þat J, cognate _acc._; comp. ‘I am a man farand þe way,’ CM 3295.

346. #ꝥ beoð ða#: see 1/10. #sculdeð . . . wið#: see 48/299: silten D (for silden, shielded); schedeþ wel J, possibly, separate themselves completely, but scheden requires from, 159/153, and in the presence of wið the reading may be regarded as a mistake for schildeþ.

347. #ȝeanes#: to ȝeanes E; ayeyn J; aȝenes M; D omits ll. 347, 8. Not, ‘along the cliffs,’ but, breasting the steep slope, up the high hill; comp. Milton’s ‘labour up the hill with heavenly truth.’

348. J reads, þeos leteþ awei al heore wil; comp. 157/133. #fulle#, perform; OE. #fyllan#: M has felle.

352. #ne ðincð# &c.: comp. 12/11 (piece v). J substitutes, Wel edy wurþ þilke mon · þat þer byþ vnderuonge.

353. þe lest haueþ murehþe J; Se ꝥ lest haueð blisce D.

354. #for ðas#, for the bliss of this world.

355. #uuel#: pyne J; hunger M.

358. In accordance with their deeds here, in proportion to the severity of their effort.

359. #este#: comp. 17/159.

360. Comp. ‘giueð hem to medes eche lif · ⁊ blisse · ⁊ heuene mid him seluen,’ OEH ii. 67/25; 74/233.

361. #fah ne græi#: fou ne grei E; fou ne grey J; foȝ ne grei M; D omits ll. 361-2. For the association of the words comp. ‘Ne hedde he none robe · of fowe · ne of gray,’ OEM 39/66; ‘gold · ne seoluer · vouh · ne gray,’ id. 94/28; ‘Monye of þisse riche. | þat werede fouh and grey,’ id. 165/27, 8. In French they are vair (L. _varius_) and gris, as in ‘jamais ne vestirai vair ne gris ne hermine | n’afulerai mantiel ourle de sabeline, | ne coucerai en lit covert de marterine,’ Le Chevalier au Cygne, in Bartsch & Horning, 349/14-16. OE. #fāȝ, fāh#, variegated, coloured, is also in ME. an adj., as at 81/82; ‘fah clað,’ L 24653. As a noun it means a variegated or shaded fur, as distinct from one of uniform colour, like #græi#, which is badger. #kuning#, rabbit fur, but #cuniculus# is glossed marderis, i.e. marten, in Fecunda Ratis 450, where it is associated with migale, ermine, which would go better with the general idea of sumptuosity. But marten is in the next line. konyng J; cunig EM.

362. #aquierne#, squirrel: OE. #ācwern#, in oldest form #ācweorna#, Sweet, Oldest E. Texts, 590: ocquerne E; Okerne M; Ne oter ne acquerne J. #martres cheole#, marten’s throat, explained by Mätzner as throat-piece, collar or boa of marten; but the expression, found here only, is a bad attempt at translating F. gole martrine, fur dyed red, as in ‘ses mantels fu riches et chiers | et fu toz faiz a eschaquiers; | l’uns tavels ert de blanc hermine | et l’altre ert de gole martrine,’ Eneas, 4029-32; a chess-board pattern in white and red. The pelisson of the period was a tunic of fur enclosed between cloths which permitted the red-dyed fur to be seen only at the front edges of the garment. These borders were called goules; comp. ‘Lermes li moillent le menton | E les goles del peliçon,’ Roman de Troie, ed. Constans, 15543-4; ‘Goules de martre, ne vos vuel plus porter,’ Raoul de Cambrai, 6227: the resemblance to the French word for throat has led to the translation here, as to the erroneous explanation of goules, gole, by ‘collet’ in Florence de Rome, 1959; Roman de Thebes, 6375-6. M has simply martrin, OF. martrine, marten’s fur. #metheschele# in T is for merðes chele, the first element being OE. #mearð#, marten; it is equivalent to the reading of E e. #beuer#, &c.: Beuveyr ne sablyne J.

363. #sciet#: sced E; scete D descend from OE. #scīete, scēte#, cloth, but scat T; schat M from OE. #sceatt#, property, money; as in ‘srud and sat,’ GE 795, 881, ‘srud or sat,’ id. 3169. J has, Ne þer ne wurþ ful iwis · worldes wele none. #scrud#, dress; not ‘shroud.’

365. See 125/291.

367, 368. D omits. #na wið uten#: noþing ȝit vten E; nowiht wiþ vte J: the latter and T appear to mean, there is nothing wanting to him: e is probably a corruption of na wiht uten, and ȝit in E is miswritten for wit = wið, as ȝihte 380 for wihte.

368. #wane#: T has the usual construction, as ‘_deest mihi pecunia_, mê ys fêos wana,’ Ælf. Gram. 202/11; ‘He nis naht fulliche cristene þat (= to whom) is ani wane of þese þrie,’ OEH ii. 15/22; 19/35; in E e #wane# is an adj. as in ‘ic eom wana of ðâm getele,’ Ælf. Gram. 202/11; 129/23. J has Nis heom nones godes wone.

369. #gane#, miswritten for wane, misery, the reading of D T; J has wone; E grame.

370. #of ðinche#: see 30/10. e ends with this line; what follows is from E.

371. #treȝe#: so D: J has the often-associated teone; comp. 133/61; 24/208 note. ‘La est uie senz mort ki tut tens li durreit,’ Guischart 1255.

373. #ulde . . . vnhelðe#: see 40/197.

374. #sorewe . . . sor#: comp. 147/137; ‘mid seorwen and mid seore,’ L 6885; ‘to forswelten isar ⁊ isorhe eauer,’ SJ 79/7; ‘iseien sor ⁊ seoruwe,’ AR 190/15; SK 1164: so too, ‘sorwȝe and sariness,’ VV 19/2; ‘seoruhful ⁊ sori,’ AR 88/12.

375. Seoþþe me dryhten iseo. So J, which cannot mean, ‘Afterwards one shall see the Lord’: probably in Seoþþe lurk Swo þer, and schal has fallen out, as it has in T. #swa#, even as, more fully in T, swo se; comp. 34/80: D reads, swo ase he is. For omission of the subject in T comp. 6/18 note. #mid iwisse#: see 32/40. Comp. ‘Kar deus sicum il est tuz tens senz fin uerunt,’ Guischart 117; ‘En l’un qui serat | dampne deu verrat | toztens en present,’ Reimpredigt 54/107.

377-80 are wanting in J. #And ðeh#, and yet.

378. #ði#, because. The reading of T, which is supported by D M, gives a better sense.

380. #ȝihte#, miswritten for wihte; comp. 52/367 note: wiȝte M; rihte D. See 42/212.

381. #seon#: wite M.

382. #icnawen ⁊ iwiten#, understand and get to know: iseon and iwyten J; iknowen ⁊ isien D; biknowe ⁊ yseo M. For #mihte#, J has Milce; M milse.

383. #to#: þer to D; may luste J. The usual preposition is _after_, as ‘þa lisste himm affterr fode,’ Orm ii. 39/11333; ‘Aȝȝ lisste himm affterr mare,’ id. i. 356/10220: but comp. 158/168; ‘Hi sete adoun ⁊ ete faste: for hem luste wel þerto,’ Legendary, 223/127. #hleste# in 387 T is explained in Specimens as a noun, desire: it can only be OE. #hlystan#, listen, suggested by ‘isien’ in the next line.

384. #hali boc#: in liue boc D; on lyues be{c} (MS. bee) iseon J.

385. #alle &c.#: to alle derlinges J.

386. #he#: so J D: for #oþere# J has wordliche.

387. #wealded#: haueð on wealde D, has in his power, under his rule: see 22/122, 198/40 for the synonymous ‘owen a wold.’

388. #of him to sene#, of seeing him; comp. 124/239 note. #sed#: so D. OE. #sæd#, sated, appears to be used here as a noun, for satiety. The adj. is common enough, ‘Ich nam noht giet sad of mine sinnes,’ OEH ii. 75/8; ‘for selden y am sad þet semly forte se,’ Bödd., AE. Dicht. 149/5. ‘Mult porreit estre liez quant deu senz fin uerreit,’ Guischart 1256. J has, Him to seonne murie hit is. In the second half of the line J D agree with T.

389. #mere#: OE. #mǣre#, glorious: swete J.

391. #oþer#: oþre D, both meaning, to another; Ne may nomon hit segge · ne witen myd iwysse J.

392. #godes#: heuene J. Here D adds, Vten eftin þiderward | mid aldre ȝernuolnesse | ⁊ vorsien þisne midelard | mid his wouernesse. || Ef we vorsieð þis loþe lif | vor heuenriche blisce, | þanne selð us Crist ꝥ eche lif | to medes on ecnesse. Zupitza notes that eftin is for efstin (that is, hasten, OE. #efestan#), and wouernesse is OE. #wǣfernes#, pomp, show.

393. #rixlet#: rixeð D; ricscleþ M; lesteþ J. #abuten#: buten J D; ay bute M: see 34/85.

394. #of#: comp. 38/134; 112/11; 132/15: but ‘alesede hem eche deaðe,’ OEH ii. 5/26. Lines 393-4 are echoed in ‘And yef þat eche lif · þat neuere ne haueþ ende. | Hwanne vre soule vnbynd · of lykamlyche bende,’ OEM 53/551, 2. #licames#: J D M agree with T.

395. #ȝyue#: lete J; leue M. #swilc#: swichne D; suicchne M.

396. After this J adds, Bidde we nu leoue freond · yonge and ek olde. | þat he þat þis wryt wrot · his saule beo þer atholde. Amen.; which I take to be a prayer for the scribe himself, not for the composer of the Moral Ode.

_Cross-References_

6/18, 8/84, 10/167 (notes) = III. (The Peterborough Chronicle)
30/10, 34/74, 46/292 (notes) = _present selection_
74/229 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
79/17, 80/58 (notes) = XI. (Hic Dicendum est de Propheta)
132/9 (note) = XVIII. (The Orison of our Lady)
176/24 (note) = XXI. (The Bestiary)
p. 274 = V. (A Parable, under Pronouns)
p. 285 = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred) under Manuscripts.

_Errata_

iv. ... A leaf is lost after f. 8 [f 8]
Other MSS. are v. Digby A 4, Bodleian D [_“D” added by author_]
The dialect of PM is South-Eastern
[_printed as shown: error for “M” alone?_]
#ēa# is _ea_ in deaþe 182
[_paragraph break added by transcriber for consistency_]
.... #ā# + #g# produces _aȝ_, aȝen 30 (5), maȝe 29, but ahen 161:
[_final : invisible_]
For #sw# ... _qu_ is the regular equivalent of #cw#
[_#cw# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
#ēa# is mostly ... but _ie_ in bien 389
[_“ie” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
#gēar#, ȝier 142 [_corrected by author from “gear”_]
#a# + #g# ... #ǣ{1}# + #g# is _ei_ [#æ{1}#]
#ēa# + #h# in heie 16 [#ea#]
... #þþ# is simplified in seðen [#þ#]
#Accidence:# ... _d._ -e, gode 73
[_-e misprinted as italic_]
_s. g._, are 179, _s. d._, 53 [_s. d._ 53]
... The _s. d._ regularly terminates in e
[_“e” misprinted as italic_]
Remnants of the strong declension ... (with woreldes _f._) [_f_]
The infinitives ... past: I a. biȝiete 105, forȝieten 98
[forȝieten, 98]
18. ... (comp. Fr. être < stare) [être > stare]
82. ... OEM 56/682 [OEM.]
142. ... Orm ii. 149/14482 [_“ii.” added by transcriber_]
153. ... OWScand. skǽrr, clean. [OW Scand.]
185. ... maȝhe . . . mei e [meie]
201. ... read iþenchð, iðencð
[iþenchð, iꝥencð _corrected from Zupitza_]
257. ... wes has fallen out after #wif#.
[_#wif# misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]
265. ... to those to whom. [to whom,]
292. ... where #þe# is preceded by another dative
[_#þe# misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]
361. ... in Bartsch & Horning [Hornung]
385. #alle &c.#: to alle derlinges J.
[_printed as shown, with bold “&c.”_]

IX. ANCRENE WISSE

#Manuscripts:# i. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 402 (A); on vellum, 215 × 150 mm. The fly-leaf fastened down has the mark S. 15, then follow three leaves with writing in a seventeenth-century hand (? Joscelin), mostly a translation of the piece beginning in Morton, p. 6, ‘Nan ancre bi mi read,’ then 117 folios, on the first of which is a marginal rubric, J þe feaderes ⁊ i þe sunes | ⁊ i þe hali gastes nome | her biginneð ancrene | wisse, as at the beginning of SJ (139/1) and SM in MS. Bodley 34. On the lower margin of f. 1 r in a fourteenth-century hand is Liber ecclesie s{an}ct{i} Jacobi de Wygemore: que{m} Joh{ann}es Purcel dedit | eide{m} eccl{es}ie ad instancia{m} fr{atr}is Walt{er}i de Lodel{awe} senioris t{u}nc p{re}ce{nt}oris. The Abbey of Wigmore was dedicated to S. James (Dugdale, vi. 344). There are glosses in red pencil and words underlined in red. The revival of Anglo-Saxon studies under Archbishop Parker, partly prompted by the desire to use in defence of the Reformation the evidences as to the tenets of the early Church in England, caused such books as this to be carefully read. William L’isle extracted from it some of the prayers (in Morton, 26, 28, 30) and, treating them as debased Anglo-Saxon, turned them into the latter speech as he understood it. His efforts are recorded in MS. Laud Misc. 201; they have led Dr. Heuser (Anglia, xxx. 103) to conclude that the Ancren Riwle is not a ME. but an OE. document.

The MS. belongs to the second quarter of the thirteenth century. It cannot be earlier than 1225 A.D., for it mentions the Dominicans and Franciscans, and it is probably later than 1230. It is the most correct, but it has additions to the original, such as 62/46-64/62, 64/73-78. See further A Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, by M. R. James, vol. ii, pp. 267, 8.

ii. Caius College, Cambridge, 234 (B); on vellum, 124 × 93 mm.; 368 pages; late thirteenth century. Pages 1-185 consist of extracts from the AR, but not in the order of the other manuscripts (ES iii. 536). It is addressed to ‘friends’ 55/1, not sisters, and the second passage printed here is not in this MS. The contents of the manuscript are given in A Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of Gonville and Caius College, by M. R. James, vol. i, p. 298.

iii. Cotton Nero A 14, British Museum (N); on vellum, 146 × 114 mm.; written in the second quarter of the thirteenth century. Its contents are ff. 1-120 r, the Ancren Riwle; 120 v-123 v, The Orison, printed at pp. 132-7 of this book; 123 v-131 v, the pieces printed in OEH i, pp. 200-17. It forms the text of Morton’s edition.

iv. Cotton Titus D 18, British Museum (T); on vellum, 158 × 120 mm.; 148 folios in double columns, written from f. 14, where AR begins, to the end, about 1220 A.D. Its relationship to two other manuscripts in respect to their contents is shown by the following table:

+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+
| Manuscripts. | SK | SJ | SM |Sawles| HM |Wohunge| AR |
| | | | |Warde | | | |
+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+
| Royal 17 A 27 | -- | -- | -- | -- | | | |
+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+
| Bodley 34 . | -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | | |
+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+
| Titus D 18 . | -- | | | -- | -- | -- | -- |
+---------------+------+------+------+------+------+-------+------+

For the Royal and Bodleian MSS. see the introduction to No. xvi.

v. Cotton Cleopatra C 6, British Museum (C), on vellum, 196 × 140 mm.; 196 folios of 19 to 26 lines to a page in a peculiar angular hand, written about 1240 A.D. The scribe, after finishing the book, had access to another manuscript, either A or one closely resembling it, and interlined or put on the margin passages from it which were not in the first exemplar. C was presented to Legh Abbey, Co. Devon, by Matilda de Clare, by whom the Abbey was converted into a Nunnery about 1285 A.D. (Dugdale, vi. 333).

vi. The Vernon MS. of the Bodleian Library (V), a very large book, written in two columns of eighty lines to the column, has a fourteenth-century version of the AR, which begins at folio 371 v^2. It contains our first extract, but only a fragment of the second.

vii. Another version of portions of the AR, written at the end of the fourteenth century, discovered by Miss Paues, exists under the title of the Recluse in the Magdalene College MS., Cambridge, Pepys 2498 (P).

viii. A fragment in a hand of 1330-40, corresponding to p. 138, l. 25 &c. of Morton’s edition, was described by Napier in the Journal of Germanic Philology, ii. 199-202.

ix. Magdalen College, Oxford, 67 (M). A Latin version in writing of the end of the thirteenth century; on f. 1 r it begins, Hic incipit p{ro}hemiu{m} ven{er}abilis patris Magistri Simo|nis de Gandauo episcopi sar{um} in libru{m} de uita solitaria | quem scripsit sororibus suis Anachoritis apu`d´ tarente. It ends on f. 95 r, Explicit liber septimus de uita solitaria: Octauus omnino taceatur:--with the addition in a later hand, eterna taciturnitate. The second extract is therefore not represented in this version.

x. Cotton Vitellius E 7 (L): fragments of a Latin version rescued from the fire of 1731, said by Macaulay to be the same as the Magdalen MS. version, but with the addition of the eighth part. In Smith’s Catalogue (1696) it is said to have had the note, Regulae vitae Anachoretarum utriusque sexus scriptae per Simonem de Gandavo, Episcopum Sarum in usum suarum sororum. Hunc librum Frater Robertus de Thorneton, quondam prior, dedit claustralibus de Bardenay. Bardney Abbey is in Lincolnshire (Dugdale, i. 623).

xi. Cotton Vitellius F 7 (F). A French version, written about 1300 A.D., but retaining many forms of the considerably older manuscript from which it was copied. This manuscript also suffered in the fire; the top half of the folios is scorched and shrunken, and a line or two is lost on each page: it consists of 164 folios in double columns. In Smith’s Catalogue it is described as, La Reule de femmes Religieuses et Recluses; sive de vita solitaria & anachoretica per Simonem de Gandavo, Episcopum Sarisburiensium in usum sororum ipsius.

#Facsimiles:# Of T. Palaeographical Society; Second Series, plate 75. Of C. Ibid., plate 76. Of P. The Recluse, ed. J. Påhlsson. Lund, 1911.

#Editions:# The Ancren Riwle, edited and translated by James Morton, B.D. Camden Society, no. lvii, London, 1853. Mätzner, E., Altenglische Sprachproben, ii. 8-41 (the second part of AR with introduction and notes). Shorter extracts in Sweet’s First Middle English Primer, 19-41, Emerson and Kluge. The text of all the preceding is from MS. N. Heuser, W., Anglia, xxx. 108-10 (passage from MS. A). Påhlsson, Joel, The Recluse, Lund, 1911.

#Literature:# Bramlette, E. E., Anglia, xv. 478-98 (the original language of AR); Brock, E., Philological Society, 1865, 150-67 (Accidence in N); Dahlstedt, A., The Word-Order of the AR, Sundsvall, 1903; Heuser, W., Anglia, xxx. 103-22; Kölbing, E., ES iii. 535, 6; ix. 115-17; xxiii. 306; Lemcke’s Jahrbuch, xv. 179-97 (collations and dialect); Landwehr, M., Das grammatische Geschlecht in der AR, Heidelberg, 1911; *Macaulay, G. C., The ‘Ancren Riwle’, Modern Language Review, ix. 63-78, 145-60, 324-31, 463-74 (collation of A and general discussion); Mühe, T., Über den im MS. Cotton Titus D. xviii enthaltenen Text der AR, Göttingen, 1901; Anglia, xxxi. 399-404; Napier, A. S., Modern Language Review, iv. 433-6; Ostermann, H., Lautlehre des germanischen Wortschatzes in der von Morton herausgegebenen Handschrift der Ancren Riwle. Bonner Beiträge, xix, Bonn, 1905; Påhlsson, J., ES xxxviii. 453, 4; Paues, A. C., ES xxx. 344-6; Redepenning, H., Syntaktische Kapitel aus der ‘Ancren Riwle’, Berlin, 1906; Williams, Irene F., Anglia, xxviii. 300-4 (language of C); Wülker, R., Paul-Braune, Beiträge, i. 209-39; Zupitza, J., Anglia, iii. 34.

#Sources and Illustrations:# Ælredi Regula, in Lucae Holstenii Codex Regularum Monasticorum et Canonicorum, Augustae Vindelicorum, 1759, vol. i, p. 420; also as Ailredi Rhievallensis de Vita Eremitica ad Sororem, in S. Augustini Opera, Antwerp, 1700, vol. i, p. 640; English version of ch. xxi-lxxviii from the Vernon MS. in ES vii, pp. 304-44; Vita S. Gileberti Confessoris: Institutiones beati Gileberti in Supplement to vol. vi, pt. 2, of Dugdale, W., Monasticon Anglicanum, London, 1830; Eckenstein, Lina, Woman under Monasticism, Cambridge, 1896; Cutts, E. L., Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages, London, 1872.

#Phonology:# (1) =of A.= Oral #a# is _a_, calices b 17, cat b 2; #a# before nasals and lengthening groups is _o_, dronc 21, gomen 83, brondes b 161, wombe, 97; þen, þenne, hwen, hwenne, selthwenne b 195 are the usual forms, but once hwon b 116: #and# is ant 26 &c., #man#, indefinite, me 16. #æ# is usually _e_, bres 103, ed b 121, efter b 12, gedereð 87 (#gæderian#), hetter b 28, oðerhwet b 177, neppes 94, þet b 126, wes b 3, wicchecreftes 7, esken 79, 85 (#æsce#), weschen b 145, vesscheð b 112 (#wæscan#), but _ea_, an EME. writing for #æ# in bearuot b 39, bleasie b 162 (#blæse#, _sb._), feader b 173, b 231, feaste b 42 (3), gleadliche b 186, measse b 83, readliche b 94, noðeleater b 169, weater b 94, inohreaðe 43 (#hræþe#), and _a_ in awakenet 24, awakenið b 61, b 91 (#awacenian#), blac b 23, warliche b 148 (flexion forms), cappen b 45: habbe 25 &c., nabben b 130 descend from LWS. forms in #a#: quoð b 76 (#cwæþ#) is due to loss of stress. #e# is regularly _e_, bedde b 25, bereð 64 (but beore b 136), spekeð b 57 (but speoke b 132); before lengthening groups, ende 100, englene 76. Between #w--f#, #e# is rounded to _eo_ in tweolue b 112; before a palatal it is raised to _i_ in rikenin 25, rikeneres 82: stude b 171, sullen b 12, 14, swuch b 18 are due to OE. forms in #y#. #i# is regularly _i_, bidde b 237, binimeð b 221 (but neome b 34 &c.); before lengthening groups, blod binde b 69 (#binde#), bringen 49, child 22, but _u_ in wule 72 and other forms of #willan#, nute b 130 (#nyte#). #o# is normally _o_, biuoren 57, hosen b 39, word 65, but _a_ in an(an) b 87; nalde 90, walden 42, iwraht b 24 are Anglian. #u# is _u_, cume b 90, cuppe 103, sunderliche 24, wunder b 63, but _i_ in kimeð 94, b 200 (#cymeð#; Bülbring, Ablaut, 74). #y# is _u_, brune b 160, sundreð b 161, sungið b 191, but _i_ in pilche clut 68: #mycel# is muchel b 91, muche 82; sturne b 195 represents #styrne#.

#ā# is regularly _a_, are b 229; before two consonants, gast b 231; length is indicated by doubling in aa, b 162, b 234: man b 8 is *#mān#. _ea_ for #ā# appears in eanes b 34, b 189, easkin b 181, easki b 78, easkeð b 118, b 203, wreaðfule 32, 63, coming from forms in #ǣ#. #ā# is _o_ in cop b 142 (#cōp#), _e_ in se b 67 &c., but swa 73. #ǣ{1}# is, as a rule (41 times), _ea_, ageasten 58, arearen b 159, asneasen 69, eani 8; before two consonants, eauer 54 &c., leafdi b 235, wreaððe b 153, b 166, but _e_ in þer b 155, and before two consonants in flesch b 26, flesches b 91, fleschlich b 78, fleschliche b 75, leste b 37, b 54 (beside leasse 61 (4), leaste b 188), and _a_ before two consonants in attri 12, attreð b 80 (? analogy of #āttor#). #ǣnig# is mostly ei 8 (possibly shortening of eiðer,--Holthausen); #ǣlc# is euch 34 &c. #ǣ{2}# is _e_ (32 times), dreden b 196, her b 141, neddre 31, wepmen b 22, but _eo_ in leote b 131, b 19, feorle 100. _ea_ appears only in ileanet 16, read b 13, b 37, reade b 2 (but reden b 188, redeð b 223, b 224, b 228, ired b 235): þear 41 is probably a scribal error for þer, but comp. þiar 39/165. The difference in the representation of #ǣ{1}#, as _ea_, rarely _e_, and #ǣ{2}#, as _e_, rarely _ea_, is also found in the Katherine group, and is Anglian (Stodte, p. 31). #ē# is always _e_; #ī#, _i_, but wummon b 21 (5) after #w#; #ō# is _o_; #ū#, _u_; #ȳ# is regularly _u_, fur b 160, hudest b 57; before two consonants, cuððe b 144, fulðe b 113, but _i_ in schriden b 85, beside schruden 90.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _ea_, bearm 71, nearewe b 204; before lengthening groups, bearnes 75, heard b 44, but _a_ in scharp 64, 65, 67 and always after #w#, warde b 231, -ward as in frommard b 165, inward 36, toward b 89, utward 37, warm b 23, warneð 11. _ea_ in chearre b 238, wearien b 6 represents #æ#, _i_-umlaut of unbroken (Anglian) #a#. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_ (Anglian), alle 7 &c., falleð 6, halden b 193. The _i_-umlaut has _ea_ = #æ# from unbroken #a#, ealde b 124, healden b 197, both before a lengthening group. #eo# before #r# + cons. is regularly _eo_, heorte 51, keorue b 34; before length. groups, eorðe 85, sweord 65, Beornard b 219, but Anglian smoothing is seen in werkes b 62, b 67, b 81. To the #wur# group belong wurðen 88, forwurðen 23, forwurðe b 95: warpere 64, warpeð 66 are Scandinavian; WS. forms are #weorpere#, #wierpð#. The _i_-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne b 6, iheortet 31; #wier, wyr# words have _u_, vnwurðe b 108, b 219, wurse 16, 56, b 37, iwurset b 191. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolf 59, seoluen b 204 &c. #ea#, the _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #a#, is seen in eateliche 58, 69, eawles 67 (#awul#), meaðeleð 73, 96, streapeles b 42, vnsteaðeluest 5; fearen b 197, misfearen 13, and analogically (Bülbring § 228 anm.), feareð 79, b 120, forfearinde 29, gleadie b 232, heatien b 141, ?peaðereð 81, ?skleatteð 53. This umlaut is specifically Mercian. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, gives heouene 3, b 185, but world 40, worldliche b 79 &c.: #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, beoden b 124, b 206, b 237, breoken b 20, eoten 99, ȝeouen b 71 (from Mercian #ġefan#), and analogically, beore b 31, b 136, forbeoren b 149, breoke b 216, eote b 127, eoten b 150, ȝeoue b 131, b 173, b 233, forȝeoued b 200 (but ȝef 102), speoke b 132, speoken b 138: an Anglian feature. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in cleopede 9, 11, bicleopet b 192, leoðeliche b 28 (#liþig#, OWScand. liðugr), neomen b 72, b 174, neome b 34, neomen b 189, neomunge 7, seoue 21, seouene 4, seolc b 69, seoluer 84, sweoke b 160, teolunges 6, but hare 5 &c. is the regular representative of #heora#, suster b 4 &c., of WS. #sweostor#, Anglian wike b 189, of WS. #wucan# (*#wiucu#). #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal 42 &c., ischauen b 101, schape b 146, but _e_ in ȝeten b 128 (WS. #gatu#), _eo_ before nasal, scheome b 51: schapieð b 70 is a ME. formation. #ie# after #ġ# is _e_ (Mercian monophthong), ȝef 102, 104, ȝeueð b 68, ȝelden 15, b 7, forȝelde b 175, ȝelp 37; this _e_ with _å_-umlaut gives forms in _eo_, ȝeouen &c. as above. #ȝef#, EWS. #gief#, is ȝef 9. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_, ȝungre b 132; after #sc#, schule 99, schulde 22 &c. (Anglian). #eom# is am b 236 (Anglian), #heom#, ham 4 &c.

#ēa# is regularly _ea_, beate b 31, deade 41, eadmode b 119, greatluker b 157, reaflac 15, but _e_ in chepeð b 12, chepilt b 11, cwedschipe b 93, eð b 214, edscene b 147, and _a_ in chaffere b 11, chapmon b 12, shortening due to stress on following syllable: its _i_-umlaut is _e_ (Anglian), bemen 39, 76, bemere 42, bemin 43, dremen b 206, ȝeme b 190, ȝemeles 10 &c., ȝemeð 16, ȝemen b 98, iȝemen b 90, ihereð 53, leue b 174, b 207, leue b 36, misleue b 182, lefunge 7; but greattre b 67 is #grēatra#. #ēo# is _eo_, beon 4, cneon b 150, feondes 92, feorðe 21, but _e_ in seke b 108, secnesse b 111, before #c#. The absence of its _i_-umlaut is Anglian, deore 71, feond _s. d._ 34 &c., neod b 1, neodeð 88, istreonede 23; _e_ in nedlunge b 8, tene b 112. Absence of palatalization, characteristic of Mercian, after #ġ#, #sć# is seen in ȝer b 101, schende b 52 (Bülbring § 289), schon b 38, but scheos b 39, ischeoed b 40. #ȝīet# is ȝet b 193, the second element in edscene b 147, is #gesīene#.

#a# + #g# is _ah_, dahes b 105, drahe b 53, draheð 36, mahen 50 &c.; isleine 33 is #geslegen#; seið 46, 89, #sægð#; dreaieð b 233 (comp. dreaien 147/153, dreihen, 146/122) descends from *#dreagaþ#, form with _å_-umlaut (WS. #dragaþ#). #æ# + #g# is regularly _ei_, deies b 21, feier b 123, heiward b 6, mei 4 &c., meiden b 96, seide 46, b 117, iseid 26: mahe b 148, b 180 comes from LWS. #mage#. #e# + #g# is also _ei_, abreiden 75, aȝein 5 (#ongegn#), toȝeines b 56, eie b 18, eili b 9, leið b 152, pleien 67, b 139, b 146, pleieð 64, but plohien b 218 which descends with shifted accent from *#pleogan# with _å_-umlaut (comp. #pleogede# in a SW. Mercian text of Bede, ed. Miller, ii. 82). The MS. has in other places pleien as above, but the noun in Morton’s text pleowe 184/4, pleouwe 218/8 is in MS. A regularly plohe, in MS. C ploȝe. #i# + #g#, #h#, pliht b 97, ipliht 18, sihðe b 61, onsihðe b 55, wriheles b 49, but sygaldren 6: lið 71, b 93 is #līþ# < #ligeð#, _il_ in ilespiles b 31, #īl# < #igil#. In twien b 210 from #twiga# the spirant has disappeared, as in monie b 168. Final #ig# is regularly _i_, bisi b 89, dusi 18. #o# + #h#, #g# is _oh_, bitohe b 225, dohter b 52, but dehtren b 15 with _e_ from the dative singular. #u# + #g#, duhen b 59, muhen b 44: #y# + #g#, #h#, buð b 11, b 187, drihtines 41, b 206. #ā# + #g#, #h#, ah 17, ahne b 61, ahnes b 207, ahte b 181, lahe b 141, b 152, wah b 58. #ǣ{1}# + #g#, #h#, ahte 84, bitaht 16, tahte b 75, but eiðer 53 (#ǣgþer#). #ē# + #g#, iueitsomet b 168, iheiet b 234: #ī# + #h#, wrihen b 50 (*#wrīhan# _inf._), wriheð b 58: #ō# + #g#, inoh b 79, inohreaðe b 41, ibroht b 214, þohten 39. #ea# + #ht#: lahtre 50, mahte b 213 come from Anglian forms in #æ#; the _i_-umlaut gives mihte b 230, niht b 215, but _a_ in lahhen b 139, lahheð 97, monslaht 24 also represents Anglian #æ#. #eo# + #ht#, riht 51, rihten b 99: sist b 57, sið b 89, b 159 are Anglian forms corresponding to WS. #siehst#, #siehð# with _i_-umlaut (Bülbring § 217). #ēa# + #g#, #h#, deh b 66 (North, #dēg#), ehe 51, ehnen b 63, heh b 186, hehe b 185, neh b 90, b 120, but þah b 7, b 63, as if from Ang. *#þæh#. #ēo# + #g#, #h#, dreheð b 233, but lihte b 39, lihtliche b 3, b 87. #īe# + #h#, nest b 26, b 29 (North. #nēsta#), lihtin b 101. #ā# + #w# is _aw_, blawen 40, icnaweð b 201, itawet b 24, nawiht b 9, nawt b 53, sawle 94, slaw 12, but nowðer b 48 represents OE. #nōwþer#, nohwer b 33, b 41, #nō(h)wǣr#, similarly nohwider b 126, eawiht b 235, eawt 52 (*#ǣwiht# with _i_-umlaut, NED.); sehe b 139 is Anglian #sēge#, WS. #sāwe#. #ǣ{1}# + #w# is also _aw_, rawe 33, slawðe 11, 18. #ēa# + #w#, þeawes b 81, þeawfule b 106, but schawin 38. #ēo# + #w# is _ow_, fowr 39, b 101, trowðe 18, ow 99 &c., ower b 1; _eo_ finally in gleo 47: neowe b 137 has no umlaut; the WS. form is #nīwe# (Bülbring § 306, anm. 5).

Unstressed #swā# is se 15 &c., but swa 73: _a_ occurs for #o# in anan b 87; _e_ for #o# in streapeles b 42, sunderliche 24, vnsteaðeluest 5; _i_ for #e# in drihtines 41, b 206; _u_ for #i# in dimluker 43, greatluker b 157, monluker b 110, as in the Katherine group; #e# is lost in earst b 52, meidnes b 106, b 183, added in luðere 32, ȝiuere 92; #o# is lost in unbischpet 19. The prefix #ge# is _i_; #ǣr#, _ear_ in earunder b 209; #æt# is ed b 178; #þǣr# is syncopated in þrin, þrinne, þrof, þron, þrefter, þruppe, forms characteristic of the Katherine group, found also in MSS. C, T, but not in N.

#w# is assimilated in frommard b 165; isehen b 62 descends from #gesegen#, not from #gesewen#. Metathesis of #r# is seen in iwraht b 24 (late North. #wroht#). #ll# is simplified in druncwile 105; #mm# in grim 62. #n# is lost in earunder b 209, and often in iþe 1, i 25 for #in#, o 7 for #on#; #nn# is simplified in monluker b 110. #p# is inserted in nempneð b 48: #bb# is simplified in neb b 54. #f# is regularly _u_ between vowels, or vowel and liquid, biuoren 94, heaued 8, froure b 221, bearuot b 39, underueð 74, vnsteaðeluest 5, but lefunge 7; once _v_ appears initially, vet b 42, but not _u_. #t# is doubled in hetter b 28, lost in best b 43, olhnin b 6; _d_ for #t# occurs in ed b 121 &c., edhalden 13, b 73 (but ethalt 87), prude 30: #t# is assimilated in ȝisceunge 14, 16 (#gītsung#), ȝiscere 79: milce b 182 is #milts#, milci b 175 #miltsie#: #tt# is simplified in cat b 2. #d# has disappeared in mungunge b 52; it is doubled in foddre b 5: _t_ for #d# appears in ontfule 31, worltlich 36, b 107, b 108 (but worldliche b 139): mið 53 is Anglian for mid: #dd# is simplified in bidest b 238. Initial #þ# often becomes _t_ after _t_, _d_, te 5, 32, b 178, b 216, tis 83, teo b 179, ter b 196, but þe b 43, b 171, þah b 196, þat b 215; it is lost in forfearinde 29, _d_ is written for it in edscene b 147, ladlich b 7, _t_ in leste b 37. For #s#, _ce_ appears in ȝisceunge 14, 16; ȝiscere 79 is #gītsere#: #sć# is regularly _sch_, schrift 19, schende b 52, weschen b 145, but _ssch_ in dissches 93. The stop #c# is commonly written _k_ before _e_, _i_, kemese b 83, kene 69, kimeð 94, awakenet 24, lokeð b 215, makien 48, rikenin 25, stikeð 92, and _ck_ after another consonant in þonckið b 228, also in easkeð b 203, esken 79; in other positions _c_, cat b 2, com b 74, cumeð 41, locunge b 143, exceptions are kues b 5, kun b 72: ah 25 is Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#: _k_ is inserted as a glide sound in skleatteð 53; see Archiv cxxxi. 305. #č# is _ch_, chearre b 238, cwencheð b 165, brech b 41, iþench b 237, kealche 103, swuch b 18, but keorue b 34, keoruinde 65, conformed to #curfon, corfen#. #čč# is _cch_ in wicche(creftes) 7; isticchet b 142 is a ME. formation descending from OE. #stiče#; contrast stikeð 92 (Bülbring § 499, anm. 5). #cw# is usually preserved, cwide 13, forecwidderes 57, but quoð b 76. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_, biȝete 12, ȝemeð 16; _h_ is written for #g# in murhðe b 221, orhel 38, teoheði 12; #g# is lost in sygaldren 6; #čǧ# is _gg_, liggen b 28, seggen b 72. Initial #h# is lost in lahheð 97, lahtre 50, lud 38, lust 54, ring b 64; #hh# is simplified in laheð 83 and #h# doubled in crohhe 94 (#crōh#).

(2) =Of B.= The principal divergences from A are noted. Some of them are due to the scribe’s inexperience; his handling of the consonants in particular is confused. _eo_ in eondfule 48 for _o_ from #a# before length. group is a French writing; similar is neolden 89. #æ# is _a_ in bras 103, inohraþe 42, hwat 9, nappes 94, þat 16, craftes 7. cwude 12 is from #cwyde#; liki 50 is a mistake for loki; #u# is _o_ in open 64 (#uppan#); #y# is _i_ in mint 97. In leouerð 49, eo is for _o_ from #ā#; ea 53 represents #ā#, ever; comp. nea L 1552, 1555. #ǣ{1}# is _a_ in agastan 57, ilad 4, 19, _e_ in asnesen 68, hest 17, lesse 60, wredfule 32, _ae_ (= æ) in aetri 31, _ea_ in eawer 72, 99: #ǣnig# is ai 8, 15, ei 7. #ǣ{2}# is _e_ in ilened 15, as generally in A.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in barm 70, _e_ in bernes 74, sherpe 64, but sharpe 63, 66: #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_, swerd 64, but sweordes 68. There is no _å_-umlaut in ateliche 57 (but eateliche 68), vnstaþelfast 5, fared 78, forfarinde 29, paþered 80, as in A: skletteð 53 is OWScand. sletta. #seofon# is sewe 28. #ēa# is _e_, drem 37, 75, reflac 14; #ēo# is also _e_ in strenes 28, thehewen 12: #gief# is gif 9. #æ# + #g# gives mai 4, 25; #ā# + #w#, out 51, slauwe 70, slaþ 11 miswritten for slaw; #ǣ{1}# + #w#, areawe 32, slauþe 20, slouþe 10; #ēo# + #w#, trouþe 17. In syllables of minor stress _a_ appears for #e#, bemares 36, galnasse 23, warpare 63; _e_ for #æ#, ethalden 12, _i_ for #u#, neominge 7; _e_ for #ō#, te 15 &c., tegederes 79: #on# is a 74. _e_ is often inserted medially between consonants, bolehed 85, iboregen 41, deoueles 42, deouelen 57, iugelurs 46, wigeled 96.

For #w#, _u_ is written in uule 72. #l# is lost in fundes 12, #n# in cunen 46, druch 20. For #p#, _b_ is written in unbischbed 17: #f# medial occurs in bifore 39, biforen 60, vnstaþelfast 5, but biuoren 62 as in A, deoules 70 and _w_ for _u_ in biworen 94, eawer 72, 99, giwere 105, keorwinde 64, 69, kniwes 62, underweng 73. For #t#, _d_ appears in bihald 82, blend 80; #ts# is _ss_ in gissere 78, gissunge 14, but giscunge 13; #d# is lost in an 25 (but and 86 and consequently ⁊ þe 31, 73); it is unaltered in ondfule 31, wondrede 76, worldlich 35, where A has _t_: _t_ is written for #d# in hont 60, lauert 95, _ð_ for #d#, leouerð 49; _d_ is often written for #ð#, beod 19 &c., drahed 35, gemed 15, libbed 33, puffed 36, serued 34, shuled 52, slead 30, tutelid 71, wid 2, wredfule 32, wigeled 96, wurden 87; _t_ for #þ#, fondet 29, gat 2, _w_ for #þ#, thehewen 12, warwið 89. #sc# is regularly _sh_, dishes 93, shal 87, shruden 90, &c.: etheliche 76 is miswritten for echeliche; in richkeneres 81, _k_ was added above as a correction of _ch_ not deleted; #cw# is _qu_ in forquiddares 56. _g_ is used for #ġ#, agein 5, bigete 11, ge 1. _cht_ for #ht# is frequent, drichtines 40, iplicht 17, richte 14; _þ_ for #h# occurs in þwitel 89, _th_ for #h# in þothten 38, for _t_ in thehewen 12.

(3) =Of N.= For an account dealing with the whole of Morton’s text see Ostermann: the examples given in the following summary illustrate such differences as exist between N and A. Oral #a# is _a_, blasie 143 (#blase#, _sb._), wasshen 124, wassheð 95; gledie 204 is influenced by #glæd#: #a# before nasals and length. groups is _o_; hwon 6, 87, seldwhonne 179 are the usual forms, but þeonne 5, 144, 181 by influence of heonne. #æ# is regularly _e_, keppen 38, veder 154, ueste 37, gledliche 168; occasionally _ea_, heater 29, readliche 77; _a_ in hateren AR 104/24, later 151, was 3 (Bülbring, Ablaut 62), water 76, and the flexion forms baruot 34, warliche 127. #e# is _e_, blodbendes 64; raised to _i_ before a palatal, sigge 110, 130, siggen 152 (South-Eastern and Kentish); _u_ in stude 153, sullen 12, swuche 18 &c. #i# is _i_, but _u_ in hwuder 103, wute 138, nute 107. #o# is _o_: #u# is _u_, kumeð 184: #y#, _u_, drunch 187, wurcheð 70. #ā# is regularly _o_, anon 69, boðe 105, mone 8, more 196, but _oa_ in moare 154, woanes 19 (comp. woaning 2/15, 2/25); _eo_ in beoðe 173, 182, and _a_ in lates 127 (Scand. lát). #ǣ{1}# is regularly _e_, clene 22, eni 93, geð 100, wreððe 133, but _ea_ in arearen 140, unweawed 119, heale 193. #ǣ{2}# is mostly _e_, leten 108, lete 19, but _ea_ in heare 36, readeð 208, weaden 125, and _a_ in hwarse 95, hwarto 126. The representation of #ǣ{1}# and #ǣ{2}# is therefore practically identical. #ē# is _e_; #ī#, _i_, but _u_ in hwule 71, 198, ihwulen 73, swuðe 197, wummen 171: #ō# is _o_; #ū#, _u_; #ȳ#, _u_, hure 167, schruden 67, but _ui_, expressing length, in huire 6, 164, 205.