Chapter XXV: Part 25

580. #engel tale#: ‘on engleis speche,’ GE 14; ‘on engleis tale,’ id. 450; ‘On engle speche,’ id. 814.

582. ‘May God help him kindly,’ Morris; this involves helpe, mot, where we should expect helpen, mote. Mätzner suggested wel e mot, God help him, well he may.

583. #sorge ⁊ grot#: see 199/74.

584. #cold ⁊ hot#: see 44/232-236.

586. #spilen#, disport themselves.

589. Comp. ‘And to alle cristene men | beren pais and luue bitwen,’ GE 7. After #us#, Holthausen adds be: perhaps, ben ús | bitwén.

_Cross-References_

2/13, 3/32 (notes) = I. B (Worcester Fragments)
12/14 (note) = V. (A Parable)
21/94 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred)
36/126, 46/292, 52/387 (notes) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
100/122 (note) = XIV. (Laȝamon)
134/96 (note) = XVIII. (The Orison of our Lady)
196/657 (note) = XXI. (The Bestiary)
197/16 (note) = _present selection_
211/483 (note) = XXII. (Genesis and Exodus)
359 = IX. Ancrene Wisse, Phonology, under “ea”.
pp. 564-565 = XX. (The Owl and the Nightingale) under Metre.

_Errata_

#Phonology:# ... but ‘loac,’ GE 1798 [GE.]
#ǣ{1}# is _e_ [#æ{1}#]
#ēa# is _e_ ... (#wēox# from #weacsan#) [wæcsan]
#a# + #g# ... #ǣ{2}# + #g# [#æ{2}#]
#Accidence:# ... onsagen 99, ðeden 356 have added n [adden]
#Vocabulary:# ... til 60, ðeden 84 [ðeðen]
#Metre:# ... Goód is | quað jós|eph [quáð]
ii b. Ór | for misdéd|e or fór | onságen [ii. b.]
quát | he wóren, 434: [434;]
i a. Kínde | lúue | gan him óu|ergón [1 a.]
J́c am | iosép | drédeð | gu nógt [Jć am]
euẹrilc 268
[_text unchanged, but body text has eu{er}ilc almost throughout_]
308. #Kinde ðhogt#, [đhogt]
which our writer seems to have used here. [here.’]
356. ... CM 3914 [CM.]
371. ... OEM 117/244. [OEM.]

XXIII. KENTISH SERMONS

#Manuscript:# Laud Misc. 471, Bodleian Library; on vellum, 188 × 130 mm.: consists of two manuscripts bound together; the former, mostly Latin, has at f. 65 r, ‘Man may longe liwes wenen’ (see p. 308). The second manuscript, of the end of the thirteenth century, begins at f. 92 with Grosseteste’s Château d’Amour; on f. 128 r is Maurice de Sully’s sermon for January 1st in French, then follows the present article. Other sermons in French by Sully begin on f. 138 v^2, but they do not include the originals of these English translations.

#Facsimile:# Skeat, W. W., Twelve Facsimiles, Oxford, 1892; plate v gives ll. 19-78.

#Editions:# Morris, R., An Old English Miscellany, pp. 26-36. Kluge, F., Mittelenglisches Lesebuch, pp. 19-25.

#Literature:# Danker, O., Die Laut- und Flexionslehre der mittelkentischen Denkmäler, Strassburg, 1879; Heuser, W., Zum kent. Dialekt im Mittelenglischen, Anglia, xvii. 73-81; *Konrath, M., Zur Laut- und Flexionslehre des Mittelkentischen, Archiv, lxxxviii. 47-66, 157-180, lxxxix. 153-166; Reimann, M., Die Sprache der mittelkentischen Evangelien, Berlin, 1883. =Of the French original, Manuscripts and Text=: Meyer, P., Romania, v. 466, xxiii. 178, xxviii. 245; Documents manuscrits, Paris, 1871, pp. 157, 158, 244; Boucherie, A., Le Dialecte poitevin au xiii^e siècle, Niort, 1873; =the Author=: Mortet, V., Maurice de Sully, évêque de Paris, in Mémoires de la Société de l’histoire de Paris, xvi. 105; Bourgain, L., La Chaire française au xii^e siècle, Paris, 1879; Lecoy de la Marche, A., La Chaire française au Moyen Âge, Paris 1868.

#Phonology:# Oral #a# is _a_, habbe 75, last 212; awakede 172 has its form from #āwacian#, its meaning from #āweccan#. #a# before nasals is _a_, fram 35 (5 times), man 120 &c., þan _conj._ 34, þanne 47, 160, wanne 21 (4); #man# indef. pron. is man 112, me 34; apparently lengthened in naam 237, from the plural. #a# before lengthening groups is _o_, belongeth 86, fond 206 (3), hond 138, londes 31, longe 246, 275, but shortened and 10, answerden 18, and amenges 217, influenced by #gemengan#. #æ# is divided between _e_, efter 22 (3), hedde 41 (8), hedden 11 (12), nedden 242, hest 101, smech 50, 53, þet 10 (47), wet 42, 151 and _a_, hadde 173, spac 20, 87, þat 54 (23), uastinge 57, was 6 &c., wat 26, 86, 174, 221, watere 91 (6), stressless at 84 (6), ate 229; from OE. forms in #a#, almichti 5 (6), fader 48, habbe 67; flexion form bak (biteres) 111; iheed 248 represents OE. #gehæfd#. #e# is _e_, be _prep._ 39 &c., iþenche 282, wrench 275; before lengthening groups ende 161, strengþe 267; but bi 54 &c., swiche 127 (4), siche 179, wiche 145, wyche 112; #e# is raised to _i_ in sigge 53 (11), togidere 95 from the umlaut form togedere, wrichede 59, comp. #wrecca#; with bie _prep._ 94, 228 for bi, comp. ‘beo’ for be, Reimann § 18. 2 f; in angles 150 _a_ is probably due to French influence, although _a_ for umlaut #e# before nasal is characteristic of the South-Eastern area, see 439/9-13, 269/25-27. The isolated _o_ in ongel 28 beside angles may be set down to the representation of OF. a before nasal + cons. in Southern ME. indifferently as _a_ or _o_, so in Ayenbite, chambren, chombre, chongi (Behrens 78), but the scribe of KS writes always sergant, serganz. #i# is _i_, wille 22, finde 24, often written _y_, especially in contact with #m#, #n#, agyn 212, hym 13; here 85, her, is an early instance of the spelling with _e_. #o# is _o_, dorste 87, wolde 23, but an 71, ane 242 (#an#), a 192 through loss of stress; þane 175, 274, 281 is LWS. #þane#. #u# is _u_, icume 216, 253, to cumene 284, luuie 74, hifunde 21, undren 205 (3), but _o_ in awondrede 177, come 60, comme 55, cometh 22, 159, icomen 215, ffolvellet 90, fonden 208, ifonden 27, louie 243; see 269/31. #y# is _e_, spusbreche 110, chereche 149, dede 205, euele 107 (12), ferst 96 (7), uuluelden 93, manken 41, senne 61 (14), þenche 245, werm 55, berdene 219, but forþingketh 221, due to palatal influence, kinges 7, mirre 11, 54, as in French original, niste 98, analogy of #wiste#, formeste 134 (#formest#). #ā# is _o_, aros 169, holi 5 &c., no 55, none 156, on _art._ 202, one 134, 199, o 14, one _numer._ 117 &c., doubled in aróós 171, hool 137, hóót 74, 280, noon 148, 221, 282; before two consonants, _o_, bitockned 107 &c., gost 48, onlepi 48; but the indef. article is mostly an, ane, a, so too anoþer 30, anoþren 34; askede 13, 17, haleghen 146 have shortened _a_, contrast ‘oxi,’ Ayenbite 114/1; with namore 87 comp. nammore 231/14. #ǣ{1}# is regularly _e_, anhet 115, wreþe 188, doubled in anhéét 116, 124, before two consonants, clensed 139, euerich 122 (5), leuedi 83, leuedis 31, but aueriche 69, lauedi 6, 87, goth 51, with _o_ from the plural. #ǣ{2}# is also _e_, euen 206 (5), þer 60 &c., wer 13 (4), were 91 (4), ofdred 16, werefore 69 (3), but war 26 (#hwār#), ware 91, waren 215, 216. #ē# is _e_, akelþ 108, deþ 70 (3), he 15 &c., se _art._ 13 &c., wenden 216, but doþ 179, with _o_ from the plural, ha 20 &c., a 250, 264, mostly stressless. #ī# is _i_, hwilem 19, niþing 121, wyn 84; doubled in hij 248; before two consonants, wyman 87, winyarde 203; the only exception is bleþeliche 182, comp. ‘blethliche,’ Seuyn Sages 503 (Kentish), ‘bleþeliche,’ Ayenbite, 20/26; according to Konrath (p. 172) #ē# in MK. had a very close sound approaching #ī#, which led to their interchange, but there is also ‘bluðeliche’ 119/80, OEH i. 31/4 which needs accounting for. #ō# is _o_, comen 35 (4), into 12, to 22, sothfast 38, doubled in good 120, 183, 281, goodman 202, but _a_ in kam 12 (4) and reduced to _e_ in te 7, 20, 256, te dai 5 (4), euerte 135, neuerte 248, inte 250, 251. #ū# is _u_, bute 279, ut 239, upward 51, doubled in uut 202, but _o_ in bote 244, don 170. #ȳ# is _e_, bredale 80, fer 112, ueréé 51, here 203, herde 208, iherde 228, iherede 232, iherd 248, prede 188, wéé 207 (#hwȳ#); before two consonants, bredgume 99, but ihierde 236 where _ie_ may be a writing for _ē_, or equivalent to [je], litle 143 (#litel#).

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in art 124, 125, winyarde 203 &c., to . . . ward 51, but _e_ in forewerde 203, 204 in syllable of minor stress. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, al 8 &c., and its compounds, falle 155, halt 283, before #ld#, _a_ in chald 109, schald 108, _o_ in chold 124, itold 67, 222 (as bold, bolde in Ayenbite), but before #lde#, _ia_ (as for #ēa#) in ialde 39, ihialde 101; this alternation of _a_ (not _o_) and _ia_, as short and long, is specifically Kentish. The _i_-umlaut is _e_, elde 260, 268, 270. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_, verrene 35, herte 45 (6), sterft 154, sterre 7 (4), werkes 50 (8), werkmen 203 (3), before lengthening groups, erþe 82, 135, erþliche 65, husberners 111; Kentish absence of _i_-umlaut (Bülb. § 187) in ismered 55; uerste 223. #eo# before #lf# is _e_, selue 115, seluen 123, 183. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #e# is _e_, fele 224, 270, heuene 29 (9); after #w#, _o_ in wordle 191, world 228. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i# is _e_ in beneme 186, clepie 181, clepeþ 262, selure 64, here 11 (10), but hire 27, 30, 185. #ea# after palatals is _a_, sal 34 (4), yaf 158, 214. #ie# after #ġ# is _e_, yeue 210, 251, yeft 35, yefþ 272, yeue 71, 159, yef 213, yeld 211, yeftte 37. EWS. #gief# is yef 24 &c. #eo# after #sć# is _o_, solle 271, sollen 200, 254, solde 14 (5), solden 250, but sulle 223. #eom# is am 184, #heom#, hem 10 &c.

#ēa# is _ia_, beliaue 41 (6), diadlich 41, 264, diadliche 143 (7), diath 41, diaþe 274, griat 201, griate 234, 272, _ya_ in yare 282, but _ea_ in beleaue 45 (6), great 141, 169, greater 267, _a_ in belaue 67, _e_ in gret 171, grete 143: slon 24 is from a form with #ā#. The spelling with _e_ [ē] is not Kentish, that with _a_ is probably meant for _ea_, which is historic spelling of the same import as the specifically Kentish _ia_, _ya_. The phonetic value of the latter is in dispute. Sweet says probably [jaa], that is, with accent shifting; Konrath [jœ̄] for the initial, [œ̄] for the medial position; Heuser maintains that the symbols must have the same value wherever placed and suggests for it [eǣ]. The _i_-umlaut of #ēa# is _e_, beleue 47, 250, bileue 75, bileued 242, beleuede 103, iherde 14, 19, iherd 62 (4), ihere 282, ihereþ 106, 224, onlepi 48, onlepiliche 65, but _ie_ in ihiereth 42, niedes 181, 185, nyede 180. #ēo# initial is _ye_, yede 12 (7); medial, _ie_ bien 18, 192, bieth 59, 68, bieþ 152 (10), bied 116, biedh 143, dieule 61, forbiet 73, liese 16, liesed 114, liest 145, 153, forliest 154, but _e_ in betuene 9, deuel 187, deueles 241, frend 221, helden 235, iuel 84, prest 40, and _i_ in sike 58, sikman 136; final, _ie_, _ye_, bie 178, 223, 156, 207, ibye 219, hie 207 (#hēo#), hye 87, þrie 7 (5) and _i_, bi 14, 71, 139, si 6 (10), hi 87, but _e_ in be (swo) 263, ibe 238, 239, 241, 246, 247. The medial _ie_, which is characteristic of Kentish, has, according to Sweet, the value of diphthongic [jee], according to Konrath, of the monophthong ē; final _ie_, _ye_ is ī. The _i_-umlaut of #ēo# is _e_, þefte 144. #ēa# after #ġ# is _e_ in yere 66, #ēo#, _e_ in yemer 114, yemere 113, yemernesse 56, but Morsbach (Anglia, Beiblatt, vii. 326) regards it as umlaut e. #gīet# is yet 118.

#a# + #g# is _agh_, daghen 252, laghe 17 (3), but _ai_ in daies 66: mowe 53, 260, moue 72, muee 33 represent the subjunctive form #mugon#: seith 183, 242, seiþ 184, seyth 201, seid 113, 274 come from #segeþ#. #æ# + #g# is _ai_, dai 5 &c., day 33 (5), mai 148 &c., may 58 (5), maidene 237, vaire 177, but deai 219: seide 20 &c., seyde 88 (6), seiden 172, seyden 217, iseid 19 represent #segde# &c.: sede 86, seden 230 descend from #sǣde#, #sǣdon#. #e# + #g# is _ei_, ileid 170, weye 30: ayen 30, 206, agenes 269 descend from #ongēn#, so toyenes 235; tojanes 8 (influence of _n_), from #tōgēanes#, comp. 428/37. #i# + #g# final is _i_, bodi 60, mani 118, peni 251; lauedi 87, leuedi 83 represent #hlǣfdī#; the spirant is lost in bodie 158. #u# + #g#: mowe 75. #ā# + #g# is seen in oghe 112, #ǣ{1}# + #h# in tachte 249 (shortened #tāhte#), #ō# + #h# in ibrocht 99, nocht 23 (5); in cróós 90 the spirant has been absorbed; nacht 65, 104, 146 comes from shortened #nāht#. The _i_-umlaut of #ea# + #ht# is _e_ in the specifically Kentish manslechtes 111 (Bülb. § 180 b), but _i_ in almichti 5, micht 137, michte 24, nicht 28. #ēo# + #ht# is _i_ in bricht, brichtnesse 44, richt 209, unricht 221: wesse 92 is #wēoscon#. #ēo# + #g# is _e_ in legheþ 275; #īe# + #ht#, #i# in licht 46. #e# + #w#: iseghe 176 comes from #gesegen#. #ā# + #w# is _au_, saule 159, saulen 191: seghe 105, seghen 25, 215 come from #sǣgon#. #ī# + #w#: newe 134. #ēa# + #w# is seen in feaue 224, seaweth 199, seawede 37, 39, seauede 237, seaude 249, seauinge 8, seywinge 32, miswriting, perhaps for sewinge. #ēo# + #w# occurs in biknewe 8, furti 266 shortened, yure 64, final yu 89, 210, yw 174, 251. Accents are more sparingly used than in piece v, 275/40; they appear to emphasize the length of a vowel already doubled to indicate length in anhéét 116 (anheet 124), aróós 171 (aros 169), cróós 90, hóót 74, 280 (hot 88, 279), wéé 207; in beleauéé 230, icornéé 224, ueréé 51, séé 169, 175 short inflectional e is doubled and accented, possibly to point out that it is not silent, but muee 33 is without accent; similarly iléke 61 (ileke 72, 73, ilke 59), offréde 38 (offrede 38): in galiléé 78 (Vulgate Cana Galilaeae) separate pronunciation of the vowels is indicated.

In godespelle 5, 32, 199, haleghen 146, iherede 232, ileke 61, leuedis 31, leuedi 83, lauedi 6, moreghen 202 a glide _e_ has been inserted, a final _e_ added in ate 229, ofte 275; #e# is lost in icornéé 224, mor 34. For #e#, _ie_ is written in sollie 160, #o# is _e_ in sikerliche 187. The prefix in akelþ 108 is #a-# intensive; in agyn 212, alast 236, anhet 115 &c., #an-#, #on-#; in astrengþed 179 #a-# from #ar-#; in answerden 18, #and-#; in awondrede 177, #of-#: #be-# is mostly _bi-_, but betokned 116 (3), #ge-#, _i-_, ihende 55, iwil 114, but it is lost in bore 71. The suffix in sothfast 38 is #-fæst# (in the Ayenbite it appears as -uest), in felarede 147, #-rǣden#, in childhede 262, #-hǣd#; the termination of verbal nouns is -ing, as in ME. gauelinge 144; in baþieres 92 the suffix is Fr. -ière.

#w# is written _u_ in betuene 9, suo 135, uilleth 200; it has disappeared in siche 179, so 59: vrefore 246 is miswritten for werfore. Metathesis of #r# is seen in undren 205, in loruerde 103 the scribe has added #r# by anticipation. #ll# is simplified in ffolvellet 90, uuluelden 93, godspel 242, iwil 114 &c.; Kentish wordle 191 &c. alternates with world 228. #m# is doubled in comme 55; #mm# simplified in wyman 87. The preposition in is reduced to i 5 &c.; #nn# is simplified in clenesse 92, cumene 284, done 191, heþenesse 8; #n# is lost in heueriche 252, 256, 281. #bb# is simplified in habeþ 259. Initial #f# is _u_, _v_ in vaire 177, uastinge 57, velaghes 218, ueréé 51, verrene 35, uerste 223, uuluelden 93 and medially between vowels and vowellikes, ffolvellet 90, iuel 84, over 26, senuulle 142, with exceptions bifore 25, 104, underfonge 254, þerefore 254, werefore 238, vrefore 246, otherwise _f_ occurs under all conditions. #f# is assimilated in hedde 41, lost in hest 101, iheed 248, lordes 32, lordinges 31. For #t#, _th_ appears in wath 102 (comp. ethe in Ayenbite), and _td_ in hotestd 266: #t# is doubled in yeftte 37, lost in beste 100, last 212 and finally in þa 82, 180, þe 39, 280. #d# is doubled in risindde 8; #dd# simplified in ofdred 16. For #þ#, _th_ is often written in verbal terminations, _t_ occurs in habbet 62, 64, 85, maket 121, _d_ in bied 116, bitockned 107, bitokned 142, betokned 116, 143, 152, 266, drinked 115, hatied 278, _tþ_ in habbetþ 219, _dh_ in biedh 143, clepiedh 185, hatedh 73, mudh 113. Initial #þ# is _t_ twice, to 58, 175 after and; the scribe must have had ant in mind or in his exemplar. A parasitic #þ# has been inserted in alþer 266, OE. #ealra#, an early instance of a form common in the South. For voiced #s#, _z_ occurs in sechez 21, serganz 88, 89, signefiez 142, but it is not used initially. #ss# appears as _sc_ in blisce 70. #sc# is _s_, sal 34, seawede 37, solle 271, sulle 223, srifte 159, flesliche 43, fles 237, but ssipe 168 (4), wesse 92, flesce 56, flessce 59. The stop #c# is _k_ before _e_, _i_, akelþ 108, wakie 57, before _a_, _u_, kam 12, kuþe 17, in combination with consonants, biknewe 8, tokningge 141, folk 135, except _cl_, _cr_, clenesse 92, croos 90: it is _c_ before _o_, cometh 22. Finally it is _c_ or _k_, spac 20, bak 111, tok 139, 175: #c# is written _ck_ in betockneþ 225, bitockneþ 268, bitockned 107, and _gk_ in forþingketh 222. The graph #xp# (= χρ) is used in xpisteneman 107 &c., xpisteman 109: the Latin text has chana 78 for Cana. #č# is _ch_, besech 125, bisecheth 182, chald 109, chold 124, chereche 149, child 21, euerich 122, -lich 41 &c., michel 15, kingriche 16, seche 36, speche 33, swiche 127, techinge 231, þenche 245, wiche 145, wrench 275, _sch_ in schald 108, but hic 22 &c., besekeþ 68: #čč# is _ch_, smech 50, wrichede 59. Palatal #g# is written _y_, ayen 30, toyenes 235, (wyn)yarde 203, yaf 158, ye 21, yemer 114, yere 66, yeue 210, yeftte 37, the doubling in winyyarde 272 was without intention: _y_ is lost in iyue 133, #gegiefen#. It has developed to _w_ in mowe 53, moue 72 and is lost in muee 33; other spellings are seen in tojanes 8, hye 64: yu 89, yure 64 have imitated ye, #gē#. #g# is lost finally in words ending in #-ig#. #čǧ# is _gg_ in sigge 53 &c. The guttural stop is written _g_, gold 11, king 15, doubled in tokningge 141: for #ng#, _nk_ appears in kink 38, offrinke 34, 36, þinkes 74, 112. The spirant is _gh_, daghen 252, haleghen 146, laghe 17, legheþ 275, oghe 112, seghe 105, moreghen 202, sorghen 185. Similarly the guttural spirant #h# is represented by _ch_, ibrocht 99, nacht 65, nocht 23, þurch 119 &c., but þurh 188; palatal are bricht 44, licht 46, michte 24, nicht 28, richt 209. _h_ is added in hac 87, hic 66 &c., hifunde 21, his 218, hure 178, 198, hut 279, hye 64: #h# is lost in i 43, 250, is 232, ise 168, 246. #hr# is _r_, raþe 140, as already in OE., #hw#, _w_, wee 207, wer 13, vrefore 246, wiche 145, wo 48, wylem 38, but hwilem 19, 258, hwylem 117.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n._ sune 48 represents sunu. _Gen._ -es, domes 192, liues 275; heueriche 252, 256, 281 is a composition form: _d._ -e, bodie 158, with short stem vowel, daye 69, daie 220, 227, gode 49 (10), marcatte 206, ueréé 51; exceptions are god 47, gost 72, iwil 157; peny 203 is probably accusative: the time words dai 5 (11), midday 205 (3), euen 235, moreghen 202 (5), undren 205 (3) are treated as accusatives, as occasionally in OE. #tō-dæg#, #on mid-dæg#, #on undern#. In the _acc._ bodi 60, peny 213, 215, 216, peni 251, 255, 281 have lost final #g#. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, bakbiteres 111, lordinges 31, daies 66, but husberners 111, croos 90; neuters are _n._ þinges 59, 61; _a._ þinges 73, 74, þinkes 74, werkes 50 (5), faten 91, 93. _Pl. d._ -es, angles 150, londes 31, 36, werkes 68 (4), writes 183, but daghen 252, wyntre 266 (comp. _nom._ #wintru#). All feminine nouns of the strong declension have -e throughout the singular, except _n._ lauedi 87, leuedi 83; _d._ lauedi 6, world 228, 238, 258, 263, wordl 230 (but wordle 191, 236, 243); _a._ hond 138. Plurals are _n._ deden 111, saulen 191, sennen 145, leuedis 31, tides 227; _d._ hertes 72, niedes 181, 185, offringes 63, wordles 259, sennen 147, sorghen 185; _a._ sennen 142, 143, 160. Nouns of the weak declension have -e throughout the singular, _n._ sterre 7, tunge 282, yare 282; _d._ bredgume 99, sunne 44, time 168; _a._ beliaue 41; plurals are _d._ haleghen 146; _a._ time 228. The minor declensions are represented by man _s. n._ 123, sikman 136, xpistenman 69, goodman 202, wyman 87, mannes _s. g._ 147, cristenemannes 45, men _s. d._ 260, manne 46, 120, cristenemanne 52, 69, man 265, 267, 268, _s. a._ 120, men _pl. n._ 15, _pl. d._ 153, _pl. a._ 142, werkmen 203; fader _s. n._ 48; frend _s. n._ 221; child _s. a._ 21; nicht _s. d._ 28. The French nouns have -es in the _pl._, except geus 15, gyus 13, paens 245, 247, serganz 88, 89.

Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain it throughout; those in #-ig# lose g and are invariable in the singular, so stille, newe, holi, onlepi 48. Weak inflections are _s. n. m._ euele 107, 109, gode 44, 45, vaire 177, _f._ gode 52, _s. g. m._ gode 45, _s. d. m._ euele 120, gode 46, 52, _f._ griate 272, ialde 39, _neut._ wrichede 59; strong, _s. g. neut._ longe 275, _s. d. m._ gode 67, 230, _f._ diadliche 150, 153, 154, 157, 189, 278, griate 234, _neut._ euele 157, _s. a. m._ gode 173. Not inflected are weak _s. a. neut._ heþen 239; strong, _s. d. f._ diadlich 264, _neut._ good 183, yemer 114, _s. a. m._ god 234, good 120, hool 137, _s. a. f._ gret 171, griat 201. French words have no inflection. The plural ends in -e, bitere 59, diadliche 143, euele 109, 156, senuulle 142, verrene 35, but heþen 252 and the predicative idel 207, 238, 241, 246 are uninflected. #litel# is litle, _s. d. m._ 174, _pl. d._ 147, _pl. a._ 143; #āgen#, oghe, _s. n. m._ 112. #ān# _adj._ is _n._ an before vowel 28, a before consonant 80, 136, 169, o 14, _d._ ane _f._ 81, _neut._ 168, _a._ ane 203, 213, 214, 216, emphatic form on _n._, a certain, 202, one _d._ 134, _a._ 199: the numeral and pronoun is _d._ one 117, 118, 168, on 221, _a._ on 218: #nān# _adj._ is _s. n._ no 55, 148, 273, noon 282, _d. f._ no 263, _neut._ none 157, _a. neut._ noon before vowel 221, no 85, _pl. d._ none 156: the pronoun is _n. s._ noon 148, non 247, 274. Adjectives with inflection used as nouns are euele _s. d._ 126, 138, gode 126, eueles _pl. d._ 190, godes 65, gode _pl. a._ 58; euel 186, good 281, unricht 221 are _s. a. neut._ Comparatives are greater _s. d. f._ 267 (2); more 217, namore 87 used as nouns: superlatives, formeste 134, beste 100, 102; used as nouns are ferste _pl._ 213, uerste _pl._ 223, laste _pl._ 218, 224; predicative are hotestd 266, ferst 224, last 223.

The personal pronouns are hic 22 (8), i(ne) 104, 221, me, we, us, þu, þe, ye, hye 64, yu, yw 174, 251. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 15 &c., ha 20 (21) often stressless, a 250, 264, ha in has 69, hi 26 for he, hi _f._ 87, hye 87, hit _neut._ 18, with _m. f._ nouns 50, 175; _d._ him _m._ 11, hire _f._ 86; _a._ hine _m._ 172, 283, hyne 10, hin 27 before vowel, hym 13 (possibly dative), hit _neut._ 21; _pl. n._ hi 8 &c., hie 207, i 43, 250; _g._ here 216; _d._ hem 10; _a._ hi 185, 204, hij 248, hem 17 (possibly dative), is in has 69, his 218. Reflexives are hine 148, him 170, him seluen 123, hem _pl. d._ 217, _pl. a._ 25, 92, 177; definitive are himselue _s. d. neut._ 115, himseluen 183: possessives, mine _s. d. m._ 209, 250, 251, _f._ 137, _neut._ 138, min _s. a. neut._ 222; þine _s. d. m._ 219; his _s._ 211 &c., is 232, _pl._ hise 15, 83, 171, ise 168, 246, his 103, 146, 150, 233; here 85; ure 5, 68, 280, hure 178, 198; yure 64; here 11 (10), hire 27, 30, 185. In the following account of the article and demonstrative the translator is assumed to have taken the genders of French nouns from the French original. The definite article is _s. n._ se _m._ 13 (15), þe 211, þe commencement 102, þe miracle 140, þo 265, si _f._ 31 (6), and with _masc._ nouns 6, 12, 45, si miracle 31, 177, þe 141, 255, þe custome 93, þe nature 266, þet _neut._ 32 (12); _g._ þes _m._ 214 (perhaps miswritten for his); _d._ þo _m._ 9 (17), þe 50 (13), þo _f._ 8 (18), þe 45 (6), þe cite 6, þo _neut._ 5 (12), þe 33 (8); _a._ þane _m._ 175, 274, 281, þan 206, 235, þo 25, 269, þo miracle 176, þe 44 (7), se 107, þo _f._ 70 (11), (and) to 175, þe 53 (7), þet _neut._ 21 (8); _instrumental_ þe 105, 178: _pl. n._ þo 24 (17), þe 226, 247; _d._ þo 7 (11), þe 183; _a._ þo 56 (12), (and) to 58, þe 58, 89, 228, 229, 245. Þet is demonstrative _adj._ 42 (3), 49, 54 (2), 281, also þa _s. d. m._ 82, _s. d. neut._ 82, 180, þo _s. d. m._ 267; the plural is þo 59, 72, 73, 74 (2), 145, 147, 176, þa _d._ 252: þet is demonstrative pronoun 22, 68, 281, þat 150, 152, 161, þe[t] 280; for þet 15, 23, 24 means because, be þet 37, by that that: the plural is þo, mostly with relatives, þo þet 108 &c., those who, 231, those to whom, 283, for those who: other pronominal uses of the article are seen in se þet 96, 154, 180, he who, for þan 272, on that account, er þane 171 (read þan), before. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þes _m._ 225, þis, þis commencement 102, þis miracle 140, 177, þis _f._ þis signefiance 122, þis tempeste 171; _d._ þise _m._ 210, _f._ 152 (4), þis 229 (6), þise _neut._ 84, 97; _a._ þise _f._ 204, 222, þis _neut._ 20: _pl. n._ þos 210, 217, _a._ 90, 91. The relative is þet and þat; it means that which in 43, 209, 243, 278, 279, 280, in which 82, anyone who 208. Interrogative are wat 86, 174, 221, wet 42, 151, wiche 145, wyche 112; the correlative is swiche _s. d. m._ 179, siche _s. a. m._ 179, swiche _pl._ 127, 191, 262: #ilca# is ilke _pl._ 59, ileke 61, 72, 73, ilek 74. Indefinites are wo so 48; me 34, 38, 58, 145, man 112, 274; oþer 188, oþre _pl._ 111, 121, 210, oþer 100, 153; anoþer _s. d. m._ 30, anoþren 34; euerich 122, 216, eueriche _s. d. m._ 213, 260, aueriche 69, euerich 214; mani 118, 234; fele 224, 270; feaue _pl._ 224; al _s._ 243 &c., alle _pl._ 15 &c., _pl. g._ alþer 266.

Verbs in #-an#, except the contract slon 24, have infinitive in -e, bidde 75, bileue 75, yeue 251 and twenty-five other examples; those in #-ian# with short stem vowel have -ie, luuie 74, hatie 72, makie 34, 137, wakie 57, with long stem vowel, -i, loki 148. French verbs with consonant stems follow the latter, acumbri 187, anuri 22, onuri 24, serui 75 (3), somoni 16, suffri 41, targi 273, uisiti 57, with these is associated offri 10. The _dat. infinitive_ is inflected in to cumene 284 only; it has -en in to siggen 123, 152, 231, otherwise -e, with prefixed for te, habbe 256, here 203, liese 16, wende 273; with to, seche 36, sigge 90 (3), slepe 170; Fr. for to anuri 10, to serui 273. Presents are _s._ 1. beneme 186, habbe 67, sigge 104; Fr. sucuri 185; 2. makest 218, syncopated hest 101; 3. belongeth 86, betockneþ 225, luueþ 279 and twelve others in -eþ, bitockned 107, betokned 116, 143, 152, 266, bitokned 142, luued 74, maked 119, hatedh 73, loket 60, maket 121; Fr. ofserueth 112, signefieth 40 (4), turneþ 265, amuntet 52, defendet 54, ofseruet 70, signefiet 55, 57, signified 50, 113, signefiez 142; syncopated are akelþ 108, anhet 115, forbiet 73, forliest 154, liest 145, 153, halt 283, hath 48, hot 88, 279, hóót 74, 280, licht 46, seith 183 (4), seid 113, 274, sent 264, sterft 154, telþ 32 (5), yefþ 272; the syncopated forms are thus as numerous as the full forms: _pl._ 1. bisecheth 182, habbeth 219 (3), redeth 5, habbetþ 219, hopieþ 256 (verbs in #-ian# with short stem vowel have -ieþ in _pr. pl._, -ie in _subj._); Fr. perisset 173; 2. habbeth 21, 106, habbet 62, 64, 151, luuieþ 278, hatied 278, syncopated dret 174; Fr. ofserueþ 281; 3. betockneþ 226, habbeþ 100, 218, drinked 115, liesed 114, habbet 85, luuieþ 283, clepiedh 185, syncopated yeft 35; Fr. defendet 60: _subjunctive s._ 3. helpe 182, loke 122, wende 126, yeue 71, 159, yef 191 before vowel, luuie 244; Fr. deliuri 190, granti 284, serui 244, sucuri 181; _pl._ 1. beleue 47, loke 152, grede 186, 189, offre 42, 47, sigge 189, clepie 181; Fr. perissi 190; 2. falle 155: _imperative s._ 2. agyn 212, besech 125, yef 213, yeld 211, clepe 211; Fr. saue 172, sauue 189; _pl._ 2. bereth 96, cometh 22, 159, ihiereth 42, lokeþ 155, offreth 65, ffolvellet 90, forleted 159, greded 158, sechez 21; Fr. anuret 22, moveth 95. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. spac 20, 87, yaf 158, 214; _pl._ 3. seghen 25, 215, seghe 105, speken 13: I b. _s._ 3. kam 12 (4), naam 237; _pl._ 3. comen 35 (4), nomen 9: I c. _s._ 3. fond 206 (3); _pl._ 1. fonden 208: II. _s._ 3. aros 169, 174, aróós 171: IV. _s._ 3. tok 139, 175: V. IV. _pl._ 3. wesse 92: V. _s._ 3. het 29, iuel 84; _pl._ 3. biknewe 8, helden 235. Participles present: II. risindde 8; past: I a. iseghe 176, iyue 133: I b. ibore 6 (4), bore 71, icume 216, 253, icomen 215: I c. idrunke 97, hifunde 21, ifonden 27: III. icornéé 224: V. behote 19, ihialde 101, underfonge 254, ofdred 16. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. ansuerede 220, answerde 86, clepede 89, makede 118, made 103, 135, offrede 38, seauede 237, seaude 249, hedde 97 (5), iherde 14 (5), iherede 232, seide 20 &c., sente 204, tachte 249; Fr. aperede 28, apierede 7, aresunede 245, failede 84, onurede 136, sucurede 180, paide 214; _pl._ askede 13, awakede 172, beleuede 103, offrede 40 (4), seawede 37, 39, hadde 173, hedde 41 (3), seyde 208, answerden 18 (3), hedden 11 (9), nedden 242, maden 63, seiden 172, 217, seden 230, uuluelden 93, wenden 216, wenten 25; Fr. anurede 27, gruchchede 217, seruede 88, 230, serueden 258. Participles past: astrengþed 179, bileued 242, clensed 139, icleped 81, _pl._ iclepede 91, 224, imaked 81 (3), maked 119, imad 204, ioffred 64, ismered 55, istrengþed 106, iþoled 219, iheed 248, iherd 62 (5), ileid 170, iseid 19, 259, itold 67, 222, anheet 116, 124, ibrocht 99, iwent 94; Fr. anud 15, anured 71, aparailed 11, asoiled 160, deseiurd 147, deseuerd 156, deseurd 148, 149, ientred 254, isauued 192, iserued 96, itravailed 218, iwarisd 140. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 274, wiste _pt. s._ 173, _pt. pl._ 98, niste 98; kuþe _pt. pl._ 17; dorste _pt. s._ 87; sal 1 _pr. s._ 210, 251, _pr. s._ 34, 178, sollen 1 _pr. pl._ 200, 254, sollie 2 _pr. pl._ 160, sulle _pr. pl._ 223, solle 271, solde _pt. s._ 14 (4), _pt. pl._ 30, solden 250; micht 2 _pr. s._ 137, mai _pr. s._ 148 (3), may 58 (5), mowe 1 _pr. pl._ 53, 260, moue 72, muee 2 _pr. pl._ 33, mowe 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 75, michte _pt. s._ 24; mote 2 _pr. s. subj._ 127, _pr. pl. subj._ 192; bi _inf._ 14, 71, bie 178, 223, bien 18, 192, am 1 _pr. s._ 184, art 2 _pr. s._ 124, 125, is _pr. s._ 31 &c., his 122, nis 146, 148, bieþ 1 _pr. pl._ 152 (3), 2 _pr. pl._ 155 (5), bie ye 207, bieth _pr. pl._ 59 (5), biedh 143, bi 2 _pr. s. subj._ 139, be (swo) _pr. s. subj._ 263, bie 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 156, be _pr. pl. subj._ 263, bieþ 2 _pr. pl. imp._ 160, was _pt. s._ 6 (6), were _pt. pl._ 91 (3), weren 176, ware 91, waren 215, 216, ibe _pp._ 238 (5), ibye 219; wille 1 _pr. s._ 22, 139, wilt 2 _pr. s._ 137, wille _pr. s._ 182, 187, wile 180, nel 55, uilleth 1 _pr. pl._ 200, wolde _pt. s._ 23 (3), wolden _pt. pl._ 10; do _inf._ 58 (6), misdo 62, don 200, to done _d. inf._ 191, for to done 241, to do 58 (_nominative_), do 1 _pr. s._ 221, 222, deþ _pr. s._ 70 (3), doþ 179, 2 _pr. pl._ 279, 280, _pr. pl._ 100 (3), do _pr. s. subj._ 125, 126, 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 279, doþ 2 _pr. pl. imp._ 89, dede _pt. s._ 16 (5), deden _pt. pl._ 235, ido _pp._ 50, 101; go _inf._ 22, 57, gon 10, 192, goth _pr. s._ 51, go 2 _pr. s. imp._ 212, goþ 2 _pr. pl. imp._ 20 (3), yede _pt. s._ 12 (5), _pt. pl._ 210, yeden 252, igo _pp._ 239.

Noteworthy adverbs are al 8, 11, 212, alast 236, euerte 135, neuerte 248, ihende 55, 60, onlepiliche 65, also in Ayenbite; prepositions, the alternatives an 71, ane 242, a 192; at 84, ate 229; for 41, fore 67, 105; in 81 (11) mostly before vowels, ine 18 (33) mostly before consonants, inne 154, i 5 (5) followed by the definite article; to 22, te 5 &c. stressless, inte 250, 251, and amenges 217, an early instance, wath 102; conjunctions, ase so 110, 144 translating si cume, al wat 26, þe 39 for þet, þo þet 242, 246 meaning inasmuch as.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are velaghes 218, fela(rede) 147, scab 142, and probably bakbiteres 111, as a compound. French are †acumbri 187, †age 265, †amonestement 61, †amuntet 52, †anud 15, †anuri 10, onuri 24, †anvie 188, †aparailed 11, †aperede 28, apierede 7, apostles 246, †aresunede 245, †asoiled 160, auenture 84, †bunte 272, chaste 120, cite 6, †commandement 214, †commencement 102, †compainie 149, conseil 9, †contrarie 101, †cors 55, custome 93, †cuuenable 37, deciples 84, †defendet 54, deliuri 190, †deseiurd 147, deseuerd 156, deseurd 148, †diuers 259, †ensample 35, failede 84, folies 121, geus 15, gyus 13, †glorius 31, glutunie 144, grace 72, granti 284, gruchchede 217, †hasteliche 94, †ientred 254, †iwarisd 140, large 121, lecherie 110, lechur 120, lepre 137, leprus 136, †maladie 140, manere 188, merci 158, miracle 98, montayne 134, †moveth 95, †nature 267, †naturel(liche) 115, nature(liche) 108, offrendes 12, 27, (of)serueth 112, †orgeilus 120, †paens 245, paide 214, †painime 71, †pardurable(liche) 148, patriarches 229, †pelrimage 57, peril 180, †perissi 190, poure 58, prechur 249, profetes 19, prophete 249, religiun 92, roberie 110, †sacrefise 39, sarmun 135, saue 172, sauue 189, seinte 6, sergant 211, serui 75, seruise 200, †signefiance 62, †signefieth 40, somoni 16, spus(breche) 144, †sucuri 181, suffri 41, †targi 273, †tempeste 170, †trauail 212, †itravailed 218, †umble 120, ure 218, urisun 67, †verray 39, uertu 126, uisiti 57, †ydres 90. The words marked † appear for the first time in English. marcatte 206 is probably a post-Conquest borrowing: offri 10 is French in form, but its meaning is the restricted one of OE. #offrian#. Latin are Architriclin 96 (pre-Conquest), probably clerekes 17, the French original has clers, possibly religiun 92. The French borrowings are often Anglo-French in form. The prefix in acumbri is en-, in ofseruet, English of-, with meaning for the compound, gains by serving; anud (enuier) and ensample for essample show an exchange of prefixes; in anvie _a_ is written for e before a nasal; anuri is a contamination of aorer and honorer; in contrarie the affix is AF. -arie for OF. -aire, in manere, AF. -ere for OF. -iere, so -ur for -eor in lechur, prechur; OF. -ee (Latin -āta) is _e_ in contre. In grant, OF. graanter, _a_ is lost, in age, _e_ initially, and after ai in painime, also between l and r in pelrimage. In sarmun, e becomes _a_ before r + cons., but not in serganz; _ie_ for e in apierede, as often in AF. texts, is probably here Kentish interchange of e, ie; _u_ for o before n appears in amuntet, bunte, religiun, urisun, but not in commandment, commencement, the same substitution takes place in suffri; ai before s is phonetic _e_ in aresunede; ai followed by e is _ae_ in paens; ai + n _mouillé_ is simple _ai_, _ay_ in compainie, montayne; ei before vr is _e_ in deseuered, deseur[e]d, but deseiur[e]d 147; ei before l _mouillé_ is _ai_ in aparailed; OF. juiu, later giu, is represented by geus, gius, as in MS. A; OF. ue is _o_ in moveth; the regular representation of L. ŏ + l _mouillé_ is seen in asoiled, but orgeilus is an isolated spelling, the usual diphthong being oi, ui, perhaps the writer was influenced by English orgel. OF. üi is _u_ in anu[e]d. _ch_ for c before i is doubled in gruchchede; n is lost in cuuenable, as in MS. A; r is doubled in verray; z has the value of _ts_ in serganz; the spelling deciple is in MS. A.

#Dialect:# A scribe, not Kentish but probably South Midland, has copied with tolerable fidelity a Kentish manuscript, but alien forms such as aueriche 69, lauedi 6, war 26, ware 91, waren 215, spac 20, yaf 158 intrude; chold 124, as a compromise between chald of the exemplar and cold is significant.

#Introduction:# Maurice de Sully, bishop of Paris from 1160 to 1196, composed in Latin a series of sermons on the gospels for the Sundays and other festivals of the Christian year, which were intended for the use of the priests in his diocese. The French versions of these are, in the opinion of Bourgain and Lecoy de la Marche, free reproductions by various preachers. That they were exceedingly popular is shown by the large number of manuscript copies which have survived. These have been classified by Meyer in two redactions. Our translator has used a manuscript of class A, and indeed one differing little from MS. Douce 270, Bodleian (D), written in England early in the thirteenth century. It has, however, a _plus_ not represented in the English translation, which occasionally rather resembles MS. Ashmole 1280, Bodleian (A) also of the thirteenth century.

The translator gives a very literal rendering of his original; it influences his idiom, order and choice of words, even to the borrowing of an occasional inflection, as in sechez 251/21 (= querrez) and probably in signifiez 218/42 (= signefie). As the French sermons are not easily accessible, the fourth is here printed from D, with some variants from A. ‘Nos trouon lisand (lisons) en saint eu{a}ngille dui . ke n·s· dex entra une fiez en une nef ⁊ si disciple le siuirent. Et si cu{m} il furent en la mier . si leua un g{ra}nt torment ⁊ n{ost}re sire se esteit cochiez dormir . en la nief . deua{n}t ceo ke li tormenz comencast. Et si disciple eurent g{ra}nt pour[;] del torment . sil esueillerent . ⁊ si li distrent . Sire sauue nos[;] ke (k{ar}) n{os} p{er}isons . ⁊ il estoit chose de ce . kil nauoent c{re}ance (bone fiance) `i´ oi c{re}ance ne fiance en lui . ⁊ il lor dist . Que c{re}mez u{us} gent de petite fei? si leua sus . si chosa deliurem{en}t les uenz . ⁊ la m{er} . semp{re}s se furent appeisie. Et cum li hom q{ui} erent en la m{er} (nef) eurent ueu le miracle . si sesm{er}ueill{er}ent mout. Ceo `est´ li bo{n}s (beaus) miracles ke leu{a}ngille dui nus reconte . si en duit estre afferme n{ost}re c{re}ance. Car bien deit len c{re}ire en celui seignor q{ui} tel miracle pot fere . ⁊ fet q{ua}nt il ueut. OR nus besoigne q{ue} cil q{ui} securut ses desciples en icel p{er}il[;] quil n{us} suc{ur}re en noz perilz . ⁊ il le fra uolentiers se nus len c{ri}on merci . p{ar} bone uolentie. Si cum il meisme dist par la sainte esc{ri}pture . Je sui fet il la saluetie del pople . q{ua}nt il mapeleront en lor besoig{ne} . [e]t en lur angoises . Jo les orroj . ⁊ serrai lur deu p{ar}durables. Prion lui donc m{er}ci seureme{n}t se diable n{us} uout enconbrer . par peche . par orgoil . ⁊ par enuie . o p{ar} ire . . . c{ri}ons li m{er}ci . ⁊ si li disons . Sire saluez nos . ke n{us} ne p{er}isons . . . ⁊ q{ue} il nus deliure de tuz mals . ⁊ q{ui}l n{us} doinst tot bien . ⁊ n{us} dont tels oures a faere en cest siecle q{ue} les almes ⁊ les cors (cors de nus) poisent estre sauuie . al ior del ioise.’

The French quotations without reference are from the Douce MS.

1. The text is from the beginning of the gospel for the feast of the Epiphany, S. Matt. ii. 1, 2. D has a wrong heading, _In die nat. domini_.

5. #ase#: ‘ke quant.’

6. #þet--apierede#: ‘ke lestoille ki est demustrance de la nessance apparut.’ Supply þet after #sterre#.

8. #heþenesse#: ‘paenime.’ #tojanes#: ‘uers,’ towards. #al swo . . . swo#: even as . . . so; ‘com . . . si’: similarly in ll. 11, 12; 215/26, 27.

11. #hedden--offrendes#: ‘ourent apparaillees lor offrendes.’

12. #kam#: apparently the translator read uint. D has ‘siuirent’; A, ‘siwerent’: Boucherie’s text, ‘se mistrent apres.’

13. #hym askede#: an order of words like ‘li demanderent,’ so at 215/17.

15. #anud#: ‘trublez.’

17. #þe laghe#: ‘les escriptures’: see 182/213 note.

18. #Hi--ierusalem#: ‘cil respondirent · ke en bethleent.’

23. This sentence is in D, but not in A. #he . . . herodes#: see 119/77.

25. #hem wenten#: ‘sen alerent’; appears to be used as the past of go; elsewhere the writer has yede, yeden.

26. #al wat hi kam#: ‘iusquil uint.’ For #al wat#, until, see 15/84. For #hi# read he, i.e. the star.

27. For omission of the subject before #hin#, see 6/18.

30. #ayen wende#: ‘alassent,’ D; ‘returnassent,’ A. #wende#: ‘sen repeirassent,’ D; ‘returnassent,’ A.

35. #verrene#: ‘lointenes.’

36. #offrinke#: ‘offrendre,’ D, A.

37. #be þet hi#, by the fact that they, inasmuch as: ‘por ceo quil,’ D; ‘par iceo quil,’ A. #cuuenable yeftte#: ‘couenables dons.’ #seawede# &c.: ‘demostrerent kil auoent uerraie creance quil esteit reis uerrais’: there is a similar shortening in the English at l. 39.

39. #to here godes sacrefise#: ‘au sacrifice damlede.’

42. This interpretation of the gifts is as old as Irenaeus and is a medieval commonplace. Comp. ‘Monstrant auro regem esse, | praesulem designant thure, | mirram signum tumuli | tribuere domino,’ MSD i. 41/28-30.

43. #Gostliche#: ‘esperitielment.’

44. #glareth#: ‘resplendist.’

46. #licht#, lights, lightens.

48. #he is#: an addition, not in the French.

50. #werkes#: D has, ‘Li encens signefie bon oure . (ure A) ⁊ bone preiere;’ Boucherie, ‘bone ovre e bone prière.’ Our writer has translated ‘ovre,’ but not ‘preiere,’ on the other hand in l. 52 he mentions prayer, ‘biddinge,’ but not good works. #ido--ueréé#: ‘mis el fu del encensier,’ D, but A has only ‘mis el fuz.’

55. #ihende#, near: OE. #gehende#.

56. #is#: due to the French, ‘la bon oure . ki est amiere.’ #to þo yemernesse#, to the wretchedness: ‘a la chiche ⁊ a la maluoistie de nostre char,’ to the stinginess and the evil disposition of our flesh.

57. #uastinge# &c.: ‘ieuner pur deu . ueiller . alier en pelerinage.’

59. #so#, in the same way as myrrh is bitter to the taste: ‘Jces choses si sunt ameres a nostre malueise char,’ A.

60. #loket#: ‘defent.’

61. #amonestement# is conveyed directly from the French original.

66. #i þo yere#: ‘de uostre uie,’ DA.

67. #fore Gode belaue#: ‘par ferme creance:’ similarly #for# and #for# in the next line are mistranslations of ‘par.’

69. #þo cristenemanne#: dative, from the christian, ‘requiert tuz iors a son crestien.’ #werefore# &c.: ‘ke (par qui, A.) li crestien se il le faeit desert ⁊ conquiert la glorie perdurable.’

76. #Quod--dignetur#: supply, qui vivit et regnat Deus per omnia secula seculorum. Amen.

77. #euangelica#: drawn from the gospel for the day, S. Joh. ii.

81. #cite#: ‘cithe’; A has ‘uile.’

82. #flesliche#: ‘corperelment:’ comp. 217/103. #To# &c.: ‘A cel noces fud madame saint Marie,’ A.

84. #so iuel auenture#: ‘si auint par auenture:’ per or by may have fallen out in the English, but the expression in the text occurs elsewhere with fell and befell.

86. #Wat# &c.: ‘Que apartient a mei ⁊ a tei femme;’ ‘Quid mihi et tibi est, mulier,’ S. Joh. ii. 4.

88. #Serganz#: ‘serganz.’ #of#: partitive; comp. ‘and of þe cupe serue,’ KH 234 note.

90. #ffol vellet# &c.: ‘Emplez fist se il les ydres de eue.’ #þet--faten# is an addition of the translator’s.

92. #baþieres#: ‘bognoeres,’ D; ‘baignur,’ A. #for religiun#, ceremonially: ‘pur religion.’

94. #was#: for omission of the subject see 6/18 note.

95. #Moveth togidere#: D has ‘Puissiez ore,’ A, ‘Espucet,’ and the Vulgate, ‘Haurite nunc.’ The translator probably read esprucet (with AF. u for o) = esprochez; his rendering would then mean, Draw nigh, approach.

96. #þat--iserued#: apparently from Comestor, Historia Euangelica, c. xxxviii, ‘architriclino ·i· primati inter conuiuantes in triclinio;’ the French is quite different.

97. Possibly he has dropped out before #hedde idrunke#, but A has ‘e cume out guste.’

99. #ibrocht#: ‘puissie,’ D; ‘espuce,’ A. The word seems to have puzzled the translator here, as at l. 95.

100. #doþ forþ . . . ferst#: ‘mettent auant.’

101. #ihialde#: ‘estuie,’ stored up.

102. #wath nu#, until now: ‘desque aore.’ See 15/84.

103. #þo beleuede#: ‘Et si crurent en lui si disciple.’

107. This interpretation is singular. In Bede, vii. 205; Alcuin, ii. 464, Ælfric, Hom. Cath. ii. 56, the water is knowledge of holy scripture.

109. #chald of#: ‘froid del amor;’ comp. 218/124.

110. #Ase so# here and in l. 144 appears to be an attempt to render ‘si cume,’ A.

111. There is nothing in the French for #husberners#. In CM 26234, ‘Fals wijtnes and trouth breking, | Mans slaghter and hus brening’ are sins reserved to the bishop’s absolution: see Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, ii. 492. #bakbiteres# is the compendious equivalent for ‘tuz cil ki despeisent ⁊ clamnent lur pronie,’ A.

112. #ofserueth#: ‘deseruent.’

115. #naturelliche#: ‘naturelmen.’ #anhet#: ‘eschaufe.’

117. #ine one time#: comp. 128/1.

119. #gostliche#: ‘esperitelment.’

121. #of--large#: ‘Del auier large,’ of the covetous, generous. #and--folies#: there is nothing in the French corresponding to this: probably so has dropped out before #of#.

122. #Nu# &c.: ‘Or esguard chescon uer sei meismes.’

126. #of# &c.: ‘de mal en bien.’

130. S. Matt. viii. 1, 2, as adapted in the lesson of the missal.

133. #iyue#: ‘liure.’

135. #euerte#: comp. 11/190; ‘neuerte,’ 221/248: compounds of #ǣfre#, #nǣfre# + #te#, to, like hitherto, heretofore: mostly Kentish. ‘le primier sermon quil onques feist en terre.’

136. #a sikman#: the translator’s gloss on ‘leprus.’ #onurede#: ‘aora.’

137. #of mine lepre . of mine euele#: the last three words are added by the translator. ‘de ma lepre,’ D; ‘de male lepre,’ A.

138. ‘n·s· si li dist · si estendi sa main ⁊ tocha sa liepre.’ #tok#, touched: comp. ‘If erf or man ðor one take,’ GE 3456.

139. #al so raþe#, as quickly as the word was spoken. ‘isnelepas,’ on the spot.

141. #tokningge#: ‘signefiance.’

144. #Gauelinge#: ‘usure.’

146. #haleghen#, saints: the French has ‘amis.’

147. #þet--loki#, against which no man can guard himself: ‘dont nuls ne se pot guardier.’ For #þet# = wið þet, see 46/292 and comp. 153/56.

148. #pardurableliche#: ‘perdurablement.’

149. #for lepre#: The French has, ‘Por le lepre est deseurez hom de la compaignie dautres genz . car cil qui moret en pecchie criminel . . . cil pert la compaignie de deu . ⁊ de ses amis . ⁊ de ses angles perdurablement.’ Probably the translator’s eye wandered from the former ‘compaignie’ to the latter; he then added ‘þat is to sigge’ &c., and afterwards in l. 153 he returned to the omitted sentence.

159. #forleted#: ‘guerpissez.’

164. S. Matt. viii. 23, 24; the last sentence altered from S. Mark vi. 48, ‘erat enim ventus contrarius eis.’

168. #one time#: ‘une fiez.’

169. #so . . . so#: ‘Et si cum il furent en la mier . si leua un grant torment.’

170. #was ileid him# &c.: ‘se esteit cochiez dormir.’

173. #ha wiste wel# &c.: ‘il estoit chose de ce . kil nauoent creance,’ D, it was a fault that they had not faith; ‘il les chalenga de ceo qui il naueient bone fiance en lui,’ A. The translator had in mind choisi.

174. #wat dret yw# is usually explained as, what terrifies you, a very rare meaning for dreden, or possibly as an impersonal construction, which is without parallel. The French has ‘que cremez uus,’ the Vulgate, ‘quid timidi estis.’ The usual construction in ME. is reflexive, comp. 208/397, ‘ne drede ȝe ow nawiht,’ SK 1393; ‘Ne dred te, Zacariȝe, nohht,’ Orm i. 2/151; ‘him ne dret naȝt to do zenne,’ Ayenbite 34/14, and if dret may be taken as a syncopated plural, that construction would be exemplified here. Syncopated plurals are rare, and where they occur, they are usually said to be scribal mistakes; such are ‘yeft,’ 215/35, ‘spekþ,’ Ayenbite 58/15, ‘brekþ,’ id. 16/21, ‘zeneȝþ’ id. 155/3. Perhaps they are specifically Kentish. If this view be accepted, #wat# is an acc. of reference like quid and practically equivalent to why.

175. #tok#, rebuked: ‘chosa.’

177. #so awondrede hem#: ‘si sesmerueillerent;’ see 54/27.

180. #þet se þet . . . þet#: ‘que cil qui securut . . . quil nus sucurre.’ For the repeated þet, comp. 220/200; ‘sitteð al stille, ꝥ hwon he parted urom ou, ꝥ he ne cunne ower god,’ AR 64/20.

183. ‘Salus populi ego sum, dicit Dominus: de quacumque tribulatione clamaverint ad me, exaudiam eos: et ero illorum Dominus in perpetuum,’ Introit for xix^th Sunday after Pentecost, and for Thursday after the iii^rd Sunday in Lent. The French version ends, ‘serrai lur deu pardurables:’ in l. 186 the English translator has deserted, as he rarely does, his original.

187. #sikerliche#, with confidence: ‘seurement.’ #acumbri#, load, oppress; ‘enconbrer:’ apparently the earliest instance of its occurrence.

191. #yef--done#, grant us to do such works. #þo saulen# &c., ‘les almes ⁊ les cors de nus,’ A.

194. #sexagesima# should be septuagesima.

195. S. Matt. xx. 1.

200. #þet . . . þet# repeated as at 219/180: ‘ke si nus uolons faere le son seruise . ke nus en aurons loiers.’

202. #goodman#, head of a household; an early instance in this sense. ‘pruzdom,’ D; ‘prudome,’ A.

203. #for--forewerde#: ‘au couenant dun dener.’

205. #undren#: ‘tierce;’ ‘circa horam tertiam,’ Vulg.; about nine o’clock: see 74/209.

206. #ayen þan euen#: ‘enuers la uespre.’ Comp. 221/235.

210. #mid þo oþre#: ‘ourer ensemble as autres.’ #hi wel#: read hit was, as at l. 205. ‘Quant uint au seir.’

212. #agyn to#: ‘comence a cels.’ #al--ferste#: ‘iusquas premerains.’

214. #þes--commandement#: ‘le comandement sun seignor.’

215. #hi . . . þo#: ‘Et com ceo uirent cil qui par matin esteient uenu:’ the clause #þo--icomen# is in apposition to, and explains #hi#, just as ‘cil--uenu’ does ‘ceo.’

217. #habbe#: the translator has left out ‘Mes com li sergantz uint a els paer . si ne dona a chascun ke un denier.’

219. #berdene#: ‘le fes de la peine,’ A; ‘les feissels ⁊ la paine,’ D.

221. After #unricht# there is a considerable omission. #Wat# &c., What displeases you in my doing as I will: ‘tei ke peise se io faz ma bunte’ (‘uolunte’ A).

227. #tides#, hours: ‘diuerses ores.’ Comp. 38/137.

228. #time# &c.: ‘les diuers tens de cest siecle.’

234. #þet# &c.: ‘qui par grant amur a lui se tindrent . ⁊ firent le suen seruise.’ #to him# depends on #helden#.

236. #alast of þis wordle#, towards the end of the world. alast is an adverb and its use with a dependent noun here is remarkable. ‘uer la fin del siecle.’

237. #seauede#: ‘se demustra:’ him has probably dropped out before ine.

238. #Werefore#, because: ‘car.’