Chapter III: Part 3

92. #Rentes# are incomings generally, not rent. #goded#, endowed, i.e. with the aforesaid lands, tithes, and offerings. Comp. 72/190 for another meaning. #læt it refen#, had it covered (with lead). Thorpe translates ‘had it provided with vestments.’

94. The fire took place on August 4, 1116. The convent entered the church (Martin built the choir only and the transepts were added by his successor) on June 29th, 1140, according to the text and Hugo, but the Chronicon Petroburgense and John the Abbot say 1143.

95. #fram#, by. Comp. ‘wearð Romeburg getimbred from twam gebroðrum,’ Orosius, 64/21; ‘Her swealt Herodus from him selfum ofsticod,’ AS. Chron. A 3; ‘I sothlike set am for-þi | King fro him,’ Surtees Psalter, ii. 6 (= ‘constitutus sum rex ab eo’).

96. The termination of #priuilegies# is due to direct borrowing of the technical term from L. _privilegium_. The two documents are printed in Hugo, 78, 82, and the former also in Dugdale, Monasticon, i. 390. They are dated A.D. 1146: Eugenius was elected in 1145. The former protects the lands, property, and rights of the monastery in general, and these are given in detail: the latter recounts and confirms that part of the properties which was specially allocated for the expenses of the sacrist (#ciricweard#) (‘terras, quae ad sacristiam pertinent,. . . vel decimas, vel servitia plurimorum, & domus,’ Hugo, 82). #of#, for, relating to.

97. #lien to#, appertain to: a phrase of the charters. B-T. quotes, ‘mid eallon ðá[m] þingon ðe ðǽr fyrmest tólæg,’ Kemble, vi. 190; ‘ǽlc ðára landa ðe . . . læg intó Cristes cyrcean,’ id. iv. 232. #gif#, &c., if he might have lived longer, he meant to do the same for the office of store-keeper; ‘similiter & redditus cellerarii & camerarii affluenter augere & Romae confirmare, si posset vivere, cogitaverat,’ Hugo, 87. The _camerarius_ had to keep the stores of clothes and bedding for the monastery, the _thesaurarius_ was an officer in charge of the sacred vessels and the plate under the direction of the sacrist. Martin did assign two manors for the provision of clothes, but he did not live long enough to get the protection of a _privilegium_ for the appropriation. #Hordere# is a word of wide application; in Wright, Vocabularies, 330/18, it glosses _cellerarius_; here it is the reilþein (_vestiarius_) of the Chronicle, 1131. For the purpose of these special appropriations see Plummer’s note, ii. 311.

98. He recovered property of the Abbey in the shape of lands which powerful men possessed by force. In Domesday the Abbey has holdings at Cotingeham (Cottingham, Bridges, ii. 208), Ascetone (Easton-Mauduit, id. 163), Erdiburne (Irthlingborough, id. 235), Stanwige (Stanwick, id. 195), and Eldewincle (Aldwincle, id. 208), all in Northamptonshire. They are all in one group in the first _privilegium_, duly protected under threat of excommunication. #Malduit# (Maledoctus; Hugo says Maledictus) was constable of the king’s castle of Rockingham and warden of the Forest. #Rogingham# is Roegingahám in a charter dated 811, Kemble, i. 243. Hugo has Rogingeham 43, Rochingham 88, Rokingham 89. Hugh de Waterville, lord of Adington Parva and Thorp Waterville, was probably kin of the succeeding abbot, 11/202. He paid to Peterborough sixty shillings per annum for Aldwincle (‘LX solidos de Aldewincle reddendos annuatim,’ Hugo, 88). Dele stop after sol in text.

102, 3. ‘Conventum quoque de viginti monachis augmentavit,’ Hugo, 88, 89. #winiærd#. For vine-growing in England see Plummer, Bedae Opera, ii. 5, and Anglia, Beiblatt, xvii. 208. The #weorkes# were domestic buildings, ‘cameram abbatis & aulam ad familiam aedificavit.’ #wende#, ‘Forum mutavit,’ Hugo, 88. He changed the site of the town and afterwards of the market, it is supposed, from the east to the west of the monastery.

106. #Stephnes kinges#: see 15/87 note.

107. #iudeus# is _pl._ of iudeu, Orm’s Judeow, Judew, OF. _Judeu_. English forms Judeas _pl. a._, Judea _pl. g._, occur in the early part of MS. E. #bohton#. In Thomas of Monmouth’s Life of S. William of Norwich, ed. Jessop and James, the mother of the boy is said to have been persuaded, by a gift of three shillings, into letting him go away with the supposed cook of the Archdeacon of Norwich, to be a helper in his kitchen, p. 17.

108. #pining#: see 7/54. #ð#, with which; see 46/292.

109. #langfridæi#: see 85/101. The date in the Life is Wednesday before Easter, March 22nd, 1144, but the chroniclers differ as to the year (Plummer, ii. 311). A miraculous light in the sky led to the discovery of the body. The charge of ritual murder at large has been investigated by Dr. Strack in Das Blut im Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit, München, 1900.

111. The body was first buried in the wood where it was found, then about a month after in the monks’ cemetery, and after six years it was translated to the chapter-house, probably the occasion referred to in the text. It was afterwards moved twice at least.

114. David crossed the Tweed in April, 1138. The battle of the Standard was fought at Cowton Moor on August 22nd.

116. #Albamar#: ‘Willelmus de Magna Villa, comes de Alba Mara apud Gisortum,’ Ricardus Divisiensis, 389; William of Albemarle (Aumale), recently created Earl of York. #þe#, to whom; see 46/292.

117. #euorwic#: OE. #Eoforwic#; see Zachrisson, 63. Other English captains were Walter Espec, Walter of Ghent, Ilbert de Lacy, and Robert Bruce. The English were greatly inferior in numbers to the invaders.

120. Robert landed with the empress at Arundel in September, 1139. Leaving her at Arundel he rode across the south of England to Bristol with a few followers; ‘ediscensque [Stephanus] a veris exploratoribus comitem cum suis evasum Bristoam sub nocturno silentio tetendisse . . . ipse ad capiendum comitem totus intendit,’ Gesta, 55.

122. #wart it war#: comp. 48/330, 203/204; #it# = of it, may be regarded as an _acc._ of reference, comp. 192/518, 200/116.

124. March 20th, 1140.

125. William of Corbeil died in 1136; Theobald was elected Dec. 24th, 1138, and consecrated, Jan. 8th, 1139.

126. #the bec#: the monastery of Le Bec-Hellouin; the village and commune of to-day have the same name. It is stated that the article appears where _bec_ means a beak or wedge of land at the junction of two streams, but not where it is the Scandinavian loan-word meaning stream. The rule does not hold here, for the monastery was built ‘in vallem ad rivum, qui Beccus dicitur,’ Robert de Torigni, 27.

128. The king gave Ranulf des Gernons all that he asked for, save the earldom of Carlisle, which was held by Henry of Scotland. William de Roumare (de Rollonis mara: _o_ for _ou_ is Anglo-Norman) was his elder half-brother. The king appears to have made him Earl of Lincoln about this time. The brothers got into Lincoln Castle by a trick, and Stephen at the appeal of the men of Lincoln besieged them there. The battle was fought on Feb. 2nd, 1141.

135. Comp. ‘plurimis autem antequam manus consererent, ut comes Mellonensis et Willelmus ille de Ypra, proh pudor! fugitantibus,’ Gesta, 70; ‘Capto itaque rege, tota Anglia concussa obstupuit,’ id. 71.

137. #þer efter com.# She had been in England more than four months. The news of Stephen’s capture reached her at Gloucester, and her brother joined her there with his royal captive on Feb. 9th. The interview with Bishop Henry (9/140) took place before Winchester on March 2nd. The empress was elected queen, with an interim title of ‘domina,’ on a second visit to Winchester on April 8th at the Great Council summoned by the bishop (Round, 70). At this meeting was pronounced the excommunication of l. 143. The empress reached London some time in June and fled from it on the 24th. She reached Winchester on July 31st, and laid siege to the bishop’s stronghold, but was herself besieged by Stephen’s queen (l. 145), and fled on the 14th of September, when Robert of Gloucester was taken.

139. #Angou#: the scribe has made a better attempt in Angæu 10/167, 176. His predecessor wrote Angeow at 1111 E and eleven times after (_ge_ = Fr. j).

150. #minstre.# She was at Ludgershall, Devizes and Gloucester in her flight. The last is, no doubt, meant.

151. The negotiators were Stephen’s wife and Mabel, Countess of Gloucester.

152. Early in 1142, when Stephen was on his way to York, he was met at Stamford by Ranulf and William de Roumare. There the king and the earl bound themselves by oath to mutual fidelity (Round, 159). But the barons compelled the king to proceed against him at Northampton in 1146. He was seized and only regained his freedom at the price of surrendering his castles. He gave up Lincoln at any rate. On his release he attacked Lincoln and Coventry. The Gesta (p. 124) calls the ‘wicci ræd’ of the barons ‘sanum consilium.’

154. #treuthes fæston#, made solemn declaration of fidelity: comp. ‘To the kyng Edward hii fasten huere fay,’ Pol. Songs, 214/9; ‘treowðe staðeluæste,’ L 9819.

155. #hamtun#, Northampton: _p_ in the modern spelling is parasitic.

157. #to ð forewarde#, on condition: comp. ‘Al Denemark i wile you yeue, | To þat forward þu late me liue,’ Havelok, 485, 6. This rare use of _to_ has probably developed from the notion of associated with.

159. #dide . . . sculde#: ‘did worse here than he should,’ Thorpe. For #hær sculde#, read ær dide: comp. her, 11/190.

163. Oxford Castle was surrendered to Matilda in the summer of 1141, and Stephen’s men entered the city, Sept. 26th, 1142. Matilda escaped a few days before Christmas 1142; she left England early in 1147.

164. #sægen#, if a noun, OE. #sægen#, means report; it is a verb at 8/106, and may be here.

165. #mid rapes#, a detail peculiar to the Chronicle.

167. By 1144 Geoffrey of Anjou was completely master of Normandy. The Angevin house was not popular there. #here thankes#, with their goodwill, willingly: _thankes_ is an adverbial genitive, _here_, poss. adj. Comp. 116/155, 153/70: with gen. noun, ‘warschipes vnþonkes,’ 118/42; with gen. of possessive pron. ‘þines þonkes,’ OEH i. 17/35; ‘hares unþances,’ 14/56: absolutely, ‘sume þances sume unþances,’ AS. Chron. MS. C 1066: uninflected, ‘unþonc hise teð,’ HM 47/26, comp. ‘þat him wes mucheles unðonc,’ L 22370; ‘mid his gode þonke,’ 34/69.

170. #suster#, Constance, sister of Louis VI of France. The betrothal took place in 1140 when Eustace was about ten years old. The attempt to secure Normandy took place in 1151. Just before his death, Aug. 18th, 1153, Eustace ravaged East Anglia and tried to extort money from Bury St. Edmunds.

174. #Canteberi#: see 1/14.

176. #rixan#: Stephen sought in vain to have Eustace crowned in 1152. Geoffrey of Anjou died Sept. 7th, 1151; Matilda of Boulogne, May 3rd, 1152. Louis VII was divorced from Eleanor of Aquitaine, March 18th, 1152; she married Henry of Anjou at Whitsuntide. She sent for Henry, and he hastened to Poitiers where the marriage took place; ‘ad nuptias ducis quas concupierat convolavit,’ Ann. Monast. iv. 28.

180. Henry landed in England Jan. 6th, 1153. He captured Malmesbury, demolished Stephen’s tower at Wallingford, took Stamford and Nottingham. By Nov. 6th he had come to terms with Stephen at Wallingford.

184. ‘Rex Stephanus ipsum ducem . . . adoptavit in filium,’ Gervase, 1375; ‘Ducem siquidem Normannorum rex in filium arrogavit,’ R. de Diceto, 527. #sib ⁊ sæhte#: comp. ‘betere weore sæhte[;] þene swulc vnisibbe,’ L 9844, and see 70/158.

188. #lundene#, L. Lundonia: Lundone 656 E, but generally with -en.

190. Comp. ‘Annis enim iam plurimis fere nudo regis nomine insignis, tunc recipere visus est huius rem nominis, et quasi tunc primo regnare coepit,’ W. of Newburgh, 91. #æuert#, ever as yet: comp. 218/135, 221/248, with #her# (#ǣr#), ever at any time previously.

194. #fauresfeld#, Faversham, where Stephen and his queen founded a Clugniac abbey in 1147, is meant: in the charters Febresham, Feferesham, Ferresham. Lambard, Perambulation, 270, says it is called in Saxon Fafresfeld, a statement probably founded on this place. The mistake was probably due to confusion with the place now called Fairfield, a manor once belonging to Christ Church, Canterbury, which Hasted (iii. 486) says was anciently called Feyrsfelde.

196. Comp. 6/22.

198. #sunnen dæi#, December 19th. Martin died Jan. 2nd.

201. #innen dæis#: Thorpe translates ‘within a day’; that is the sense required: comp. ‘Eodem vero die, quo [Martinus] obiit, convenit omnis congregatio in unum, ut quempiam ex suis eligerent . . . ne propter moram aliquis extraneus per pecuniam se inmitteret,’ Hugo, 89. But the text does not give that sense, and _innen_ with a gen. is strange: read, ‘in an dæis wile,’ within the space of one day.

202. William de Waterville was one of Henry’s chaplains at the time of his appointment. He belonged to a family founded by Ascelin (Azzelino) de Waterville, who was a tenant of Peterborough in 1086 at Thorp Waterville in Northamptonshire. Hugo, 8/100, was a descendant of his. William de Waterville was deposed in 1175 for sheltering a relation who had incurred the king’s displeasure (Hoveden, ii. 86).

204. #sone#: on the day after his election.

206. #bletcæd#: by Robert of Chesney, bishop of Lincoln. The new abbot made a tour of the surrounding monasteries, which had many interests in common with his own: Ramsey, Benedictine Abbey in Huntingdonshire (Dugdale, ii. 546); Thorney, Benedictine Abbey in Cambridgeshire (D. ii. 593); Spalding, Benedictine Priory in Lincolnshire (D. iii. 206). The gap before Spallding may be filled by Bourn, that after it by Sulby baresworth. Sulby Priory, to the south-west of Peterborough, is said to have been founded about 1155; it was connected with the Waterville family and had extensive possessions in Baresworth; possibly the abbot’s visit was connected with its inauguration. The last gap may have held Croyland. In the last two lines the italics indicate letters in the MS. which are very faint and doubtful. #Ramesæie# corresponds to L. Rameseia, Fr. Rameseie, in contemporary documents: #Torney# is mostly Torny in Domesday; sometimes in L. Torneia.

_Cross-References_

15/87 (note) = V. (A Parable)
48/300 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)

_Errata_

#Phonology:# ... þat (9), at (5), -masse (3) [(5) -masse]
_æ_, wæs (9), þæt (once)
[_æ misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
_æ_ in bæron 63, 66 [_œ_]
... #eo#, umlaut of #i#
[_#i# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
#ā# + #w# gives _au_
[_“au” misprinted as plain (non-italic)_]
For #w# ... þumbes 56 (#þūma#) has inorganic _b_ [inorganic _m_]
In wurtscipe 93 &c., wart 122, _t_ has displaced #þ#
[_“wart 122” added by author_]
Most of the adjective inflections ... onne 63
[_“onne” misprinted as bold_]
Strong verbs .. I c. warth, uuard, ward, wærd, wart
[_“wart” added by author_]
_pt. pl._ usually ends in -en
[_“-en” misprinted as italic_]
V. helden, heolden, hengen: iafen 44, bræcon 62 [braecon]
Weak verbs ... gæde 58 is _pt. s. subj._
[_final . invisible_]
Noteworthy among the Anomala are myhtes 2 _pt. s._;
muhten _pt. pl._; cunnen 1 _pr. pl._; durste _pt. s._
[_final . missing in first “pt. s.”, invisible in second_]
#Dialect:# ... representation by _a_ of #ǣ{2}# before _r_ [æ{2}]
9. ... exceptions being Octab{us} sc͞i
[_superfluous comma after “sc͞i” deleted by author_]
20. #þe mihte#: comp. 8/81.
[_Author’s Corrigenda:_
Dr. Bradley’s restoration in M. L. Review, xii. 73, þa þestreden
sona þas landes, appears to me certain.]
95. #fram#, by. [_“by” printed in bold_]
97. ... B-T. quotes, ‘mid eallon ðá[m] þingon ðe ðǽr fyrmest
tólæg,’ [ðær]
201. ... ‘in an dæis wile,’ within the space of one day.
[_corrected by author from “hwile”_]

IV. CHARTER OF HENRY THE SECOND

#Manuscript:# Harleian Charter 111 B. 49, British Museum. The upper half contains a version in Latin, excepting the passage ‘sacha . . . frimþa,’ which is in English; the names of six witnesses are appended. On the lower half is the present text; on the back, ‘carta reḡ. H. ii de sacha & socne.’ The document is in a French record hand, and the writer was evidently little versed in the insular script. He uses both þ and th, ƿ and w.

#Facsimile:# Keller, plate xiii.

#Editions:# Hickes, G., Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus, i. p. xvi; Dugdale, W., Monasticon, i. 111; Birch, W. de Gray, Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, New Series, xi. 312; Stratmann, F. H., Anglia, vii. 220; Earle, J., A Handbook to the Land Charters, 346 (with the Latin); Kluge, F., Mittelenglisches Lesebuch, 5.

#Phonology:# The language is not contemporary, for the drafter, who was not the scribe, used as a model a charter (H^2) in the same terms, granted to William of Corbeil (see 6/28) and the monks of Christ Church by Henry the First in 1123 A.D., a copy of which exists in Campbell Charter, xxi. 6, B.M., reproduced in Facsimiles of Royal and other Charters in the British Museum, i. no. 6, and printed in Lye’s Dictionary, ii. appendix. H^2 differs from our text in its dialect, which is mainly Southern, with some Kentish forms, in greater regularity of grammar, in details of names and relationships, but in little else. It was derived from a charter (H^1) granted to S. Anselm and Christ Church by Henry the First, _c._ 1107 A.D., extant in Campbell Charter, xxix. 5, and Cotton Charter, vii. 1, printed in the Journal of the British Archaeological Association, xxix. 242, also imperfectly in Hickes and in Dugdale, i. 109, 111. It also shows traces of its Kentish origin. But it was ultimately based on the Charter (E) granted by Edward the Confessor to Archbishop Stigand, _c._ 1052 A.D., Campbell Charter, xxi. 5, reproduced in Facsimiles of Ancient Charters in the British Museum, part iv, no. 38, and printed in Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, i., New Series; and the chain extended back to the first extant example of the formula, the charter (C) of Cnut to Æthelnoth, A.D. 1020, preserved by a copy in a Canterbury book, the MacDurnan Gospels (now at Lambeth), and printed in Earle, 232.

There is another copy of the present document, but fragmentary and decayed, in the muniment room of Canterbury Cathedral.

H^1, H^2, and the Harley Charter (H^3) here printed, have been accepted by Dölle in his book, Zur Sprache Londons vor Chaucer (Morsbach’s Studien, xxxii), as specimens of the English of the London Chancellery. As the editors of the Facsimiles of Royal and other Charters point out, H^1, H^2 are in a book hand, not that of an official court scribe; they are without witnesses or place of execution. Their seals do not prove them to be the original grant, for both H^1 and its duplicate Cotton Charter, vii. 1, have seals, and a note on the back of the latter appears to indicate that it is one of four copies. The duplicate of H^3 also has its seal, attached, like the others, in an unusual way to the left side of the document, as if to show that both documents and seals are replicas of the original. They are, in fact, copies, and the natural assumption is that they were made at Canterbury to provide against risk of loss or damage to the actual grant.

H^3 is on a different footing: it is properly attested, its place of origin is given, and its seal is attached in the usual way at the foot. But it is not in a charter hand, and its language shows that it was prepared by a Canterbury scribe to be placed before the king for his acceptance.

It should be noted that the English words from saca to frimtha also appear in the Latin version with the following variants: Sacha, Wude, felde, tolnes, grithbreches, thiofes, flemene.

The charter is then a patchwork of old and new; its phonological position may be defined by an attempt at a version in Late West-Saxon. Ic Henric · þurh Godes gife Englalandes cyng · grēte ealle mīne bisceopas ⁊ ealle mīne scīrgerēfan ⁊ ealle mīne þegnas frencisce ⁊ englisce · on þām scīrum þe Þeobald ærcebisceop ⁊ se hīrēd æt xpīstes cyrican on Cantwarabyrig habbað land inne frēondlice · ⁊ ic cȳðe ēow þæt ic hæbbe heom geunnen ꝥ hi bēon ǣlc þāra landa wurðe þe hi hæfdon in Ēadweardes cynges dæge · ⁊ on Willhelmes cynges mīnes furðor ealdefæder · ⁊ on Henrices cynges mīnes ealdefæder · ⁊ sace ⁊ sōcne · on strande ⁊ on streame · on wudum ⁊ on feldum · tolles ⁊ tēames · griðbryces · ⁊ hāmsōcne · ⁊ fōrstealles · ⁊ infangeneþēofes · ⁊ flȳmena fyrmðe · ofer heora āgene menn · binnan burgum ⁊ butan · swā ful ⁊ swā forð swā mīne āgene wīcneras hit sēcan sceoldon · ⁊ ofer swā fela þegnas swā ic heom tolǣten hæbbe · And ic nelle ꝥ ǣnig mann ǣnig þing þǣrof tēo · butan hī ⁊ heora wīcneras þām þe hi hit betǣcan willað · ne frencisce ne englisce · for þām þingum þe ic hæbbe Crīste þās gerihta forgifen minre sāwle to ēcere ālȳsednesse · ⁊ ic nelle geþafian ꝥ ǣnig mann þis ābrece be mīnum fullan frēondscipe. God ēow gehealde.

It will be seen that the OE. phonetic position is largely maintained; noteworthy divergences are: #æ# as _e_ in hebbe, ercebisceop; as _a_ in habbe (occasionally in OE.), ealdefader; as _ea_ (= #e#) in eafdon, #æ# + #g# in deȝe. ænglelandes (also in H^1, H^2) shows a survival of primitive #æ#, characteristic of the south-east. en 12/6 for #on# is due to loss of stress; Layamon 8059 has æn; #e# + #g# is _ei_ in þeinas. #y# is _e_ in grithbreces of the Latin text and H^1, H^2 (but grithbrices is OE. #griðbrice#); _i_ in Cantuarabirȝ. #ǣ# is _e_ in bitechan, enig, eni, echere, toleten, þer; #ȳ#, _e_ in keþe. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_ in forstalles; frimtha is descended from #fiermð# with metathesis of _r_: the others have fermþe and H^1 also feormþe, forms without umlaut: #giefu# appears as ȝefu, but #giefan#, forgifan. #heora# is heara (early Kentish hiara) beside heore; scolden answers to a non-diphthonged OE. form. #flīema# gives flemene in the Latin text (so E, H^1, H^2, the latter also flæmene) and fleamene: alisendnesse is OE. #ālīesednesse# (but once #ālȝsendnesse#), the others have alysednesse. #ēo# is _e_ in frenscipan: _io_ in thiofes of the Lat. text, _ia_ in thiafes; #ā# + #w# is _au_ in saule; #ēo# + #w# appears as geau (ȝeu, Poema Morale, Digby MS.) with ȝ borrowed from the _nom._, helped, no doubt, by the general tendency exemplified in gearfoþe, ungeaþe of the MK. gospels.

#w# is written _u_ in Cantuarabirȝ; an inorganic _n_ is inserted in alisendnesse; #f# is _u_ in geþauian, scirereuan. The dentals are confused: _þ_ for #t#, _t_ for #þ#, _t_ for #d#, _d_ for #þ# appear in theames, theo, teobalt, hiret, habbad, ford; #d# is omitted in frenscipan, as in stan, halen, &c., of the MK. gospels; #č# is written _ch_ in chyrchen, bitechan, echere, ich, grithbriches; the scribe apparently uses _ch_ for [k] in Sacha of the Latin text; #h# is omitted in eafdon; _cht_ for #ht# in gerichtan is an attempt to indicate the guttural sound.

The inflections of OE. are largely preserved, but levelling of #a# to _e_ is shown in fele, fleamene, fullen, heore, lande (_pl. g._), þare, Wicneres, while _a_ is written for older #e# in frimtha, saca, wurþa, and _o_ for #e# in geunnon. OE. #um# is _an_ in burgan, feldan, minan, sciran, þingan, wudan; #þām# appears as þan. Weak forms are gerichtan, frenscipan; ȝefu is nom. form for accusative.

#Dialect:# The levelling of #y#, #ȳ#, #æ#, #ǣ# to _e_; #ea# as _a_, the old Kentish #io#, #ia# in thiofes, thiafes, heara point to Kent. The absence of _v_, _z_ for #f#, #s# initial, the retention of #a# in lande, strande, and of #n# final either mark an early stage in the dialect, or show the conservative influence of the older documents.

#Introduction:# King Henry the Second grants, or rather confirms, to Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the monks of Christ Church their lands and privileges of jurisdiction. The date is February, 1155 (Eyton, Itinerary of Henry II. 5) and the place York. For alisendnessee 12/15, read alisendnesse.

1. #gret . . . mine#, verb of the third person, pronoun of the first: so CE; it is formal, and not a scribe’s error as Stratmann thinks; H^1, H^2 have grete. #bissceopas#, &c.: in Latin, ‘Ep{iscop}is · Com{itibus} · Bar{onibus} · Justic{iariis} · Vi{c}e{comitibus} · Cet{er}isq{ue} suis fidelib{us}.’

3. #þe . . . inne#, in which; see 1/3 note. E has þær . . . inne.

4. #Cantuarabirȝ#; see 1/14.

5. #ꝥ# = þet. #ælc#, each of them: the archbishop and the monks severally, as well as jointly; so H^1, H^2; E omits.

6. #kinges#: see 15/87 note.

7. #saca# and the other genitives are, like lande, dependent on wurþa. Each of these words has a threefold aspect: (1) the simple meaning of the word itself; (2) the right to adjudicate in connection with that; (3) the right to profit by fee or fine arising out of such jurisdiction. #Sacu# and #sōcn# are glossed, _litis, contestatio_ and _quaestio, inquisitio_ respectively. #Sōcn# is the leading word and #sacu# was added to round off the phrase; together they express a single idea, inquisition into a disputed matter (sometimes the area of jurisdiction); then the right to adjudicate privately within one’s own jurisdiction on certain cases which arise within it, and the right in consequence to appropriate the proceeds in fines, &c. #Toll#, tax on merchandise, sometimes exemption from such, the right to collect it, the profit arising therefrom. Sometimes merely the right to tallage one’s villeins. #Tēam#, vouching to warranty, right to adjudicate in cases which involved the production of a guarantor (#getēama#), right to forfeitures, &c., arising out of such processes (see B-T. _s.v._). #Griðbryce#, breach of a special peace, that is, a protection accorded specially to a person, place, or period of time by the king, the right to try such cases and fine. #Hāmsōcn#, in Domesday hāmfare (OE. #hāmfaru#), attack on a man’s house, trial for the offence and fine. #Fōrsteall#, assault on the king’s highway; in Norman law, ‘assultus excogitatus de veteri odio’ (PM. ii. 453). #Infangeneþēof#, thief caught red-handed in a privileged area, the right to judge and hang him. In = within, _adverb_: fangene = #fangenne#, _s. acc._ of the participle agreeing with þēof: as the phrase was almost always _acc._ after a verb of granting, these formed a compound regarded as the _nom._ as well, but a _nom._ by form is sometimes found as _acc._, ‘infangenðeóf,’ Kemble, iv. 226. The dat. ‘mid infangenumþeofe’ occurs, id. 227, but usually ‘mid infangeneðéf,’ id. 190; _gen._ ‘infangeneðeófes,’ id. 193. C, E, H^1, H^2 all have both words inflected _gen._ as here: I have not found the double inflection elsewhere. #Ūtfangeneþēof# was the right to hang one’s own thief wherever caught, if he were found in possession of the stolen property: it appears to have been rarely granted. #Flȳmena fyrmð#, the harbouring or supporting of a wrongdoer or fugitive from justice. (Liebermann, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen; Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law.)

10. #binnan Burgan#, &c.: a phrase for everywhere. Comp. ‘on ǽlce styde, be lande and be strande,’ Earle, 344/11; ‘be wætere and be lande,’ id. 344/21; ‘inne tíd and út of tíd, binnen burh and búten burh, on stráte and of stráte,’ id. 340/21.

11. #swa ful ⁊ swa ford#: ‘in tantum et tam pleniter,’ as fully and extensively as my own officers are in duty bound to exact: comp. ‘swá wel and swá freolíce swá ic hit meseolf betst habbe,’ Earle, 343/16.

12. #habben#: read habbe as in H^1, H^2; C, E have hæbbe. For #toleten#, granted, E, H^1, H^2 have to gelæten. The Latin has ‘super tot theines[;] quot eis concessit Rex Willelmus proauus meus,’ which is probably the correct version.

13. #þeron theo#: ‘þær on teo,’ C, E; ‘þær on tyo,’ H^1; ‘þer on tyo,’ H^2. The Latin ‘se intromittat,’ meddle (also in H^1, H^2), is not an equivalent, but rather ‘subtrahere,’ ‘exigere,’ ‘ad se trahere’ of similar documents. The meaning is, take any thing from these lands and rights: for #þer on#, comp. ‘ne teó se hláford ná máre on his ǽhte butan his rihtan heregeate,’ Schmid, Gesetze, 308. Fuller expressions are ‘ænig þæra sócna him to hánda drægen,’ Kemble, iv. 222: ‘fram honde téo,’ id. 212, 196: ‘of handa átéo,’ id. 226. #þe#, to whom: see 46/292.

14. #for þan þingan#, for the reason that, because: see the examples of the phrase in B-T., p. 1060. C has for þā; H^1 for þam þingan; E, H^2, as in the text.

15. #to echere alisendnesse#, for the eternal salvation of my soul; comp. ‘to ecere alysednysse,’ Ælfric, Lives, 258/320, ii. 154/178. Keller prints eche, treating the curl attached to the final _e_ as a mere flourish, but the scribe’s model, H^2, had æcere: see 23/161.

16. #bi#, as concerning, having regard to, i.e. on pain of losing. Comp. ‘unrihtwisan deman þe heora domas awendað æfre be þam sceattum,’ Ælfric, Lives, 430/233; ‘bebead eallum his folce, be heora life, þæt hí sceoldon feallan adune,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 18/23; ‘þat ælc mon bi his liue[;] comen to him swiðe, | bi heore liue & bi heore leme,’ L 19434.

_Cross-References_

1/3 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments)
15/87 (note) = V. (A Parable)

_Errata_

The charter is then a patchwork ... land inne frēondlice
[_printed as shown: expected form “frēondlīce”_]
binnan burgum ⁊ butan ... butan hī ⁊ heora
[_printed as shown: expected form “būtan”_]
... alisendnesse is OE. #ālīesednesse# (but once #ālȝsendnesse#)
[_initial ā in both words corrected by author from “a”_]
#ā# + #w# is _au_ in saule
[_#ā# corrected by author from #a#_]
7. ... #Ūtfangeneþēof# was the right to hang one’s own thief
wherever caught [Utfangeneþēof]

V. A PARABLE

#Manuscript:# Cotton Vespasian A 22, British Museum. It is composite; a second MS., 224 × 153 mm. in two columns, begins at f. 54 with the pieces printed in OEH i. 217-45. It is written in a small and crabbed hand unlike that of a professed scribe. The use of the contraction marks is unsystematic and the readings are sometimes uncertain. The other articles bound up with this MS. before and after are historical and largely connected with Rochester Monastery.

#Editions:# Morris, R., Old English Homilies, i, pp. 231-41 (with translation), and Specimens of Early English.

#Literature:# Vollhardt, W., Einfluss der lateinischen geistlichen Litteratur auf einige kleinere Schöpfungen der englischen Übergangsperiode, Leipzig, 1888; Lauchert, F., Englische Studien, xiii. 83; Heuser, W., Anglia, xvii. 82.

#Phonology:# #a# is _a_, fram 38, maniȝe 54, lange 83, sandon 30, but _o_ in longe 155, sonden 161. #æ# wavers between _e_ (28 times), feder 42, hwet 17, stef creft 89, þes 72, &c., wes 1, 94, 96, and _a_ (16), fader 40, hwat 49, þas 43, was 19, 27, water 46. #e# is regularly _e_, engel 41, menn 31, but _æ_ in ængles 166 (#ængel#), mæn 22, 78, næmmie 112, and _a_ in anglene 139, angles 146, man, _pl._ 23, 76. #i# is _i_, for which _y_ is written in cyldren 42, cyrce 108, scyft 117: it is _e_ in ȝeðe (= iþe) 165, þeser 74, þeses 113, repen 169 (= #ripon#), swepen 13; _u_ in swupen 132. #o# is _o_, but a, an 4, &c. (= on), þann 120, þáleð 123 (comp. the dialectic taal, Dan. _taale_, EDD). #u# is _u_, but _o_ in come 7, icome 115, sonne 46, all associated with _m_ or _n_. #y# is regularly _e_, berie 7, ded 73, drench 46, euel 41, ferst 167, gelty 153, senne 91, 95, 151, but _i_ in þrimsettles 36, (dier)chin 45; _y_ in cyme 87 (? #cime#); _o_ in formest 50, 72. #mycel# is represented by mucele 129, 137, moche 90: king 1, drihte 52 have _i_, as often.

#ā# is mostly _a_, fa 25, na 55, þa 106; but _o_ in anon 12, cofe 27, cofer 17, gefo 22, go 22, more 97, 120, non 38, soriȝe 104, to 147, þo 140. clone 15, an isolated form, represents #clāne#. #ǣ{1}# is mostly _e_, arerde 80, clene 103, elc 112 (3), er 117, geð 157, helendes 87 (4), þer 139 (4); the traditional _æ_ appears in ælc 91, 152, ær 18, 99, æer 21, ærst 69, ærndraches 16, 69; but it is _a_ in halende 93, lat 124, stanene 81, þar 19 (7), unwraste 23; _ea_ in unwreaste 79, 100, 104, 130, and _eo_ once in leorde 109 (#lǣrde#) between _l_ and _r_. #ǣ{2}# is uniformly _e_, adredeð 147, letes 129. #ē# is regularly _e_, but dieð 51 (= #deð#). #ī# is _i_; written _y_ in tyme 77: gescung 54 is apparently #gītsung#. #ō# is _o_ without exception. #ū# is _u_; but uncoðe 22. #ȳ# is normally _e_, ceðen 16, 70, 113, fer 46, 143, 155, scred 42; but litl 160, leoðre 169.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in arme 51, barn 60, middenard 39 (5), widerwardnesse 24; _ea_ in bearn 50, 159, ȝearceon 6, ȝearnede 27; _æa_, gæarced 156; _æ_ in ærfeð 3, and _e_ in merchestowe 124. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_, alle 4 (21), manifald 79; but manifeald 46, 90. The _i_-umlaut of #ea# is represented by weregede 131 (#wiergod#). #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_ in eorðe 36 (4), heorte 72, leorninchnihtes 106; _e_ in sterren 47; _æ_ in ærlen 20. In the #wur# group, _wur_ is written in wurð 143, otherwise _wr_ = _wur_, derewrlice 10, wrð 77, 123, wrðeð 108, wrhmint 65, 93. The _i_-umlaut is represented by birne 154, abernð 143, sterfeð 163, werpð 45 (#wierpð#), werpeð 142, ?stiarne 13 (#stierne#). #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in self 61 (7), sielfe 48. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# is _e_ in heuene 107, 163, hefenen 36, but heofene 171; _å_-umlaut is seen in fele 83; #eo#, umlaut of #i#, is _e_ in clepeien 49, ȝeclepien 6, lefede 102, 155, lefie 155, seþe 51, 76, 170; _eo_ in neowelnesse 36; _i_ in silure 92 (#silofr#); _u_ after _w_ in cwuce 162, wude 47. Here also belong tolie 44, #teolian# and hare 85, 172, hares 56 from #heora# through #heara#, both with shifted accent. #ea# after palatals is _a_ in gat 13, 117; _e_ in scel 135; _eo_ in sceol 147, _ea_ in ȝesceafte 93, _ia_ in ȝiaf 97; scandlice 151 is #sceandlice#, before nasal, ȝescepe 56 is #gesceapen#. #ie# after #g# is _i_ in gife 86, ȝife 88, 109; _ie_ in gief 98, ȝief 119, ȝiefe 11, forȝiet 60, underȝeite 4; _e_ in forȝeten 59, 61, bigeten 55; #scieppend# gives sceappend 65, 93, sceppend 40, 41. The conj. #gif# is gief 12 (EWS. #gief#), ȝief 60, gif 63, ȝef 9. #eo# after #g# is seen in iunglenges 107 (#geongling#); #eo# after #sc# in sceolde 7, 25, 87, sceolden 12, 160; #heom# is ham 18, 55, heom 5; #eom# is am 162, ham 63.

#ēa# is _ea_ in bread 162 (4), lean 135, deade 115, deaþe 123 (4), abreað 83; _a_ in admoded 104, brad 29 (4), ȝecas 81, grate 6, hafed 51, hafedmen 108; _e_ in eðelice 124; _æ_ in ære 166. niatt 45 represents #nēat#, ȝie 49, #gēa#. The _i_-umlaut of #ēa# is represented by unhersamnesse 84. #ēo# medial is _eo_ in beoð 108, &c., ibeoð 70, beon 69, bitweone 9, underþeod 6, 66, underþeoden 3, 17, leoem 45 written for leome (#lēoma#); _e_ in betwenen 169, befel 3, 4, ȝede 95, fend 5 (8), frend 5 (9), frenden 28, 157, lefe 96, prestes 111; _ie_ in bieð 54, 65, bienn 135, to bienne 43, diefles 95, dierchin 45, frienden 21, lief 59, underþiede 137; _io_ in þiode 91. Final #ēo# is _i_, hi 50 (4), ibi 135, isi 55 (4), si 50 (6), þri 99, 101, and _ie_, besie 14 (#besēon#). The _i_-umlaut of #ēo# is seen in dierewurð 20, istriened 96, þiestre 53, þiesternesse 14; but derewrþe 138, derewrlice 10, fendes 133, aþestreð 144, þesternesse 27. #īe# gives _ie_ in giet 53, ȝeiet 56, ȝie 24, 26. #ēo# from #ō# after #sc# is _eo_, ȝesceod 8, toȝesceodeð 117, ȝesceop 33, 39; but ȝescod 74, ȝescop 54.

#a# + #g#, #h#, is _ag_, lage 71, &c.; muȝe 49 has _u_ by imitation of other pret. presents. #æ# + #g# is _ei_, deie 126, 137, meide 139, meiden 141, meidenes 166, neiles 146, seið 158, seieð 153; _eȝ_ in deȝe 108, isegd 27, seȝð 163; _eiȝ_ in seigd 34; _e_ in sede 117, 119, seden 69, 160 (= #sǣdon#), ȝesed 114, mede 94 (= #mæden#); _ai_ in mai 152, maie 148. The peculiar spellings dȝeie 68, dȝeies 52, dȝei 134 show the development of a _y_ sound, but deȝie 7, 8, 116, maȝie 59, maȝi 34 appear to be for deiȝe, maiȝe, maiȝ. #e# + #g# is _ei_, þeinen 21, rien 47, written for rein: þenið 142, þeninge 46 go back to #þēnian#, #þēnung#: #ongegn# is represented by aȝen 101, aȝenes 24. A _y_ sound has developed in ȝeie 43, 142 (#ege#); aȝeie 64 seems to have been influenced by OWScand. _agi_. #ig# is preserved in niȝen 138; #ih# in dihte 39, 41: exceptional is forðteh 42 (#forðtihþ#). #o# + #g# is seen in abroden 134, 156, abruden 27; heretoche 80; #u# + #g# in ȝebugon 25; #y# + #h# in drihte 52. #ā# + #g#, #h# give oge 59, ogen 60, oȝeð 64, aȝen 88, ah 43, fa 5. #ǣ{1}# + #h#, echte 55, tehten 110: #ō# + #h#, brochte 101, ibrocht 146, innoh 152: #ū# + #h#, þuhte 11.

#ea# + #h#, #ht# is _ea_ in leahtrum 79, _a_ in wax 81; miht, niht have uniformly _i_. #eo# + #ht# is _i_ in cnihten 20: the _i_-umlaut is represented in isecgð 148, iseȝð 150 (= #siehð#), ȝesecðe 134, 156 (#gesiehð#). #ēa# + #g#, #h# is _ag_, _ah_, hagefaderen 140, hahes 171, þah 112, þahhweðer 60. #ēo# + #h# is _e_ in wex 168; _ih_ in rihtwisnesse 40, richtwise 147, 148, brictnesse 145, with _ct_ for _ht_: lichte 50, 53; loht 45 is #lēoht# with shifted accent: #īe# + #h# gives nixtan 73. #ā# + #w#, daw 47, ȝesawen 165, sawe 44, sawle 42 &c., but feawe 96, scewie 22: ahte 122, nahte 33, ahct 49 come from #āht#, #nāht#. #ǣ{1}# + #w# occurs in ȝecnowe 71: #ēa# + #w# in unþeawes 132: #ēo# + #w# in ableow 42, bleowu 168, treowe 92, fierðe 105 (#fēowerða#), ȝeu 24, 113, ȝehw 119, ȝiu 117, ȝiure 52.

The vowels of the inflections are generally levelled to _e_, but a few remain from the scribe’s original; _inf._ wunian 159; _pr. s._ blissið 50, _pr. pl._ þenið 142; cwaciað 147; _pt. pl._ arerdon 85; _pl._ dunan 37, lagan 70, sandon 30; _s. d._ nixtan 73; _pl. d._ leahtrum 79; buton 38, 72, 95, bufon 149. Among vowels of minor stress are noteworthy _ie_ in laðienge 6 (#laðung#), ȝelaðieres 82 (*#laðere#); _a_ for #e#, þina 37; _æ_ for #e#, anæ 6, ȝæarced 156; _e_ for #æ#, rigtleceden 86, 103; _e_ for #i#, iunglenges 107; _e_ for #o#, hefenen 36, 107, sicernesse 128; _i_ for #e#, adiligde 79, 84; _eo_ for #ie#, ȝearceon 6; _ei_ for #i#, clepeien 49. ableow 42 possibly represents #onblēow#. _e_ is lost in ærndraches 16 (4), witȝin 89, and added in seneȝeden 153: seneȝden 154 is for senȝeden. The prefix #ge#, once written ge, gelest 2, is largely retained, but it is reduced to _i_ in _pp._ ibroht, icome 115, idon, imaced, isent, istriened; _inf._ ibite, isi; ibruce 25, ibeoð 70, isecgð 148, iseȝð 150, innoh 152, uniredlice 131, iwiss 37; noteworthy is unitald 47.

#w# is lost in sa 54, se 86, alse 115; it represents _wu_ in the #wur# group, wrð 77, wrhmint 65, derewrlice 10 &c., and similarly wlcne 145: _u_ is written for it in uin 160, _wu_ in bleowu 168, hwu 99. #l# is lost in swice 75, wic 142: final #ll# often becomes _l_, befel 3, bispel 31, ful 102. #mm# is simplified in wiman 59. The loss of final #n# in inflections is characteristic: it occurs also in bine 90 (#binnan#), bitweone 9, bute 17, morȝe 119, to fore 138, to for 22, upe 132: #n# is assimilated to _m_ in næmmie 112, it is added in hesne 98, doubled in bienn 135, sennenn 132, þann 120 &c. #on# is weakened to a 126 (an 153). #bb# is simplified to _b_ in habe 161; it is _u_ in sweueð 53, perhaps influenced by Scand. _svefja_. For #f# the scribe writes þ in sielþe 48, selþ 61, 149, which perhaps represents an individual pronunciation. The voiced sound between vowels is represented by _f_, not _u_. The added #t# in mistlice is found in OE., that after _n_ in berient, melstanent 170 is local, as sarment, suddent, varmint in the SE. modern dialects: #t# is doubled in fett 14; #ts# is _s_ in milsi 59, _c_ in milce 102. In an 130 #d# is lost (and 145), as in hlafor 21: it is written for þ in dierewurd 20, had 152, hafd 56, sede 170. For #þ#, _f_ is written in of 11, 15, 108, _ft_ in oft 134, 136; _t_ in to 36 (?), 147 after ⁊ = ant: #æt þǣre# is eter 13, 117: it is lost after _h_ in forðteh 42, and intrudes before _h_ in awiðhst 37. #sc# is [š] in biscopes 111, sceolde 7, scandlice 151; _ss_ is written for it in wasse 10, 123. #c# is palatalized in cheðen 70 (ceðen 16), dierchin 45 (fiscynn 46), ærndraches 16, machede 41 (macede 91). #c# is doubled in accenned 94. #g# is lost in witien 140 and final in almihti 32, ȝegen 156, leornin (ch[n]ihtes) 106: it is _ch_ in heretoche 80, _c_ in strencþe 97. The scribe generally uses ȝ for #ġ#: exceptions are gelest 2, gife 86, gief 98, gif 63, bigeten 55, iunglenges 107. The development of a _y_ sound is seen in ȝeðe (= #iþe#), ȝeie 43; ȝ in ȝeu 24, ȝiu 117, ȝehw 119 has been adopted from the nom. #ȝe#. Initial #h# before a vowel is often omitted, abben 160, afeð 150, alste 36, is 28 &c., us 167; before consonants, laford 12, 61, wa 4, wat 24 (hwet 17), wic 142, wile 82: it is added in her 160, his 128 &c., hofne 170, hur 65, hure 44, hus 43, and hwe 69, which helps to the understanding of ȝehw 119. For #ht#, _cht_ is written in echte 55, ibrocht 146, lichte 50, richtwise 147: ahct 49 is for acht (= #āht#); _ct_ in brictnesse 145.

#Accidence:# Strong decl. of _m._ and _neut._ nouns. _Sing. n._ halende 93, helende 109, 163, sceppende 41 with participial terminations (sceppend 40), endedeie 118, gate 117 have added _e_: tacne 145 is #tacen#; drihte 52 has lost _n._ _Gen._ -es. _Dat._ -e: exceptions, anginn 115, bearn 50, barn 60, fer 155, gat 13 (gate 117), ȝegen 156, innoð 60, godspel 161 (godspelle 165), hlaford 65, licht 53 (lichte 50), mancyn 99, sceappend 65 (sceappende 93), þing 53. _Acc._ as _nom._: accennende 103, a participle used as noun, fultume 47 with added _e_. _Plur. n. m._ -es: deade 115 has adj. term., wude 47 (#wuda#); _neut._ wlcne 145. _Dat._ -en, as apostlen 139, bearnen 159, bredene 81, cnihten 20, aldren 20, esten 158, kingen 32, martiren 140, melstanent 170, þeinen 21: exceptions, had 139 (= #hādum#), leahtrum 79, meiden 141, neiles 146, write 85, and ME. repples 13. The accent on hlafordé 32 may be a contraction mark. _Acc. m._ -es: _neut._ folc 68, niatt 45, þing 33, 101, 109; þrimsettles 36 has masc. form. Weak are anglene 139, _pl. g._, esten 159 _pl. n._, hefenen 36 _s. g._ comp. hefene 163. Strong decl. of _fem._ nouns: blisse 125, eorðe 45, lare 90, mihte 38, þiode 91, underþiede 137 (treated as compound of #þēod#), witnisse 149 have added _e_ in the _nom. sing._: ȝefered 138 has lost _en_; its _dat._ is ȝeferede 20. The other cases sing. and pl. which occur end in _e_, as merche (stowe) 124, rode 145, _s. g._; echte 55 (possibly _pl._), gife 86, 88, 109, _s. d._; hesne 98, laðienge 6, lage 80, _s. a._; senne 80, 91, 151, _pl. d._; ahte 122, _pl. a._ Exceptions are wrldes 77, a masc. form, berient 170 (= #byrgenne#), ȝescung 54, gief 98 (possibly for gife), hand 37, nicht 53, _s. d._; wrhmint 65 (wrhminte 93), _s. a._; ceðen 16, 70, 113, underþeoden 17, _pl. d._; hand 14, _pl. a._ underþeod, 6 is adj. used as noun. Weak forms are dunan 37, _pl. a._, lagan 70, _pl. n._, sennenn 132, _pl. a._, underþeoden, _pl. n._ 3.

Weak declension: _Sing. nom._ halege 126, mone 47, sonne 46, tyme 77, witiȝe 35: _d._ ære 166, heorte 72, heretoche 80, time 84, witie 57, uuantruce 122, _acc._ deme 148, lichame 41, 126: leoem 45 is probably for leome. _Plur. nom._ ȝeferen 15, sterren 47, 144; _dat._ swepen 13, swupen 132, witȝin 89, witien 140; _acc._ witiȝe 85, ȝefo 22. ærndraces 69, _pl. n._, 16, _pl. a._ have adopted a strong inflection: nixtan 73, _s. d._ is adj. used as noun.

Minor declensions: burh 166, berie 7, _s. d._; fader 40, 44, feder 42, _s. n._, feder 48, _s. d._, hagefaderen 140, _pl. d._; fett 14, _pl. a._; frienden 21, 28, 157, _pl. d._; mannes 72, 118, _s. g._; man 76, _s. d._, 41, _s. a._; menn 31, hafedmen 108, man 23, 76, _pl. n._; mannen 153, _pl. d._, 159, _pl. g._; mæn 22, mænn 78, _pl. a._

Adjectives: Remnants of the strong decl. linger in ecer 128, _s. d. f._, soðe 65, grate 6, _s. a. f._; and perhaps hage(faderen) 140 (= #hēagum#); of the weak decl. in fulle 127, gode 121, _s. n. m._, lefe 96, _s. n. f._, mucele 137, _s. d. m._, 129, _s. d. f._, richtwise 148, soriȝe 104, _s. a. m._, unwreaste 104, _s. a. neut._ hahes 171 is a strong form for weak; haliȝe 102 a strong fem. qualifying lif, _neut._ The _pl._ inflection in all cases is -e, so ȝeredie 131, stanene 81. Longer words are often uninflected, as manifald 79, 90, dierewurd 20 (derewrþe 138), wrldlic 55; also ful 54, gelty 153, hali 122, 140. Adjectives used as nouns are senfulle 147, _s. n._; fa 25, fo 156, latst 8, 69, nixtan 73, _s. d._; innoh 152, _s. a._; richtwise 147, _pl. n._

Pronouns: Noteworthy are hwe 69, ȝie 24, 26 (ȝe 116); ȝeu 24, 113, ȝiu 117, 160, ȝehw 119. The pronoun of the third person is, _Sing. n._ he, _m._ hi 50, 51, 59, 60, _f._; hit, _neut._; _d._ him, _m._; _a._ hine 10 &c., him 14, _m._ hit, _n._ _Plur. n._ hi, i in combinations icome 17, ibeoð 70, mihti 55; _d._ heom 5, ham 18, 55, 147; _a. m._ hi 117. From *seo _f._ are his 81 _s. a. f._ (= is) and his 117, _pl. a. m._ (= is), es in letes 129, _pl. a. n._, for which forms see Anglia, Beiblatt vii. 331, xi. 302. The dat. _s. pl._ with self uninflected occurs as definitive adj. 61, 81, 149; _s._ and _pl._ with selfe as reflexive, 55, 91, 151, 152; us sielfe 48. Possessives are mine 64, mi 63, _s. n. m._, mine 25, 156, _s. d. m._, mire 24 (with rice _neut._) 26, 154, mine in other cases; þina 37, _s. d. f._; ure, hure, ur, hur 65, with ures 87, 106, _s. g. m._; is, his, hire; ȝiure 52, ȝeur 153; hare 85, 172, hares 56, _s. g. m._ his 21, 29, _pl. d._ is used as noun, his men. The def. article is, _Sing. n. m._ se, once seo 66; _f._ si, with _neut._ tacne 145, but rode is _fem._, gate 117; _neut._ þat 143: _g. m._ þes, with wrldes 77, ses 87, by analogy from #se#; _neut._ þes: _d. m._ þa, þe, (to) ðe 22; _f._ þare 93, with _neut._ gate 129, þar 19, þer 139, (i)þer 123, with _m._ 141, with _neut._ 13, 117; _neut._ þam, þan 118, 158, þe 50, 145, (i)þe 161, ȝeðe 165, þa 110, probably for þa{n}: _a. m._ þann 120; _f._ þa 54 &c., _neut._ þat 168. _Pl. n. m._ þa, þe, (⁊) to 147; _d. m._ þa, þo: _a. m._ þe 85. Used pronominally si 83, _s. n. f._; þat 97, _s. n. neut._; þa 26, _pl. n. m._; þan 141, _pl. d. m._ The compound demonstrative is, _Sing. n. m._ þes; _f._ þes; _neut._ þis: _d. m._ þese 48; _f._ þisser, þesser, þeser; _neut._ þese 118, 163: _a. f._ þas 80; _neut._ þis. _Pl. n._ þes, þas: _g._ þeses: _d._ þesen: _a._ þes. Exceptional is þas 43, _s. n. neut._ (OE. occasional #þæs#). The relative is þe 26, 32, 97; wam 48, 96, _s. d._; introducing dep. questions, wa 4, 66, hwa 67: interrogatives, hwat, hwet, wat 24, wic 142: indefinites are _n. m._ an 1; _d. m._ ane 68, _neut._ ane 164, ene 7, an 53; _a. m._ ænne 7, _f._ anæ 6, _neut._ a 57; _n. m. f._ ælc, elc; _g. m._ elces 118; _a. m._ elce 116; swice, _pl. n. m._; nahte 33, _s. d. n._ Sum 17, _s. n._ has oblique cases in _e_ 56, 82, but sum 92, _pl._: fele 83, maniȝe 54, 109 are plurals: oðre (once oðere) is constant: #eall# is _sing. n._ all, al; _d. f._ alle 66, _neut._ 4, 24 (rice is regarded as _fem._); _a. f._ alle 96, _neut._ all, al 47. The plural is alle; but all 15, al 141.

The infinitive of verbs ends mostly in _e_, fandie 130: noteworthy are besie 14, isi 55: ȝief 119 has lost _e_ before him. wunian 159 is a survival; others in _n_ are ȝearceon 6, ȝeclepien 6, clepeien 49, don 88, finden 173, forȝeten 59, abben 160. _Dat. inf._ with inflection, bienne 43, donne 152; without inflection abiden 11, bigeten 55, don 51, fulforðie 98, ȝelaðie 17, 78, isi 137, sawe 44, tolie 44. _Pres. s._ 1. forȝete 61, lefie 155, nell(ic) 60; 2. awiðhst 37, belocest 37, halst 36; 3. blisseð 52 and 8 others, but contracted forms predominate, abernð 143, belimpð 128, cumþ 114, 121, 129, ett 163, fett 42, fet 171, ȝemet 133, ȝestrenð 112 (#gestrengeþ#), isecgð 148, iseȝð 150 (#siehð#), lat 124 (#lǣdeþ#), sit 138 and 9 others. Exceptional are blissið 50, had 152 (#hæfð#), scred 42 (#scrȳt#), scyft 117, forðteh 42 (#tyhð#). _Subjunctive pr. s._ forȝiet[e] 60, habbe 74, letes 129 (lete + es), milsi 59, underfo 126. _Pres. pl._ 1. habbeþ 48, siggeð 114, wene (we) 49; 3. adredeð 147, aþestreð 144 &c.; but cwaciað 147, þenið 142 (Archiv lxxxix, 160-6). _Subj. pr. pl._ næmmie 112, scewie 22. _Imp. pl._ understandeð 31, 99, witeð 155, wite (ȝe) 125. Past of Strong Verbs: _Sing._ I a. cweð 21, et 28, ȝiaf 97; I b. com 19, nam 5; I c. dranc 28, ȝelamp 1; II. astah 162, wratẹ 81 (#wrāt#); III. abreað 83, ȝecas 81; IV. ȝesceop 33; V. ableow 42, bleowu 168, befel 3, wex 168. _Pl._ I a. cweðe 18, 1. _pl._; I b. come 9; I c. sturfe 28; II. repen 169; III. ȝebugon 25. _Subjunctives_ are I b. come 12, 20; V. ȝewold[e] 55. _Pp._ I b. icome 115; I c. abruden 27, abroden 134, 156; II. begripe 95; III. belocen 16; IV. ȝescepe 56, understande 116; V. beswapen 151, ȝesawen 165, ȝewasse, uniwasse 123. _Past_ of Weak Verbs ends in -de, -ede, arerde 80, clensede 103 &c.: diht 41, gelest 2, send 78, sett 72 have dropped final _e_. _Pl._ -den; once arerdon 85: sede 117, 119, lefede 155, acolede 90, ȝearnede 27 have lost _n_. The _pp._ ends in -ed, -d, -t; once acende 101, beside accenned 94: unwemmede 94, weregede 131 are inflected. Minor groups: wat 54, _pr. s._; ah 43, _pr. s._, oȝeð 64 (#āgon#), 1 _pr. pl._; scel 135, sceol 147, _pr. s._, scule 26 &c., _pr. pl._, once sculen 161, sceolde 87, _pt. s._, sceolde 7, sceolden 12, 160, _pt. pl._; mai 152, _pr. s._, but maȝi 34, maie 148, maȝie 59, _pr. s._ are subjunctive in form; muȝe (we) 49, 1 _pr. pl._, mihtí (mihte hi) 55, mihten 86, _pt. pl._; am 162, ham 63, 1 _pr. s._, his 33 &c., is 36, _pr. s._, beoð 70, 108, 146, bieð 54, 65, _pr. pl._, beon 69, bienn 135, _pr. pl. subj._, was 19, wes 1 &c., _pt. s._, were 99 &c., wer 69, 75, _pt. pl._, were 5, 10 &c., _pt. s. subj._, 8, 15, 16 &c., _pt. pl. subj._, ibi 135 (*#gebion#), _pp._; don 72, 73, _pr. s. subj._ but plural in form, ded[ė] 73, _pt. s._; to gað 145, _pr. pl._, go 22, 1 _pr. pl. subj._