Chapter XIV: Part 14

#w# is lost in þong 219, beside þwong 217, 218; for #w#, _u_ is written in Cantuarieburi 15, #l# is lost in scat 189. #m# is doubled in icummen 3, #n# in hennen 160, iborenne 259, whænnenen 27. #n# is lost in gome 228, and often in i 137 for #in#, iþan 126, iþere 72, a 81 for #on#: in 240 represents #inn#. #f# is kept in the combinations _fd_, _fn_, hafde 212, læfdi 74, æfne 70, 296, and as a final, hælf 117, initially after a word ending in a voiceless sound, færeð 43, fain 286, feorr 160, folc 36. Otherwise it is _u_, initially, as classified at 365/3-6, uorð 41, ualde 203, uerden 48, uast 132, uæin 263, ueden 190, uiue 105, uul 276, 277, medially, bilæuen 39, biuoren 95, uuele 280, deluen 221, helue 129; it is written _fu_ in hæfuest 50, bilæfuen 24, ȝifuen 72, 76, leofue 54, 79. But exceptions are numerous, fare 176, færen 45, feole 119, fiue 39, forð 39, fforð 14, fuliwis 225, biforen 17, toforen 144, ifaren 105, vfel 78. #of# is shortened to o 213. For #t#, _d_ is written in bed 100, _th_ in bithecheð 276: in bezste 200 (4), z = ts; #t# is doubled in bett 100, lost in henges 32, 151, Hænges 55; for #tt#, _ht_ is written in hæhte 59 &c., if it represents #hatte#. #d# is lost in lon 64, selcuðe 2, 35, walden 71. For #þ#, _d_ appears in cudðe 98, dod 86, falled 38, iuald 109, ladlic 294, luted 54, madmes 134, odere 228, 276, swide 120, 236; whar 28 represents #hwæðer#. #sć# is regularly _sc_, scal 38, scenden 192, monscipe 153, bruttisc 281, but særes, schæren 216. The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_, also in kærf 217, in other positions _c_, castel 173, dronc 283; ah 8 (6) is Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#. #č# is _ch_, ælchen 78, elchen 21, bitechen 191, drenche 272, muchel 42, richen 154, sechen 49, swulche 23, wulche 53, but alc 51, swulc 218. #ic# is ich 22, ic 175; #cæster#, Chastre 226. #čč# is _cch_ in ræcchen 148; #cw# is _qu_, queð 147. Palatal #g# is written _ȝ_, ȝare 224, ȝirnde 206, hærȝieð 108: a parasitic ȝ appears in iȝeten 252. #g# is lost finally in weoli 60, moni 93; it exchanges with _w_ in herberwe 131. #čǧ# is _gg_ in sugge 52, 167, ligge 174 &c. Initial #h# is lost in lauerd 49, læuedi 65, loten 37, iloten 252, lust 30, lusten 149, nap 275, ræh 291, and added in hi[s] 36; also medially in hehne 102 (#hēanne#), whar 61. #hw# is regularly _wh_, whæt 27 &c., whar 28, while 237, but wulche 53. In burhȝe 205, burhȝen 251, the scribe wavers between h and ȝ; elsewhere he writes burhe, burȝen, burje, buruwe.

(2) =Of O.= Oral #a# is _a_, ac 8, faren 45; #a# before nasals is regularly _a_, fram 203, gan 92, 207, nam 92, wan 183, wane 189, wanene 27, þanne 204, 282, but drong 283, isomned 36; #a# before lengthening groups is _o_, among 156, londe 19 (16 times), longe 104, but amang 251, answerede 21, 78, lang 217, þwang 217, 218, onderfang 188: #and# is and 18, an 133, #man#, _pron._, me 276. #æ# is _a_, after 186, bar 257, sat 261, 287, spac 195, 262, nas 104, but þes 292. #e# is normally _e_, beste 238, Dence 229, selliche 2 (seollich O 14409); before lengthening groups _e_, ende 109, Englene 262, Englisse 226, felde 203, but Ænglis 34 (comp. 266/15), Œnglisse 281: #forbærnan# is forbearne 165, bearneþ 108; #ærnan#, erneþ 108; #mengde#, meynde 292. #i# is _i_, amidde 203, ligge 177, wille 196; before lengthening groups _i_, children 187, þing 60, but cheldren 159, þenges 35. The present forms of #willan# have _o_, wolle 20, wolleþ 87, wolt 184, a French writing for _u_, but nelle 191: #ġift# is ȝeftes 88, 133. #o# is _o_, bolle 257, dorste 137; before lengthening groups _o_, borde 215, wolde 19: #on# is a 117, 261, an 53; þane 74 (7) descends from LWS. #þane#. #u# is regularly _o_, borh 191 (4), come 137 (3), drongken 251, foliwis 225, gomes 2, loue 69, þos 183, wonie 173, but þus 48, 77, vp 38; before lengthening groups it is _u_, funde 298, grunde 109, hundred 5, 233, but mornede 293, wonder 35. #y# is _u_, Bruttesse 225, cunne 181, custe, clupte 289, dude 117, fulþ 276, lust 269, nuste 264, vuele 21; for _u_, _o_ is written in come 118, comes 263, mochel 123 (6), soche 23, 291, woche 53 (#hwylc#), and before a lengthening group, goldene 257; but #y# is _i_ in win 63, winne 188, kinelonde 192, and as usual in king 50, and _e_ in dedest 162, wercheþ 68.

#ā# is regularly _o_, brod 218, ihote 34, 67, non 258, no 23, 204, (#nā#), on 59 &c., but a 60, 63, an 64, 65; before two consonants _o_, loþlich 294, one 214 (#ānne#), but ane 217, 223, 257, nanne 191, hatte 32 (8), haxede 265: #þā# is þe 7 &c., #þās#, þeos 18, 69, 215; #þām#, þan 1 &c.; #hwām#, wan 38. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, bilefue 24, 46, erest 262, heþene 8 (3), sprede 210, but bitak 173, bitake 191, bitakest 205 (confusion with #tacan#), deal 220, heaþene 295, leore 150, rounded before r, stonene 222 (*#stānen#); before two consonants _e_, arerde 223, ech 185, euere 7, wendesdei 72, but leafdi 65, ladde 259, wraþþe 150. #ǣ{2}# is _e_, dedes 87, onimete 254, sete 250, þere 44, 48, weren 2 (10), but _ea_ in beade 298, reade 110, 171, 298, _a_ in þar 119, þarin 283, þaron 5, þare 37 (4), ware 176, 210, _eo_ in beore 93, eoten 251 (elsewhere #ge-eten#, _pp._, is represented by iheote O 6691, iȝeote O 14952); before two consonants it is _a_ in þarfore 48, 86, adradde O 7575, _ea_ in sealþe O 25574, and _e_ in wepne O 14838. #ē# is _e_, cweme 184, seche 41, wene 175; before two consonants, cwemde 139, grette 18, 144, lette 221 (4), OE. #lēt#: aȝen 131, toȝenes 240 represent #ongēn#, #togēnes#; #gē#, pron., is ȝeo, 27, 53, 79; doþ 292, _pr. s._, has o from plural. #ī# is _i_, bliþe 24, swiþe 2, 51, wif 178 &c., written always _ii_ in hii 8 (20), and _y_ in tydinge 1 (3); but bloþeliche 282 (#blȳþe#), heredmen 67 (? influenced by #heord#); before two consonants _i_, fifþe 62, wisne 214, but womman 299. #ō# is _o_, com 1, soþ 50; before two consonants, most 110, moste 46. #ū# is _ou_, French writing for u, aboute 220, couþe 214, nou 48, þou 20, but _u_ in dun 246, vre 35, 64, vs 20, 45, and _o_ in bote 177, 218. #ȳ# is regularly _u_, biclused 177, cuðen 269, hude 202, lutel 206, prude 254, scrude 190: #þȳ# is þe 8, 184.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is regularly _a_, harm 8, iȝarked 238, ȝarue 224. The _i_-umlaut is represented by deorne 148, which points to Anglian _e_. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_, al 22 &c., falleþ 38, halt 275, halle 99, half 117, salt 189, wal 222; before lengthening groups _o_, anwolde 83, atholde 20, 83, biholde 209, 223, holde 143, 150: the _i_-umlaut is seen in elder 29, heoldre 187, falleþ 109 (Ang. #fællan#). #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_ in heorte 288, _e_ in hercne 147, werpeð 37, _o_ in for 203; before a lengthening group _eo_ in ȝeorne 288: words of the #wur# group have _o_, worsipe 26, 68, worþliche 190, iworþe 91; the _i_-umlaut is _o_, forst 26, ȝornde 206: #wyr# is represented in worse 291, 292. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolue 113, seolf 209. The _u_-umlaut of #a# is wanting in care 123, 176. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, gives cleopede 230, soueþe 64, and analogically ileued 22, but #heora# is hire 69 &c. #ea# after palatals is _a_, sal 89, _e_, ȝef 133 (3), before nasal, _a_, same 86. #ie# after #g# is _e_, biȝete 172, ȝeue 88, ȝefue 69, ȝef 201. #ȝef#, _conj._, is ȝif 20. #eo# after #g# is _o_, ȝonge 159, 187; after #sc#, _o_, solde 45, 178. #eom# is ham 24, 175, nam 176; #heom#, heom 69 (4).

#ēa# is divided between _ea_, dead 175, deaþe 46, slean 165, and _e_, bileue 53, 79, gret 63, lefue 92, lesing 50: the _i_-umlaut is represented by bilefeþ 53, ihure 149; before two consonants by ihord 50 (4). #ēo# is regularly _eo_, beo 27 &c., deor 43; before two consonants, biheold 246, 288, freond 273, 274; but biful 122, 140, ful 45: bitwine 167 descends from #betwinum#: deore 88, 236, freond, _dat._, 273, neod 38, 171 are without umlaut. OE. #gīet# is ȝet 65. #ēa# after #g# is _e_, ȝer 36, ȝere 44.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, daȝes 69, ofslaȝe 138 (#ofslagen#), and _aw_, lawe 285. #æ# + #g# is mostly _ai_, dai 23, faire 18 (7), mai 173, saiþ 273, saide 51 (5), or _ay_, mayde 282, moneday 70, but _ei_ in seide 19, 240, seiþ 270, tisdei 70, wendesdei 72. #æ# + #h# occurs in iveiþed 175. #e# + #g# is _ei_, leide 220, oþerweies 122, or _ey_, awey 129, but _ai_ in laide 215. #e# + #h# occurs in hehte 162, 225; #i# + #h# in sihte 103; #o# + #h# in dohter 181; #u# + #g# in floȝe 129. #ā# + #g# is _ow_, owe 201, owene 208. #ā# + #h# is seen in ohte 84; #ǣ{1}# + #h# in bitahte 284; #ī# + #g# in friday 74; #ō# + #g# in sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119; #ō# + #h# in iþohten 122, noht 41, 218. #ea# + #h# is _eh_, seh 23; the _i_-umlaut of #ea# + #ht# is _i_, mihte 210, mihti 60, 65. #eo# + #ht# is _i_, cnihtes 5, fihte 126, rihte 20, sixte 63, but Peutes 84, 107; the _i_-umlaut is represented by nihte 23. #ēa# + #g# occurs in hehȝe 259; #ēa# + #h# in heh 64, neh 291: the _i_-umlaut in hehest 62. #ēo# + #w# is _ou_, ȝoure 53 &c., ȝou 24, 88, ou 83, but cnouwe 261.

#e# is added in here 7, ofte 86. #on# is reduced to an 53, a 117, and in the prefix of aboute 220, amidde 203; #o# becomes _e_ in forte 229. For #u#, _o_ occurs in onderfang 188, onimete 254. The suffix #-ung# is _ing_ in rouning 143, tydinge 147.

Initial #f# is once _v_, vare 176, elsewhere _f_, faren 45, fareþ 48; between vowels or vowel and liquid it is _u_, _v_, delue 221, ived 100, iveiþed 175, vuele 21, but bilefeþ 53, life 46, and before #u# _f_ is retained, biful 122: _fu_ is written in bilefue 24, 46, lefue 92, 207, leofue 79, 274, lifue 22, lofuieþ 286, wifues 43 (5). For #t#, _d_ is written in bed 100; fifþe 62 (#fīfta#) is an early instance of the modern form. #d# is lost in an 133, answerede 21. For #þ#, _th_ appears in deathe 157; _ð_ occurs only in louieð 57. #sc# is regularly _s_, sal 89, same 86, sende 192, solle 24, worsipe 26, Ænglis 34, but _ss_ in Bruttesse 225, 281, Englisse 226, Œnglisse 281, and _c_ in Dence 229 (#Denisc#), which appears to indicate a pronunciation for #sc# of [s]. The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_, ilke 34, kinelonde 192, and finally bitak 173, folk 36; #nc# is _ng_, dring 282, dringe 273, 275, dringþ 275, drong 283, drongken 251. #č# is _ch_, childe 43, ech 185, ich 22 (ihc 177), mochel 123, soche 23, 291, speche 266. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_, aȝen 131, ȝarue 224, sloȝen 126: hehȝe 259 represents #hēage#, meynde 292 #mengde#. h is added initially in ham 24 &c., haxede 265, heoldre 187, hifulled 258, himakede 240, hin 131. Initial #hl# is reduced to _l_, lotes 37, lust 269, #hn# to _n_, nap 275, #hw# to _w_, wan 38, wanene 27, ware 176, wat 27, wile 237, woche 53. #heo#, _pron._, she, is regularly ȝeo 67 &c., comp. Orm’s ȝho, 112/2.

#Accidence:# (1) of C. A peculiar feature of these texts is the occasional addition of n after a final vowel. This ‘nunnation,’ fairly common in C, rare in O, is marked here by round brackets. Its use makes it doubtful at times whether a noun or adjective ending in n is a weak form or a strong form with added n. Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n. a._ maide 266, 283, 295 has lost final n. _Gen._ -es, þunres 73, twines 218: _dat._ -e, ræde 197, gomene 291, londe 3, vfele 51, crafte(n) 214, cume(n) 24, cunne(n) 188, inne(n) 112, liue(n) 25, rihte(n) 20, wurðscipe(n) 26; without inflection are ræd 298, gomen 231, kinelond 56, lond 162, vfel 78, gome (#gamene#) 228, lon 64, and the proper name Saturnus 75. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, cnihtes 17 (6), madmes 134, but cnihten 5, 27, ridern 233, sunen 105 are weak forms: neuters are ȝer 36, þing 50, wif 43, but haefden 87, loten 37, scipen 4 (3) are weak. Genitives are londe 33, þinge 260, weak forms are ænglene 262, cnihtene 55, 89, and, before a vowel, cnihten 77, 152, 195: datives have mostly -en, cnihten 155, dæȝen 69, goden 68, scipen 92, 232, but londes 137, þinge 61. The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension have -e in the _s. n. a._, duȝeðe 170, 252, 272, hude 202, 210, dæde 197, ferde 85, duȝeðe(n) 166, but sæ 2. _Gen._ -e, duȝeðe 141; humbre 117 is an indeclinable form: _dat._ -e, halle 99, helue 129, honde 257, halle(n) 259, but hælf 117, hond 201. _Pl. n._ are laȝe(n) 278, 285, probably weak; _d._ deden 96, laȝen 163, leoden 295 (from pl. noun #lēode#), runen 159, nihtes 23; _a._ leode(n) 165, 285, rune(n) 148, 156, probably weak. Nouns of the weak declension have mostly -e in all cases of the singular, but iueren 276, monen 76, læfdi 74 are dative, læuedi 65 acc.: the plural has -en throughout, _n._ gumen 2, ileuen 53, 80; _d._ iueren 233; _a._ bemen 249, nomen 231. The minor declensions are represented by mon _s. n._ 41, wimmon 180, monne _s. d._ 205, mon _s. a._ 214, wimmon 299, men _pl. n._ 7 &c., wimmonne(n) _pl. g._ 270, monnen _pl. d._ 112 (5), hiredmonnen 157, scipenmonnen 6 (for scipmonnen), cunnesmen _pl. a._ 98; burh _s. n._ 228, _s. a._ 173, 191, 223, burhȝe 205 (? confusion with pl. #burga#), burhȝe(n) _s. d._ 251; broðer _s. n._ 29; dohter _s. d._ 181; freond _s. n._, freonde _s. d._ 273; walden _s. n._ 71; childe _s. d._ 43, child _s. a._ 44, children _pl. d._ 187.

Adjectives, which in OE. end in a vowel, have e in all cases, bliðe 116, deore 181, ȝare 224, hende 287, mare 223, sturne 120, vnimete 254, wilde 43; those in #-ig# lose g, hali 66, mæhti 65, weoli 60. Of the weak declension are _s. n._ cristine 294, holde 154, leofue 274, _d._ bare 158, quicke 25, _a._ feire 210, hæðene 193, haðene 295. Strong inflections are _s. d. m._ richen 154, soðen 26, fæire 211, hæȝe 141, hæðene 205, _s. d. neut._ uncuðe 40, _s. a. m._ brædne 209, hæhne 205 (with #burg# _f._), hehne 102, godne 49, guldene 257, stenene 222, wisne 214, but long, smal 217 are not inflected, _s. a. f._ gode 136, kineliche 173, stronge 85. #mycel# is _s. n._ muchel 42, _d._ muchele _f._ 171, _a._ muchele _m._ 221 (but dic is usually _f._ in L), muche 220, muchele _f._ 223, muchel _neut._ 201, _pl. n._ muchele 234: #āgen# gives aȝene _s. n. neut. wk._ 296, aȝere _s. d. f._ 201, aȝene _s. d. neut._ 208. The plural of all adjectives ends in -e, except særi _pl. n._ 103 (#sārig#), dæde(n) 110, ȝungen _d._, olden 187. OE. #ān# is _s. n._ an 59, 64, 161, a 218, 267, _g._ anes _m._ 202, _d._ ane _m._ 140, 141, 203, 213, an _neut._ 51, _a._ ænne _m._ 173, 209, 214, enne (ende) 211, with _d._ uelde 211, 217, ane 257, a 153, anne _f._ 65, ane 173, 212, 223, an _neut._ 240, a 215: #nān# is _s. n._ na 41, _d._ nane _neut._ 47, nan 228, _a._ nane _f._ 191, nan _neut._ 281: #bēgen# is beyne 168. Adjectives used as nouns with inflection are hæne _s. n. m._ 204, hæhste 62, bezste _s. d._ 238, fæie _pl. n._ 127, ælderen _pl. g._ 193, ælderne 69. Comparatives end in -e, mære 42, mare 8; the superlative has weak inflection in aldeste _s. n. m._ 29, bezste 268, hæhste _s. a. f._ 69, but strong in aðelest 33, fæirest 55, 89, 152, 270, hæhst 155, hendest 77, 95, 195; plurals are færeste _n._ 7, bezste 200, 256, deoreste 244.

The personal pronouns are ich 22, ic 175, me, we, us, þu, þe, ȝe, eou. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 16, heo 73, heo _f._ 66, hit _neut._ 5; _d._ him _m._ 72, heom 71, hire _f._ 74, 224; _a._ hine _m._ 13, 230 (with #burg# _f._), 275, heo _f._ 66, 225; _pl. n._ heo 3 &c., _d._ heom 9, _a._ 67. Reflexives are þe seoluen 166, hine 111, him seoluen 145: definitive, seolf 81, 209: possessives, _s._ mi _n. m._ 32; mine _d. m._ 83, mire _f._ 181, 199, 201, mine _neut._ 22 (7); mine _a. f._ 149, 197, mi _neut._ 182; _pl. a._ mine 182; _s._ þin _n. m._ 154, þine 170, þine _d. m._ 154, 197, 263, þire _f._ 171, þine _neut._ 183, 186, _a. m._ 153 (possibly _f._, the nouns in #-scipe# are mostly _f._ in L), _f._ 166, þi _neut._ 108, 165, þin 196; _pl._ þine _n._ 167, _d._ 155, _a._ 165; his 10, hire 232; ure 35; eoure 54, eouwer 24 (4), æoure 53, heore 37. The definite article is _s._ þe _n. m._ 29, 218, þæ 63, 231, þa 15, 39, þe _f._ 224, þæ 228, þa 238, þat _neut._ 36, þe 43, þas _g. m._ 292, þere _f._ 117, þan _d. m._ 4, 40 (with #leode# _f._), þa 73 (miswritten for þan), þere _f._ 3, 72, 217, þene 75 (miswritten for þere), þan _neut._ 1, 126, 136, 253, 290, þene _a. m._ 72 (7), þane 139, þa _f._ 174, 193, þat _neut._ 283, (for) þi _instr._ 48, 66, þa 8, 184, 252; _pl._ þa _n._ 7 &c., þan _d._ 6, 137, 187, þa _a._ 229, 285. Þat is used demonstratively, 8, 277, 283, 266 (with speche _f._), 34 (with ænde _d. m._); the article is also used pronominally in vppen þan þe, upon whom 38. The compound demonstrative is _s._ þes _n. m._ 162, þis _neut._ 7, 278, þas _d. f._ 117, þisse _neut._ 19, 162, þissen 285, þis 56, þas _a. f._ 215, þis _neut._ 116, 178, 209, 280; _pl._ þas _n._ 17, 79, 169, _a._ 231. The relatives are þe, þat 7, 150 (= that which), þa 58, 68, 96, 105, 172, 174; þer . . . on, on which, 210. Interrogatives are whæt 27 (3), what 31 (4), wulche _pl. n._ 53, the correlative is swulchere _s. d. f._ 103, swulche _s. d. neut._ 231, _pl. n._ 23: #ilca# is ilke _s. n. m._ 237, 275, ilken _s. d. m._ 34, ilke _pl. a._ 285. Indefinites are me 276; oðer _s. n. m._ 29, odere _d. neut._ 228, oder _a. m._ 276, oðer _a. neut._ 283, oðere _pl. n._ 164; anoðer _s. n. neut._ 122; ælches _s. g. m._ 202, ælche _d. m._ 203, _f._ 129, _neut._ 155, 291, aelchen 78, 185, alchen 280, elchen 21, alc 51; æueralche _s. d. neut._ 44; æi _s. n. f._ 272, _a. f._ 205; nohtes _g. s._ 82; moni 93, 153, 286, muni 113, _pl._ monie 126, 130; feole 119; al _s. n. neut._ 37, alle _d. f._ 244, _neut._ 22, al 56, alle _a. m._ 130, al 109, _f._ 197, _pl._ alle _n._ 99, all 110, alre _g._ 33 (8), alle _d._ 61, 68, al 112, alle _a._ 50, 135.

Four-fifths of the infinitives end in -en; cleopien 249 is the only infinitive of the second weak conjugation; there are no examples in -in or -i; those in -e are athælde 83, bilæue 46, cuðe 158, ligge 174, liðe 39, 92, 207, 243, ræde 171, spræde 210, all at the end of line or half-line, cume 164, iwurðe 90: contract verbs are afon 178, slæn 165. The _dat. inf._ is not inflected. Presents are _s._ 1. habbe 22, libbe 174; 2. ȝettest 184, hæfuest 50; 3. bereð 44, bitecheð 276, dihteð 67, drinkeð 275, fareð 276, falled 38, fordemed 170, exceptionally gladieð 272; contracted are halt 275, seið 270, sæið 274, sæiðe 273 (miswritten for sæið); _pl._ 1. biliueð 91, luuieð 57; 2. haldeð 193, luted 54; 3. ærneð 108, cusseoð 277, liggeð 82, hærȝieð 108, hatieð 157, luuieð 66, spilieð 159, wunieð 160, iuald 109 (#gefiellaþ#): _subjunctive s._ 1. fare 176, habbe 182; 2. biȝite 172, bitache 173, habbe 205, sugge 52: _imperative s._ 2. afeoh 188, drinc 282, hærcne 147, lust 30, 269. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 1. sæh 23; 3. bad 241, 297, bed 298, ȝæf 134, ȝef 133, 299, isæh 116, queð 147, sæt 261, sat 287, spæc 195; _pl._ 3. æten 251, setten 250: I b. _s._ 3. bar 257, com 113 (4), nom 92, 207, 215; _pl._ 3. comen 1, 235 (11), come 229; _subj. s._ 3. come 241: I c. _s._ 3. bigon 221, dronc 283, funde 298 (weak form), gon 92 (3), ilomp 122, 140, kærf 217; _pl._ 3. drunken 146, 251, fuhten 127, gunnen 14, 249: II. _pl._ 3. driuen 229: III. _s._ 3. bad 239; _pl._ 3. fluȝen 129, 130, floȝen 129: IV. _s._ 3. scop 224, stod 136 (3); _pl._ 1. uerden 48 (weak form from #fēran#); 3. droȝen 93, sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119: V. _s._ 3. biheold 246, 288, hæhte 225 (weak form), lette (weak form), 283; passive, _s._ 1. hatte 32; 3. hatte 64, hæhte (#hatte#) 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 161, 162, if it be not the active form with passive meaning; _pl._ 3. bleowen 249, feollen 127, hæhten 230, hetten 250. Participles past: I a. biȝite 212, iȝeten 252: I. b. iborenne _adj. pl._ 259, (kine) borne _pl._ 168, icumen 2 (6), icummen 3, icume 117, ouercumen 128: III. iloten 252: IV. ifaren 105, ofslæȝen 138, ofslaȝen 163, atstonde 183: V. ihaten 34, ihate 67, ihalden 102, 279, underfon 241. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. andswerede 21, arerde 223, bilæde 220, fræinede 265 (#gefrægnan#), ȝette 242, hafde 212 (5), hæfde 233, hehde (for hefde) 69, bitæhte(n) 284, hæfde(n), 214, næuede(n) 228; _pl._ 3. andswerden 11, cleopeden 226, halde 290. Participles past: biclused 177, bitæht 205, ibrusted 256, iȝarked 238, 240, ihæȝed 153 (*#hēagian#), islit 219, iuaid 175; inflected are iscrudde, iuædde 100. Minor Groups: nuste _pt. s._ 264; cuðe _pt. s._ 214, 281, cuðen _pt. pl._ 11; dursten _pt. pl._ 158, durste 137; scat 2 _pr. s._ 189, scal _pr. s._ 38, scullen 1 _pr. pl._ 68, 2 _pr. pl._ 24, _pr. pl._ 39, scolde _pt. s._ 241, scolden 1 _pt. pl._ 45; mai 1 _pr. s._ 174, _pr. s._ 204, mæi 73, mihte _pt. s._ 111, 210, mihte we 1 _pt. pl._ 46; most 2 _pr. s._ 110; beon _inf._ 28, am 1 _pr. s._ 175, æm 24, 263, næm 176, is _pr. s._ 32, js 67, us 62, nis 56, beoð 45, 1 _pr. pl._ 31, 33, 48, 110, seoð 31 (with s for b from #sind#, #sīen#), beoð 2 _pr. pl._ 79, _pr. pl._ 35, 271, 278, beo 1 _pr. s. subj._ 183, _pr. s. subj._ 41, beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 27, seon 27 (#sīen#), wes _pt. s._ 8 (6), wæs 78, nes 104, 218, weoren _pt. pl._ 2 (8), weore 8, neoren 138, weore(n) _pt. s. subj._ 266, ibeon _pp._ 154; wulle 1 _pr. s._ 25 (7), wulle(n) 30, 88, 184, nulle 191, wult 2 _pr. s._ 149, 178, wule _pr. s._ 202, wulleð 1 _pr. pl._ 194, 2 _pr. pl._ 87, _pr. pl._ 164, wulle _pr. s. subj._ 90, wullen 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 28, wolde _pt. s._ 20 (4), wolden _pt. pl._ 19, 192, walden 12, 42; don _inf._ 111, to don _dat. inf._ 298, dod _pr. pl._ 86, dude _pt. s._ 292, duden _pt. pl._ 71, 117, idon _pp._ 9, 63, 180; eode _pt. s._ 144, 253.

Noteworthy are the adverbs forðrihtes 107, at this very moment, stilledliche 159, probably miswritten for stilliche of the exemplar, rather than for stilleliche, which is unmetrical wherever it occurs, and whænnene(n) 27, representing #hwanone#. OE. #nā# _conj._ is once na, nor 191, but no 23, no . . . no, neither . . . nor 138.

(2) =Of O.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n. a._ maide 266 (3) has lost final n. _Gen._ -es, kinges 292: _dat._ -e, crafte 214, lifdaȝe 138, ȝere 44, inne 253, londe 19 (9), but dai 23, and the neuters folk 295, ȝer 36, hin 131, lond 64, 262 are uninflected; game 285, 291 represents #gamene#: borde _s. a._ 215 has added e. The _pl. n. d. a._ ends in -es, _n. m._ comes 263, kempes 5, _neut._ sipes 4, þenges 35, wifues 43, _d. m._ cnihtes 133, godes 68, _neut._ sipes 232, þinges, 61, _a. m._ cnihtes 23, _neut._ bordes 250, godes 93, londes 37, 193, lotes 37: _gen._ are cnihtes 112, Englene 262 (weak form), þing 260 (miswritten for þinge). The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension have -e in the _s. n. a._, blisse 251, hude 202, speche 266, tydinge 1, care 123, see 2, but leafdi 65, lesing 50, rouning 143: _dat._ -e, halue 221, winne 188, but half 117, hond 201, 257, win 63. _Pl. n._ are lawe 285, tydinge 104, lawes 278, _d._ rouninges 148, wiþerededes 87, _a._ leode 165, tydinge 147, ȝeftes 88, 133. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular, _n._ wone 271, _d._ ivere 276, _a._ bolle 257; _pl. n._ are bileue 53, bilefues 79, gomes 2, _d._ ivere 233, _a._ rideres 233. The minor declensions are represented by man _s. d._ 205, _s. a._ 214, womman 299, men _pl. n._ 7, heredmen 67, wommanne _pl. g._ 270, men _pl. d._ 193; borh _s. n._ 224, _s. a._ 191; nihte _s. d._ 23; broþer _s. n._ 29, _s. a._ 164; dohter _s. n._ 181; childe _s. d._ 43, 44, cheldren _pl. d._ 159, children 187; freond _s. n._ 273, _s. d._ 273.

Adjectives, which in OE. end in a vowel, have -e throughout, bliþe 24, deore 236, deorne 148, ȝarue 224, hende 299, onimete 254, riche 33, 133, wilde 43; those in #-ig# lose g, mihti 60, sori 103. Of the weak declension are _s. n. m._ cristene 294, leofue 274, but heh 64, 205 is not inflected, _s. n. f._ faire 287, _s. d. f._ bare 157 (deathe is treated as _f._), _s. a. neut._ heaþene 295. Strong inflections are _s. d. m._ heþene 205, _s. a. m._ goldene 257, stonene 222, wisne 214, but lang, smal 217, strong 222 are uninflected. #mycel# is moche _s. n. neut._ 181, mochele _s. d. m._ 26, _f._ 171, moche _s. a. m._ 220, mochel _f._ 123, _neut._ 201: #āgen#, owe _s. d. f._ 201, owene _s. d. neut._ 208. All adjectives have -e in all cases of the plural, except wonder 35, noun used as adj., and ȝong 187, miswritten for ȝonge. #ān# is _s. n._ an 64, on 59, 161, a 60, 63, _d._ one _m._ 203, on 140, 177, _f._ 237, one _neut._ 33, _a._ ane _m._ 217, 223, 257, one 173, 214, an _f._ 65, on _neut._ 240; #nān# is _s. n._ non 258, _a._ nanne _m._ 191, no _f._ 50. Adjectives used as nouns with inflection are Bruttesse _s. d. neut._ 225, 281, beste 238, Œnglisse 281. Of comparatives heoldre 187 is _pl. d._; the superlatives beste _s. n. m. wk._ 268 and faireste _pl. n._ 7 are alone inflected.

The personal pronouns are ich, ihc 177, me, we, vs, þou, þe, ȝe, ȝeo 27, 53, 79, ȝou, ou 83. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 21, ȝeo _f._ 67 (6), hit _neut._ 5, _d._ him _m._ 19, _a._ hine _m._ 18 (5), hire _f._ 67, 225, _pl. n._ hii 8 (21), _d._ heom 69, _a._ 188: reflexive is him seolue 113; definitive, him seolf 209. Possessives are _s. n._ min _m._ 32, mi 269, _f._ 181, _neut._ 178, _d._ min _m._ 83, _f._ 201, mine _neut._ 22 (4), _a._ mine _f._ 149; _s. d._ þine _f._ 171, _neut._ 186, _a._ þine _m._ 196, þin _neut._ 108, þi 165, _pl. n._ þine 167, 263, _d._ 156, _a._ 165; his 19, 99, 101; hire 224; vre 35; ȝoure 26; hire 37 (6). The definite article is _s. n._ þe _m._ 29, _f._ 224, þat _neut._ 36, 38, 128, _g._ þes _m._ 292, _d._ þan _m._ 1 (11), þane 72, 144, þare _f._ 157 (with deathe, usually _m._), þan 103 (_m._ form with sihte _f._), _neut._ 1, 126, 238, _a._ þane _m._ 74 (7), þat _neut._ 206, þe _instr._ 8, 184, _pl. n._ þe 7 &c.: þat is used demonstratively 8, 45, 283. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þis _neut._ 278, _d._ þis _f._ 117, þisse _neut._ 137, þisne 285 (miswritten for þisse), _a._ þeos _f._ 215, þis _neut._ 178, 280, _pl. n._ þeos 18, þes 7, _g._ þeos 112, _d._ 68, _a._ 69. The relatives are þat 7 &c., þe 57, þat . . . he, who, 21, wan _s. d._, whom 38. Interrogatives are wat 27, 264, 266, 270, woche _pl._ 53, with correlative soche 23, 291: #ilca# is ilke _s. n. m._ 237, 275, _s. d. m._ 34, _f._ 103, _neut._ 285. Indefinites are me 276; oþer _s. n. m._ 29, _a. neut._ 283, _pl. n._ 164; anoþer 114; eche _s. d. m._ 203, _neut._ 21, 36, 280, ech 185; euereche _s. d. f._ 129, euerech 221, euereche _neut._ 44; eni _s. a. f._ 205; mani _s. n._ 114, _pl. n._ 286, manie _pl. a._ 119, 126; al _s. n. neut._ 89, alle _d. m._ 78, al _neut._ 22, alle _a. m._ 109, al 196, alle _pl. n._ 99, alre _g._ 77 (3), alle 260, alle _d._ 61, 68, al 270, al _a._ 93.

Nineteen-twentieths of the infinitives end in e; wonie 173 is the only infinitive of the second weak conjugation; those in -en are cuðen 269, faren 45, slean 165, wreken 164; in i-, granti 184, sarui 19, both French. The _dat. inf._ is not inflected, to biholde 209, 223, for habbe 293, for to . . . seche 37. Presents are _s._ 1. habbe 22, wene 175; 2. bitakest 205, hauest 50; 3. falleþ 38, fareþ 48, takeþ 276, stondeþ 227; contracted, dringþ 275, fulþ 276, halt 275, saiþ 273, 274, seiþ 270; _pl._ 1. habbeþ, louieð 57, but ȝefue 69 (5); 2. bilefeþ 53; 3. bearneþ, erneþ 108, falleþ 109, hatieþ 157, louieþ 67, 286, sleaþ 108: _subjunctive s._ 2. biȝete 172; 3. ȝefue 297: _imperative s._ 2. bitak 173, dring 282, ȝef 201, hercne 147, lust 269, nim 186, onderfang 188, send 186. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 1. seh 23; 3. bad 239, 297, ȝaf 206, ȝef 133, 299, sat 261, 287, spac 195, 262; _pl._ 3. eoten 251, sete 250; _subj. s._ 3. beade 298, speke 266: I b. _s._ 3. bar 257, com 1 (3), come 144, nam 92 (3), _pl._ 3. beore 93, come 7, 104, 285, comen 18, 119; _subj. pl._ 3. come 113, 245: I c. _s._ 3. drong 283, funde 298 (weak form), gan 92, 207; _pl._ 3. drongken 251, gonne 245: II. _pl._ 3. driuen 229: III. _pl._ 3. floȝe 129: IV. _pl._ 3. sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119; _subj. s._ 1. bitoke 193: V. _s._ 3. biful 122, 140, biheold 246, 288, ful 45, hehte 225 (weak form active), 162 (in meaning passive), lette (weak form) 221, 250, 254, 283; passive _s._ 1. hatte 32; 3. 32 (8). Participles past: I b. ibore 259, icome 2 (4), icomen 27, 107, ouercome 128: IV. atstonde 183, ofslaȝe 138: V. ihote 34, 67. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. answerede 21, arerde 223, bitahte 284, grette 144, hadde 214, mornede 293 (#murnde#), swipte 284; _pl._ 3. cleopede 230, grette 18, hadde 123, ladde 259, seide 19, sette 230, wende 99, iþohten 122. Participles past: biclused 177, hifulled 258, iȝarked 238, ihord 50, 156, ileued 22, iscrud 100, isomned 36, ived 100, iveiþed 175, iwoned 121, himakede 240. Minor Groups: nuste _pt. s._ 264; couþe _pt. s._ 214, 281; dorste _pt. pl._ 137; salt 2 _pr. s._ 189, sal _pr. s._ 89, solle 2 _pr. pl._ 24, solde _pt. s._ 178, 1 _pt. pl._ 45; mai 1 _pr. s._ 173, _pr. s._ 204, mihte _pt. s._ 210, 258; most 2 _pr. s._ 110, mot _pr. s._ 38, 41, moste we 1 _pt. pl._ 46; beo _inf._ 175, ham 1 _pr. s._ 24, 175, nam 176, his _pr. s._ 34 (9), beoþ 1 _pr. pl._ 33 (4), 2 _pr. pl._ 79, _pr. pl._ 35 (5), beo _pr. s. subj._ 41, 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 27, beon _pr. pl. subj._ 172, was _pt. s._ 8 (10), nas 104, 218, weren _pt. pl._ 2 (5), were 4 (5), nere 138, were _pt. s. subj._ 218, 266; wolle 1 _pr. s._ 26 (8), nelle 191, wolt 2 _pr. s._ 149, 184, wole _pr. s._ 202, wolleþ 1 _pr. pl._ 184, 2 _pr. pl._ 87, _pr. pl._ 164, wolle 2 _pr. s. subj._ 20, woldes 2 _pt. s._ 178, wolde _pt. s._ 143, _pt. pl._ 19, 192; don _inf._ 178 (4), doþ _pr. s._ 292, _pr. pl._ 86, dedest 2 _pt. s._ 162, dude _pt. pl._ 117, idon _pp._ 138; goþ _pr. pl._ 43, 44.

#Dialect:# The speech of North Worcestershire, where the Brut was written, descended from a Saxon patois which was substantially South-Western, but with an Anglian element derived from the neighbouring Mercia. Occasional forms in the texts, which are foreign to this dialect, may be due, as Luhmann thinks, to the poet himself, who, as he tells us, had travelled ‘wide ȝond þas leode,’ or to some intermediate copyist, but otherwise the manuscripts present, on the whole, the natural development of the dialect of the original. What the professional scribes who copied them contributed to the divergences from the original text was mainly graphic and in a great measure due to the clash of native spelling with the French scribal methods to which they were accustomed.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian words in C O are bule bole, gærsume garisome, gistninge gystninge, hæil hail, laȝe lawe, swaines sweines, wæshail wassayl; in C only, ibon, dring, grið, loten, tiðende, utlaȝen; in O only, sleh, þorisdai: French in C O, castel, latimer; in O only, granti, pore, sarui.

#Metre:# (1) =Of C.= Like the Worcester Fragment, p. 232, and the Proverbs of Alfred, pp. 292-4, Layamon’s verse presents an intermediate stage in the transition from the OE. alliterative long line to the rhyming couplet as exemplified in King Horn (KH p. xlvi). Our text has i. lines which continue the OE. practice of binding together the two halves of the line by alliteration only, as Ah héo weore hǽðene[;] þat wes hǽrm þa máre, 8; of þat ílken ǽnde[;] þe ángles is iháten, 34; these have four stresses separated by light syllables varying in number: ii. lines which add rhyme as an ornament to alliteration, as heo cómen into hálle[;] hǽndeliche álle 99; út of þan léode[;] to úncuðe lónde, 40; swiðe monie péohtes[;] heo slóȝen iþan féhte, 126, and with similar imperfect rhymes 79, 92, 174, &c.; the rhythm of these also is alliterative: iii. lines like those of the second class in structure, but already showing in various degrees the disintegrating effects of rhyme in their wavering rhythm, as þat ouer sǽ weorẹn icúmen[;] swíðe | sélcuðe | gúmen, 2, or with a regular syllabic rhythm, as ne mí|hte wé | bilǽ|uè[;] for lí|ue né | for dǽ|ðè, 46: iv. lines with rhyme only, as þe féor|ðe hǽh|te Jú|pitér[;] of ál|le þín|ge hé | is whár, 61; and ǽf|ter óh|te món|nèn[;] þa béz|stẹ of mí|ne cún|nè, 200; these can be scanned as syllabic verse without assuming any licence which is not to be found in the Poema Morale: v. lines without alliteration or rhyme, as 67, 242, 286, 297; these may be regarded as corrupt. The alliteration is varied, rarely 2 + 2, as 75, 127, 161; 2 + 1, normal in OE., as 17, 29, 32 &c.; 1 + 1, by far the commonest, as 30, 36, 38, 42, &c.; 1 + 2, as 2, 13, 33: the last stress sometimes falls at the end of the second half-line, contrary to OE. usage, as 17. Crossed alliteration occurs at 31, 39, 40, 91, 124; distinct alliteration in each half-line at 76, 249. Perfect rhymes like sohten : rohten 10, imetten : igrætten 18 are comparatively few, imperfect ones frequent, as vnwraste : criste 80, ænde : grunde 109, dæðe : cuðe 158, monnen : hennen 160, ræde : neode 171, spræde : hude 210, hude : neode 212, inne : cunne 235, nap : up 275, wīn : ĭn 283; a final consonant is negligible, to : idon 9, wolde : athalden 20, laȝe : dæȝen 69, peohtes : fehte 126, fluȝen : vnnifoȝe 130, fæhte : cnihten 155, cumeð : gærsume 189, monnen : cunne 200, hude : ouerspræden 202, sætte : hæhten 230, scruden : prude 254, even a final syllable, scenden : lond 192; assonances are frequent, as driȝen : liuen 25, lond : strong 56, londe : stronge 85, 124, ligge : libbe 174, faste : castle 177, atwite : riche 204, ende : uelde 211, while : time 237, time : liðe 243; inflectional rhymes are admissible, as andswerden : cuðen 11, peohtes : londes 137, andswarede : wolde 151, children : olden 187, ihærde : seide 264; partial correspondences of sound suffice, as tiðende : kinge 1, wenden : kinge 14, leofue : laðe 79, læue : liðe 92, arerde : mare 223 (Bartels, 61), tiðende : londe 271, hende : kinge 287; proper names have special freedom, as Jupiter : whar 61, appollin : idon 63, Teruagant : lon[d] 64, alemanisce : horse 125, vortigerne : sone 265. The text has suffered much less from a metrical point of view than the Proverbs of Alfred, the interval of time between the original and the extant copy being shorter, but the changes are the same in kind. i. Words altered: for þa king 15 read muri; comp. ‘Swa he uorð to Cantuare-buri[;] þer him þuhte swiðe muri,’ L 29519, 20: l. 37, see note: l. 63, MS. O has possibly preserved the original: l. 85, read leod-ferde ful stronge: l. 146, for blisse--heom, read dune wes heom among; comp. ‘Þer wes swiðe muchel dune[;] þeines þer dremden,’ L 11574, 5: l. 242, for wolde read ȝirnde (Bartels 55); comp. 106/206: l. 268, for ær read euere: l. 286, for fain read sæl: l. 288, read þe leuedi he ȝeorne biheold[;] and comp. ‘He clepede to þere leuedi[;] heo wes him on heorten leof,’ L 1190, 1: l. 297, read dringe : ȝunge (for child). ii. Words omitted: l. 67, read dihteð alswa (Bartels 69): l. 107, read Lauerd king! nu forðrihtes; comp. 94/30, 96/50, 108/263: l. 131, read Vortigerne þe king[;] to herberwe wendẹ on hiȝing; comp. ‘Þa sæide þe king[;] Nu to scipe an hiȝing,’ L 32040, 1: l. 134, read hehȝe maðmes inoȝe; comp. ‘þa hæuekes ⁊ þa hundes[;] ⁊ hehȝe mine maħmes,’ L 22397, 8: l. 148, read runen swiðe deorne; comp. ‘and Hengest spæc wið Vortigerne[;] of rune swiðe derne,’ L 14768, 9: l. 209, where two lines have been compressed into one, read ‘⁊ he seolf wende[;] wide ȝeond þissen londe | To sechen on folde[;] ænne brædne fæld’; comp. ‘Ah anan heo wende[;] toward þissen londe,’ L 11634, 5; ‘Leir king wende on a{n}ne feld[;] ⁊ reste hine on folden,’ L 3510, 11: l. 215, read bule hude: l. 224, read nome þare; comp. ‘Þa andswarede eorles þare[;] Alle we beoð ȝarẹwe,’ L 27332, 3. iii. Substitution of forms: read l. 5, cnihtes; l. 110 alle; ll. 149, 178, wule; comp. ‘Ȝif ȝe hit lusten wlle,’ L 919: read l. 159, stilliche; l. 196, iwille : alle; l. 233, rideren. iv. Words rearranged mostly in a prose order: read l. 3, icumen weoren to londe; l. 14, wenden gunne; l. 82, nohtes ne beoþ; l. 83, ich eou wullẹ; l. 129, ⁊ awæi floȝen swuðe[;] forð an ælche helue; l. 214, ænne wisne mon he hæfden; l. 232, hider liðen; l. 250, Bord heo breden hetten[;] cnihtes þer to setten (Bartels 35). v. Padding: omit l. 9, and; l. 23, aer; l. 31, we; l. 86, muchele; l. 88, lond; l. 93, heore scipen; l. 97, heore; l. 113, read mani oht mon: omit l. 121, ofte; l. 128, þa; l. 218, noht; l. 248, mid him; l. 252 þa (wes); l. 285, þissen; l. 293 read hire for þat mæiden.

Elision takes place under the usual conditions, auerẹ 7, 132, cnihtenẹ 55, 89, sendẹ 198, bezstẹ 200, hudẹ 217, but hiatus is not infrequent, þinge 61, swiðe 84, alle 135, fæire 144, fulliche 183, hafde 212. In trisyllabic words the vowel of the middle syllable sometimes suffers syncope, as neoðẹles 83, hengẹstes 232, nauẹre 23, læuẹdi 65, naeuẹden 228, similarly answerẹde 21, 29, 55 and generally bịliue, weorẹn. The added n has small share in the metrical scheme; of the twenty-six certain instances of its use, three, rihten 20, cumen 24, comen 235, prevent hiatus, to which, however, the poet seems indifferent; once it makes a rhyme, hallen : men 259; twice it is in excess cunnen : wunne 188, Rouwenne : wimmonnen 270; once it rhymes with itself, hæfden : craften 214 (as emended above); four times it completes a rhyme, driȝen : liuen 25, iwiten : wurðscipen 26, ræden : dæden 110, innen : monnen 112; the remaining instances are whænnenen 27, wullen 30, 88, 184, duȝeðen 166, næueden 228, burhȝen 251, weoren 266, bitæhten 284. Doubtful are runen 148, ronen 156, leoden 165, 285, laȝen 278, 285; but they are most probably weak forms, and it may well be that the use of n spread from such cases to other forms. It is noteworthy that, out of these twenty-seven instances, the added n appears sixteen times at the end of line or half-line.

(2) =Of O.= The author of this recension had little regard for the metre of his original; ll. 68, 93, 112, 193, 226, 265, 297 are quite formless. Two lines are compressed into one, mostly unmetrical, at 67, 90, 157, 159, 173. Rhyme is substituted for alliteration at 114, 123, 131, 133, 149, 178, 221, 245; occasionally attempts are made to improve the rhyme, as at 35, 63, 253. At l. 7 a prose order is adopted; archaic words and phrases are rejected at 92, 108, 138, 139, 184, 207, 230, 251, 258, 267, 273, 278 &c.

#Introduction:# The priest Layamon, son of Leovenath, served the church at Ernley (Arley Regis) on the Severn near Radestone, ‘sel þar him þuhte.’ There it came into his mind that he would tell of the noble deeds of the English, and journeying wide over the land he got the noble books, Bede’s History in English, the Latin text of the same, which he ascribes to S. Austin and S. Albin, and the history which a French clerk made. Such is the poet’s account of his authorities, but of the two first he made no use, Wace’s metrical version of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Britonum was his main source. This he greatly amplified out of his legendary store and from other sources, writing in epic style and a somewhat archaic diction derived from the older English literature, and investing the whole with the charm of his imaginative and descriptive powers. But Imelmann maintains that, apart from some insignificant details, Wace was his only source, not indeed the text as we have it in Le Roux de Lincy’s edition, but a later lost redaction enlarged from an intermediate version which blended the original Wace with the first part of Gaimar’s Chronicle.

Layamon wrote in the early years of the thirteenth century, and finished his book before 1205 A.D.

This extract gives ll. 13785-14382 in Madden ii. pp. 152-177: it corresponds to Wace (W) 6860-7168. The references are to the older text of L, unless O is prefixed.

1. #Vnder ðan#, meanwhile; OE. #under þām#, where the prep. means among: ‘Entretant,’ W. Comp. ‘Under þis,’ SK 1858; ‘vnder þat,’ R. of Gloucester 116/11. L has also ‘Vnder þan ilke þinge,’ 29849, ‘Wnder þon,’ 6433. #tiðende# is OWScand. tíðindi: #tydinge# in O is OE. #tīdung#: see Björkman, 167. #vortiger# is from W: the OE. form is #Wyrtgeorn#.

5. #Alse hit weoren#, to all appearance: usually with swulc in L, ‘heo leopen ut of þan wuden[;] swulc hit deor weoren,’ 12828, 3070, 11571. For hit comp. 1/10. Kempes, champions, in O is a characteristic toning down of Kinges in C, but comp. L 25301.

6. #wiðuten#, not counting. #scipen monnen# is probably a scribal mistake for scipmonnen. #þer wiðinnen#, in the ships.

7. #þis#: _sing._ like þet 1/10 note: so too at 110/278, and with Hit, 110/271. #færeste#: ‘Od biax viaires et biax cors,’ W 6863.

8. #ꝥ--mare#: a typical comment, comp. ‘hire cheap wes þe wrse,’ L 385; ‘his hap wes þe betere,’ id. 4894, 816, 3857, &c.

9. #hu--idon#: Madden translates, ‘how they were disposed (their business)’: Mätzner, Sprachproben, says it corresponds exactly to OHG. wio getân, how conditioned, circumstanced; but his dictionary does not notice this use, which appears to be without support, for ‘þine ræddes ne beod noht idon,’ L 24956, where Madden translates, vaguely, ‘good,’ seems to mean, your counsels are not completed, i.e. ripe, perfect. On the other hand, wel idon occurs in L at least twenty-three times; with it Madden compares MHG. wol getan, translating good, excellent, brave; but it means more specifically, well equipped, (1) mentally, comp. 104/180; ‘þa wifmen wel idone[;] and þa betere biwitene,’ L 24677: (2) physically, 96/63; ‘ah he ne blakede no[;] for he wes cniht wel ido{n},’ L 7524; well fitted out, ‘scipen he hæfde sone[;] monie ⁊ wel idone,’ L 28234; well provided with money, ‘þe riche burh wel idone,’ L 5923; ‘Ðu ert wel don man,’ OEH ii. 29/15, the latter answering to the colloquial ‘well-to-do.’ Similar expressions are seen in ‘cnihtes wel bihedde,’ L 18010; ‘Jurdan is his bur-cniht[;] he is swiðe wel idiht,’ id. 18960; ‘twa hundred scipene[;] þer weoren wel biwitene,’ id. 20505; ‘wel bifunden,’ Orm 73/2176. The meaning here is accordingly, how they were provided for; a polite way of asking what they wanted.

11. #cuðen#, knew how, were able.

13. #heren#, obey: comp. 94/19; ‘nulle we him nauere hæren[;] ne hælde for ure hærre,’ L 7671, 4887, 8483.

15. #Cantuarie#: see 1/14.

16. #Hæhliche spilede#: Madden translates ‘nobly diverted themselves,’ with the usual meaning of OE. #spilian#, to play; and his interpretation is supported by, ‘mid haueken ⁊ mid hunden[;] hired-plæie luuien,’ L 14480. Luhmann, p. 91, regards this place as the only instance of that meaning in Layamon; he points out that everywhere else (as at 110/266) spilien has, from expressions like ‘spilede mid worden,’ L 17269, ‘plaȝede mid worden,’ L 17335, developed the meaning, to discourse, proper to OE. #spellian#. It seems unnecessary to make an exception here; the explanation, held high counsel, gives a good sense, and one more suitable for ‘hæhliche’ than the other.

17. #folc kinge#: comp. 96/47: variants are, ‘biforen þen folke kinge,’ L 9107; ‘þeos folkes ki{n}g,’ id. 4872; ‘leod king,’ id. 6797; ‘leode king,’ id. 3691; ‘leodene king,’ id. 5394; ‘leodisc king,’ id. 2144. As here, O avoids the archaic expression in each case except the last, where it has, ‘on leodene king.’ Comp. OE. #folc-cyning#, #lēod-cyning#.

18. #Sone swa#: see 130/51.

20. #mid rihten at halden#, retain them and treat them fairly.

21. #of--war#: this phrase, which is repeated after the epic manner with the king’s name, as 96/51, 98/78 &c. appears for the first time at 13254, ‘of ufele he wes wel iwar,’ where the context requires the meaning, he was well versed, practised in evil-doing. (OE. #wær#, having knowledge of.) His character is bad, ‘Fax fu et faussement parla,’ W 6796; ‘þat iharde Uortigerne[;] þe swike wes ful derne,’ L 13603. Less ambiguous is, ‘Æfter Cap Oein[;] for elchen vuele he wes fein,’ L 6993. #Þat . . . he# in O = who.

23. Comp. ‘Ne seah ic el-þeodige | þus manige men mōdiglīcran,’ Beowulf, 336, 247-50. #bi nihtes#: comp. ‘feorh færde bi nihttes,’ L 4415.

24. #for--bliðe#: comp. 108/263; ‘Þe king wes gled for his kime,’ L 3962: with _of_, 128/9, 206/321; ‘forr mani mann | Wass off hiss come bliþe,’ Orm, 24/795, as in OE., ‘ealle wæron swiðe bliðe his ongeancymes,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 208/292.

26. #þurh--wurðscipen#, by your true worthiness, as truly as you are honourable. For the position of eouwer comp. 102/154, 104/171. With for in O comp. 78/66, 119/78.

28. #whar#: OE. #hwæðer#. #alde# &c., at all seasons, under all circumstances: comp. 25/226.

32. #hors#: so W; in Hist. Britonum, Horsus: comp. such double forms as Sceaf, Sceafa; Geat, Geata.

34. #ænde#, quarter: comp. 100/109, 127/344, ‘heofon biþ open on sumum ende,’ BH 93/1; ‘þe alre leste ende,’ SK 587 (= de remotis partibus); Minot, ix. 3. #angles#, Ænglis O: the OE. names are Angel, Engel, Ongel; the final _s_ here is probably due to Englisc. ‘De Saisone, dist-il, venon,’ W 6889; but they were Jutes.

35. #tiðende#, lit. happenings, here, customs, ways: comp. 110/271; ‘In Fra{n}ce weore læwen[;] sulkuðe a þan dawen. | ⁊ selcuðe tidende,’ L 5137, where læwen and tidende are synonymous. #gonde# in O is regarded by Madden as a mistake for goude, a spelling found in C, but not, I think, in O: he translates ‘many good things’; Mätz. ‘wondrously good things’; but that gives a very unsuitable sense and spoils a rhyme. In Specimens it is taken for goinde: O has goinde, 1582, but mostly goinge, which is hard to parallel at this date in the sense of taking place, progressing. Brotanek, in Zupitza-Schipper, 339 suggests that gonde is OE. #geondan#, yonder; but L otherwise has only ȝeond, ȝond, _prep._ as at 106/209. Possibly it is a mistake for wonde, accustomed, instead of the usual iwoned 101/121; ‘To hire weren iwoned[;] wonder craftie men,’ O 1153: C has iwunde, wounded, 10420, and the prefix is occasionally dropped, as somned, 104/167.

36. #vmbe# is ambiguous: bi eche &c., O, means every fifteenth year: ‘Li prince qui les teres ont | Tos les jenes asamblé font | Qui de quinze ans sunt et de plus,’ W 6909. #hi[s]# for is: him MS. cannot be reflexive here: comp. ‘Þa ferde wes isumned,’ L 1482, and so always in L. But Kock, Anglia, xxv. 318 takes #isomned# as isomneð, assembles, with #him# as reinforcing dative, like 13/34.

37. #iledene# is regarded by Mätzner as for ledene, with otiose _i_ prefixed, as in ‘iliue’ 94/22; it would in that case be _pl. g._ of leod as in ‘leodene king,’ L 5394. But ‘folk of the people,’ ‘nation-folk,’ Madden, is a strange expression (though leod-folc is common enough), and it would be a meaningless repetition; besides _e_ for OE. #ēo# is rare in L. Kellner, Archiv cxiv. 164, proposes ileuede representing OE. #gelyfed#, advanced in age, and one MS. of W has ‘Tout li viellart et li plus fort’ as a variant of ‘Tot li millor et li plus fort | Sont mis fors del païs, par sort,’ 6193. But ileuede is not used elsewhere in L, and would connote decrepitude. Geoffrey of Monmouth has ‘totius regni iuvenes coram se venire praecipiunt (principes): deinde sorte proiecta potiores atque fortiores eligunt,’ 82/20; something corresponding to ‘iuvenes’ is required here, such as iwepned; comp. L 9942-6.

38. #of#: see 80/47.

45. #feole# is impossible: Mätzner suggests the substitution of lot, as in O, for beoþ, but that would require feol instead of feole. More probably the scribe has been influenced by beoð into miswriting feole for fallen: #beoð# is singular.

46. #for liue# &c. apparently means, for any consideration, at any price, like ‘for love or hire.’

47. #for þan#, because of the, for fear of the.

49. #vnder lufte#, under heaven: comp. ‘nes þa na man vnder lufte[;] þe cuðe betere cræftes,’ L 10104: lufte is Madden’s correction.

50. #þurh alle þing#, in every respect, qualifying Soð: comp. ‘he wes god þurh alle þing,’ L 6894: somewhat different is ‘⁊ þar an hiȝinge[;] þurh ut alle þinges,’ L 2358.

51 O. #wis . . . war#: comp. 18/16.

52. #sugge#: for the subj. comp. ‘geliefeð ðæt he swelc sie swelce he gehierð,’ Cura Past. 110/11. #soðriht#, _adv._ truly; comp. ‘a þilke time soh riht,’ L 9668, MS. O.

53. #þat . . . on#, and 54. #þe . . . to#: see 1/3.

55. #cnihtene# &c.: a recurring phrase, as 98/89, 102/152; ‘cnihten alre hendest,’ 104/195.

57. #mode#, feeling: comp. ‘on his heorte he hauede grome[;] on his mode muchele sco{m}e,’ L 4847, and with O, ‘þe leof hire weis on mode,’ L 4489. See KH 281 note.