Chapter IX: Part 9

#ea# before #r# + cons. is mostly _e_, hermes 7, hermie 9, neruwure 189; before length. groups, herde 28, herdure 189, and _a_, after #w#, urommard 146, warme 25; in other conditions occasionally _a_, sparke AR 296/13, or _ea_, schearpe AR 82/11; _a_ in warien 6 is to be explained as _ea_ in wearien 60/6. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, halue 174, before length. groups _o_, holden 177; the _i_-umlaut is seen in elde 100, helden 181. #eo# before #r# + cons. is mostly _eo_, heorden 28, leornen 79, but _e_ in hercnen 73, werc, werke 70, werkes 62; to the #wur# group belongs forwurðen 77; #wyr# words are iwursed 174, wurðe AR 38/17: the _i_-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne 6. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _u_ in sulf 32, suluen 189. The _u_- and _å_-umlauts of #a# are not represented. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, occurs in heouene 167, but worlde 206, worldliche 90, 115; #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, in beoden 100, ueole 33: #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, in bicleoped 175, seolke 64, but hore 105, sustren 1, wike 172. #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal 27, 181, ischauen 84, _ea_ in ȝeate 105, scheape 125, but often _e_, ȝet AR 74/12; schepieð 65 is from #sćeppan#. #ie# after #ġ# is _i_, ȝiue 155, 205, uorȝiueð 185, _e_ in ȝelden 7, forȝelde 156: #gef# is ȝif 20 &c. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_, ȝungre 108; after #sć#, schule 66, schulde 72. #eom# is am 210, #heom#, ham 188. #ēa# is regularly _ea_, cheapeð 13, cheapild 12, cweadschipe 75, but _e_ in chepmon 13, cheffare 11, gretluker 137, gretture 62; its _i_-umlaut is _e_ in ȝeme 173, ȝemen 80, ȝemeleaste 175, leue 156, 193, misleue 165, but _ea_ in dreamen 192. #ēo# is regularly _eo_, but _e_ in seke 91, secnesse 93; the _i_-umlaut has _e_ in nede _adv._ 9, but neode 20, neodeð 26. Palatalization after #ġ#, #sć# is absent in ȝere 83, schon 33. #gīeta# is ȝete 176; #gesīene# is represented in eðcene 126.

#a# + #g# is _aw_, dawes 88: auh 54 is the equivalent of Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#. #æ# + #g# gives _ei_, deie 94, feir 100; muwe 163 is LWS. #muge# for earlier #mæge#. #e# + #g# is also _ei_, eilie 9, weie 100: seihtnesse 139 is #sæhtness#. #o# + #g#, bitowen 198: #o# + #h#, iwrouhte 25. #u# + #g#, muwen 37, 67. #ā# + #g#, owen 167, owune 67, 190: #ā# + #h#, ouh 10, 80, ouhte 163, louh 121, lowe 118, louwe 131, nouhwuder 103. #ǣ{1}# + #h#, eihte 3, 8. #ī# + #g#, iueied 149, iheid 206. #ō# + #g#, inouh 36, 210, þouht 10. #ea# + #h#, muhte 116. #ie# + #h#, nihtes 22, isihð 23, 71, 140: lauhwen 115 corresponds to lahhen in A. #eo# + #h#, rihte 136. #ēa# + #g#, deih 56, eien 54, heie 168, 176: #ēa# + #h#, neih 72, heie 118, but þauh 7 &c., as if from þah > *#þĕah#. #ēo# + #g#, drieð 205. #īe# + #h#, nexst 27. #ā# + #w#, nout 10, nouhtunge 145, nouðer 112, 159, but drawe 11, itauwed 25 (forms from the scribe’s exemplar), iseie 116. #ō# + #w#, touward 71, 112, 199. #ēa# + #w#, þeaufule 89. #ēo# + #w#, four 83, our 91, ower 175, seouweð 65.

#Swā# is so 62 &c., once se 187, and in composition hwo se 29, hwer se 60. For #e#, _a_ is written in demare 176, for _on_ in akneon 129; for #o#, _e_ in strapeles 37; _e_ is added in heuede 197, sunegeð 174, ȝeorneliche 177, _u_ in gretture 62, herdure, neruwure 189: in contrast with A, syncope is rare. The suffix #-lēas# is unchanged in wimpelleas 37.

#w# is assimilated in urommard 146, uppard AR 216/28. iwrouhte 25, corresponding to iwraht in A, has metathesis of #r#. #ll# is simplified in griðfulnesse 4; for #l#, _r_ appears in irspiles 30. Final #n# is lost in iðe 83, o 141, but it is otherwise very regularly retained; it is simplified in monluker 93. #f# is kept in the combinations _fd_, _ff_, _fs_, _ft_, lefdi 208, cheffare 11, ofte 19, lufsumere 54; as a final, strif 134; initially after a word ending in a voiceless sound, foddre 5, fondunge 74, forwurðen 77 (with exceptions at 54, 90, 150, 172); also before _u_, ful 36, fur 142, 146, þeaufule 89, to avoid _uu_. Otherwise it is _u_, _v_, at the beginning of a sentence, Vor 5, Uorði 23; after a syntactical pause, vor 72, 94; after a word ending in a voiced sound, uet 37, ueond 69, or a liquid, uor 69, ueste 124, uere 110; or medially, iuestned 10, luuien 180. But _f_ is exceptionally written sometimes after _d_, for 14, four 83, especially after and 147, 156, 204, 209, where the exemplar had ant, as well as in flesshes 74: #of# is shortened to o 195, 208; _w_ is written for _u_ in unweawed 119. #ts# is _c_ in milce 157, 165. #þ# is assimilated in ette 160, but and te 189 is due to ant te in the scribe’s exemplar; #þ# is _d_ in lodlich 7. For #s#, _c_ is written in eðcene 126: #sć# is initially _sch_, schal 27, schon 33, medially _ssh_ in flesshes 74, wasshen 124, but fleshe 27. #c# [k] is _c_ before consonants, clene 22, hercnen 73, but akneon 129, iknotted 36, iknowed 185; _k_ is regular before e and i, keppen 38, makien 129, and as frequent as _c_ before other vowel sounds, kat 2, kom 75, kume 102. #č# is _ch_, but ecchenesse 207: istihd 119 is miswritten for istichd. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_; #rg# is _rw_ in midmorwen 162; #ng# is _nc_ in strencðe 18; #čǧ# is _gg_, liggen 29, sigge 110. #hs# is written _xs_ in nexst 27.

(4) =Of T and C.= According to the careful investigation of Mühe, MS. T exhibits a varying mixture of Anglian and Southern forms, the former being predominant. MS. C differs in no main feature from A. As in the Lambeth MS. of the PM (317/6) _ch_ for #h# is frequent, olchni 6, þocht, nawicht 10, iwracht 25, þach 53, echnen 54; noteworthy is the interpolated y sound in muchȝen 67 (#mugon#), sechȝe 116, lachȝe, hechȝe 118, iueiȝet 149 &c.

#Accidence:# (1) =of A.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the _s. n._ sune b 231 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -es, gastes b 165, bearnes 75: _d._ -e, bedde b 25, bure b 186, chearre b 238, hame b 122 (WS. #hām#), but the inflection is wanting in more than half the instances, clað b 23, hus b 148, &c. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, bemeres 36, brondes b 161, but scheos b 39, and schon b 38, a weak form: neuters, with the exception of word 65, have taken the masc. termination, felles b 24, b 31, gomenes b 218, þinges b 140, werkes 62, wordes 96, &c., or have joined the weak declension, beoden b 124, b 206, deoflen 58, 67, sygaldren 6: wa b 186, _pl. a._ is indeclinable: genitives are cunne b 30, englene 39, 76, þinge b 200; datives have mostly -es, breres b 32, streones 5 and 19 others, but beoden b 237, cneon b 150 (Mercian #cnēom#), ȝeten b 128, siðen b 19, b 101; mel b 177, þing b 129 are _acc._ in form. The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension have -e in the _s. n._, fulðe b 113, hure b 184, neode b 17, b 202, þuftene b 123; exceptions are heast 18, b 115 (#hǣs#), neod b 1, b 20, b 217, þuften b 119; the _acc._ also has -e. _Gen._ -e, helle 76, heorte 86: _dat._ -e, honde b 121, worlde b 234, sawle b 175, b 176, but uninflected half 40, 52, help b 75, hond 34, 95, luft 52, world 40, b 234. _Pl. n._ are teolunges 6, esken 85, weden b 146; _d._, esken 79, honden b 14, sunnen 21, talen b 106, wunden b 198, sawles b 176; _a._ ahte b 3, kemese b 83, leasunges b 140, secnesses b 36, glouen b 65, honden b 29, spechen b 139, sunnen 24, talen b 137. The extension of the weak declension at the expense of the strong is Southern. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular; exception, leafdi _s. a._ b 235. _Pl. n._ are neddren, tadden 88, ancres b 188, leafdis b 46, b 79; _pl. d._ bemen 39, 76, cappen b 45, earen b 206, ehnen 48, b 63, heorden b 27, hosen b 39, nomen 25; _pl. a._ earen 54, b 136, blodbinde, huue b 69, teone b 187 (Anglian absence of n). The minor declensions are represented by vet _s. d._ b 42; wummon _s. n._ b 41, monnes _s. g._ b 58, wepmonnes b 56, mon _s. d._ b 220, chapmon b 12, wummon b 47, _s. a._ b 21, cunnesmon b 144, men _pl. n._ 99, monne _pl. g._ b 15, b 70, wummone b 194, heordemonne b 5, wepmen _pl. d._ b 97; boc _s. d._ b 223, (o)boke b 134; brech _pl. a._ b 41; kues _s. g._ b 5; niht _pl. n._ b 215; feader _s. n._ b 173; broðer _s. n._ b 75, breðer _s. d._ b 76; moder _s. n._ 21; dohter _s. n._ b 52, dehtren _pl. n._ b 15; suster _s. n._ b 4, sustren _pl. n._ b 1, b 232, sustres ?_pl. g._ b 208; child _s. n._ 22, godchild _s. a._ 20, childrene _pl. g._ b 96; feondes _s. g._ 92, feond _s. d._ 34, 63, b 159; hettren _pl. a._ b 70 (#hæteru#): hetter _s. d._ b 28 is a ME. formation.

Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain that termination in all cases, as cleane b 21, softe b 198, swete b 43. Instances of weak inflections are _s. n._ eadmode b 119, fleschliche b 75, hehe b 185, swote b 43; _g._ sunfule b 51; _d._ dredfule 76, grurefule 40, hehe b 192, wide 103; _a._ greate 97, ondfule 50, rihte 15: a solitary strong inflection is linnene _s. a. m._ b 26. All other adjectives are uninflected in the singular, as ful b 93, heh b 186, riht 51. Those in #-ig# lose g, almihti b 231, attri 12; druncwile 105 represents #druncwillen#; lute b 116, #lȳtel#; #mycel# is mostly muche, but _s. n._ muchel b 18 (3); _d._ muchele 60, b 225; _a._ b 226; _pl. a._ 80: #āgen# gives _s. n._ ahne b 61; _g._ ahnes b 207; _d._ ahne b 205; _pl. n._ 57. The _pl._ ends in e, bĭsie b 121, idele b 137; exceptions are hāli b 14, idel b 87. OE. #āna# is ane b 2 &c.; #ān# is an, a; _s. g._ anes 14: #nān# is nan, na; _s. g._ nanes 51; _pl. a._ nane b 68, b 137, b 218. Adjectives used as nouns are inflected, as _s._ gode b 238, idele 74, nearewe b 204, slawe 71, wide b 205, wreaðfule 63, wurse 56; _pl._ neodfule 90, ontfule 31, prude 30, wreaðfule 32; exceptions are ȝemeles (predicative) 10, 12, god 53, 73: feorle 100 represents #fǣrlic#. Comparatives end regularly in e, lufsumre b 64, except dimluker 43, greatluker b 157: of superlatives only leaste b 188 is inflected.

The personal pronouns are ich, me, us, þu, þe, ȝe, ow b 37, b 196. The pron. of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 66, ha _f._ b 4 &c., heo b 127, hit _neut._ 5; _d._ him _m._ 88; _a._ him _m._ 69, hire _f._ b 89, hit _neut._ b 2; _pl. n._ ha 33, 51, 53, b 147, b 191, heo b 143, b 149; _d._ ham 4; _a._ 58 &c. Reflexives are ow b 106, ow seoluen b 85, him 27, him seolf 81, b 208, him seoluen b 234, hire b 30, b 33, hire seolf b 32, ham b 166, b 170, ham seolf b 138, b 194: definitive is ham seolf 59: possessives are mi _s._ b 91, mine _pl._ 99, b 1, b 232, þin b 162, ure b 173, ower b 1 &c., his 11, hire b 9, hare _pl._ 5 &c. The definite article is mostly þe, te after t; inflected forms are þet _s. a. neut._ b 205, þer _s. d. f._ b 155, þen _s. d. neut._, in ear þen b 126. Þet is used demonstratively 52, 53, 54, b 152, þet ilke b 152, b 153, b 161: the article is also used pronominally in þeo þe, those who b 86, which 25, þeo, that one b 122, teo, those b 179: þer buten, without that, b 103. The compound demonstrative is þes _s. n. m._ 74, þeos _s. n. f._ b 117, þis 82, þis _s. n. neut._ b 158, _s. d. f._ b 223, _s. a. neut._ b 188, tis 83, þes _pl. n._ 81, þeos 20, 56, þeose _pl. d._ 28, 43, b 115, _pl. a._ 97. The relatives are þe, þet b 126; þe sometimes means he who 11, she who 21, b 103. Interrogative is hwuch 9; its correlative is swuch b 18, b 65, b 146; #ilca# is ilke b 152; #þyllic#, þullich 104, þulliche _pl._ 3, 20. Indefinites are hwa se 15, hwam se _d._ 73, hwet se b 183; me 16, b 7; sum 27, summe _pl._ 47, b 46; eiðer 53 &c.; oðres _s. g._ 14, oþer _s. d._ 8, 47, oþre 66, b 239, _pl. n._ 26, oðer _pl. g._ b 15; oðerhwet b 177; euch 34, euche _s. d._ b 188, b 223; #ǣnig# is mostly ei 8 &c., but eani 8, b 111, b 213; nowðer b 48; eawt 52, nawt b 15, b 89; monie _pl._ 80, b 168; al _s. n. a._ 82, 72, alle _s. g._ b 207, _s. d._ b 149, _pl. n._ 20, _d._ 7, _a._ 24, mid alle b 20.

Three-fourths of the infinitives end in -en; those of the second weak conjugation mostly in -ien, as makien, þolien; with -in are bemin 43, grennin 59, hungrin 99, lokin 51, b 145, rikenin 25, 82, schawin 38 and the ME. niuelin 59, olhnin b 6, toggin b 145, wimplin b 51; with -i, teoheði 12; with -e, cume b 90, drahe b 53, forwurðe b 95, habbe b 2, teache 19, wrenche 48; contract verbs are underuon b 100, wreon b 50. The _dat. inf._ is inflected in forte donne b 227, to witene 17. Presents are _s._ 1. bidde b 237, hopie b 224; 2. hudest, sist b 57; 3. attreð b 80, bodeð 66, forms in -ið are þreatið 97, winkið 51, contract verbs, sið b 89, b 159, sleað 30, contracted forms, being about one-fifth of the total number of 3rd presents, bihalt 83, 97, ethalt 87, blent 82, buð b 11, b 187, hat b 135, leið 72, b 152, lið 71, b 93, punt b 6, seið 89, send b 127, understont 83, went b 204; _pl._ 2. dreheð b 233, feleð b 111, makieð b 80; 3. bihateð b 201, bodieð 57, makieð 38, in -ið, awakenið b 61, leornið 61, sungið b 46, b 191; also seoð b 22: _subjunctive s._ 3. arise b 55, beate b 31; in -i, biblodgi b 32, binetli b 33, easki b 78, eili b 9, frouri b 232, hearmi b 9, milci b 175; in -ie, bleasie b 162, gleadie b 232, makie b 18, b 155, b 217, trukie b 183; from contract verbs, seo b 143, wreo b 54; _pl._ cussen b 156, dreden b 196, heatien b 141, makien b 150, plohien b 218, þolien b 43; in -in, bemin b 206, lokin b 147; with apocope of n, ȝeoue b 131, segge b 172, ticki b 219; from contract verb, underuon b 151, underuo b 130: _imperative s._ 2. ȝef 104, ȝeot 103, loki b 9; _pl._ 2. ariseð 40, schurteð b 106, schapieð b 70, seowið b 70, talkið b 105, þonckið b 228, forȝeoued b 200, driue ȝe b 11, fondi(n), leue ȝe b 36, makie ȝe b 67, b 80, wite ȝe b 15, gruchesi ȝe b 177. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. quoð b 76; _subj. s._ 3. sehe b 139: I b. _s._ 3. com b 74, b 93: I c. _s._ 3. dronc 21, swonc b 236: V. _pl._ 2. edheolden, underuengen b 73. Participles present: I c. keoruinde 65, 69, singinde b 124: II. bitinde b 199: III. lutinde b 152: IV. drahinde 45, forfearinde 29: V. wallinde 103; past: I a. isehen b 62: I b. iboren b 213, ibroken b 21, utnume _adj._ b 221: I c. iborhen 42, icoruen b 141, fordrunke _adj._ 96, ilumpen b 19: II. iwritene 28: II, III. bitohe b 225: III. bilokene 26: IV. ischauen b 101, isleine 33: V. edhalden b 215, ileten b 103, ilete b 104. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. cleopede 9, hefde b 225, seide b 117; 3. schende b 52, gulte b 157, tahte b 75, ondswerede b 76; _pl._ 3. liueden b 14, þohten 39. Participles present: suhinde b 199, wundrinde b 76; past: awakenet 24, biburiet b 76 and 28 others in -t, ilead 4, igurd b 28, istreonede 23, iturnde b 147, ontende b 168 and six others in -d. Minor Groups: nat 1 _pr. s._ 3, wat _pr. s._ b 7, nat 10, wite _pr. s. subj._ b 226, nute b 130, witen _pr. pl. subj._ b 158; ah _pr. s._ 17, ahen _pr. pl._ b 184, ahte _pt. s._ b 181 (with present meaning); duhen _inf._ b 59, deh _pr. s._ b 66; con _pr. s._ b 134, cunnen _pr. pl._ 47, b 171; schal _pr. s._ 42, schulen 2 _pr. pl._ b 28, schule 99, b 105, b 191, schulen _pr. pl._ 58, 89, schule ȝe 2 _s. imp._ b 71, schulde 1 _pt. s._ b 90, _pt. s._ 22; mei _pr. s._ 4, mahen 2 _pr. pl._ b 29, b 85 (4), _pr. pl._ 50, b 79, mahe _pr. s. subj._ b 148, b 180, muhen 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 44, mahte _pt. s._ 25, b 140, b 213; mot _pr. s._ b 5, mote _pr. s. subj._ b 208; beon _inf._ 4 (9), beo b 4 (4), to beonne _dat. inf._ b 195, beonne b 74, forte beon 41, am 1 _pr. s._ b 236, is _pr. s._ 2, nis 5, beoð 2 _pr. pl._ b 104, b 223, _pr. pl._ 3, 20, 26, beo _pr. s. subj._ b 9 (9), beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 203, _pr. pl. subj._ b 38 (5), beoð 2 _pl. imp._ b 45 (3), beo ȝe b 86, wes _pt. s._ b 3, were _pt. s. subj._ b 96; wule _pr. s._ b 53, b 160, wulleð 2 _pr. pl._ b 101, b 113, b 205, wule _pr. s. subj._ 72, b 27, wullen 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 45, nalde _pt. s._ 90, walden _pt. pl._ 42; don _inf._ b 22 (3), do b 226, forte donne _dat. inf._ b 227, to fordonne 30, dest 2 _pr. s._ b 60, deð _pr. s._ 50 (3), doð 2 _pr. pl._ b 67, b 227, _pr. pl._ 38, 82, do _pr. s. subj._ b 154, don _pr. pl. subj._ b 180, b 205, dude _pt. s._ 22, idon _pp._ b 176; gan _inf._ 19, b 39, geað _pr. s._ b 124, gað 2 _pr. pl._ 1, 2 _pl. imp._ b 210, ga _pr. s. subj._ b 124, b 126, b 129, aga b 160.

(2) =Of B.= This differs from A in being somewhat more fully inflected: divergences from A are noted. londe 2, schrifte 18 have dative inflection; domes 40 is probably a mistake for dome; sunnen 26, earen 71 are _s. d._: þes 82, 92 is _s. g. m._ of the article, þen 103 _s. d. m._, 32 _pl. d._: ha 60 is probably miswritten for hare. In the inflection of the verbs i is occasionally found, skirmin _inf._ 66, seruin 46, seruid _pr. s._ 48, tutelid _pr. s._ 71, shuli _inf._ 47, liki (loki) 50: other noteworthy forms are agastan 57, a survival, maken 47 _inf._ of the second weak conjugation, ablent 84 contracted _pr. s._, bitahted 15 _pp._

(3) =Of N.= The inflections are generally better preserved than in A. Strong masculine and neuter nouns have -e in the dat. sing., deie 94, weie 100 &c.; exceptions are cloð, drunch 187: mele 158, þinge 90 are _pl. d._, blodbendes 64, _pl. a._ Of the strong feminines _n. s._ are neode 20, seihtnesse 139; _s. d._ ȝemeleaste 175, halue 174, hwule 198; _s. a._ hwule 21, 71, leasunge 117, ?mone 8; _pl. d._ soulen 157; _pl. a._ eihte 3: weak is ancren _n. pl._ 171. In the minor declensions ueonde 139 is _s. d._, monne 9, 109, 124, _pl. d._ The adjectives godere 182, heie 168 are _s. d. f._, sorie 91, _pl. n._, worldliche 90, _pl. d._ #ān# is on, o 138, _g._ ones 193, _d._ one 94, 208, on 29, _a._ one 22; #nān#, non 27, no 23, _g._ none[s] weis 3, _a. m._ nenne 20, 23, 108, no 27, _a. f._ none 11, 101, _a. neut._ no 11; _pl. d._ none 9, 109, 124: #āgen# is represented by owune _s. d._ 67, 190. The _n. s. f._ of the pronoun of the third person is heo: possessive mine 73 is _a. s. f._: #ēower# is our 91, ower 175, #heora#, hore 105. Inflections of the article are _s. n._ þe _m._, þe _f._, þet _neut._ 140, _d._ þer _f._ 130, 170, _a._ þene _m._ 6 (4), þeo _f._ 21, 71; _pl. a._ þeo 88. The compound demonstrative has _s. d. f._ þisse 195, 208, _s. a. f._ þeos 209. The relative is þet; swuche 18, 92, 125 is _s. d._, sume 140, _s. a. f._, 90, _pl. d._; ueole _pl. a._ 33; eueriche 195, _s. d. m._; #ǣnig# is eni 8, 93.

Infinitives end in -en, those of the second weak conjugation mostly in -ien, but loken 124; forms in -in, -i are absent. An inflected infinitive is forto donne 199, in other cases the simple form is preceded by uorto, uorte, for to, except to schruden 67. Inflected forms with -i are not found in any part of the verb. The contract verb #sēon# gives isihð _pr. s._ 23, 71, 140: contracted forms of the _pr. s._ occur about as frequently as in A: the _pr. pl._ ends in -eð, drieð 205, sunegeð 174, but iseoð 23; the _pr. subj._ ends in -e, -en, eilie 9, gledie 204, hermie 9, milce 157, sigge 130, siggen 152, but iseo 119. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. iseie _subj. s._ 3. 116: II. wrot _s._ 3. 209. Participles present: I c. singinde 100: II. bitinde 183: III. lutende 131; past: I a. iseien 53: I b. ikumen 19: II, III. bitowen 198. Past of Weak Verbs: heuede 1 _pt. s._ 197. Inflected past participles are isette _a. s. f._ 164, iwrouhte _pl._ 25. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 198, wat 7, wute ȝe _imp. pl._ 138 (Anglian); ouh _pr. s._ 10, 80, owen _pr. pl._ 167, ouhte _pt. s._ 163; deih _pr. s._ 56; schullen 2 _pr. pl._ 29, schulen 87, 175; muwe _pr. s. subj._ 163, muwen 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 37, 67, muhte _pt. s._ 116; beon _inf._ 4, _pr. pl. subj._ 24, to beon _dat. inf._ 179, was _pt. s._ 3; uorto don _dat. inf._ 199, don 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 62; uorto gon _dat. inf._ 34, geð _pr. s._ 100, go _pr. s. subj._ 100 (4).

(4) =Of T=: mainly a statement of divergences from A. In the strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns, wede _s. n._ 125 represents OE. #gewǣde#; heordes 6 is _s. g._ As in A, the _dat._ sing. is mostly uninflected, but ȝate 105, hame 98, rihte 164, tune 109. schon 33 is a weak _n. pl._, beodes _n. pl._ 192, _a. pl._ 100 has _masc._ termination, þinge 184 is _pl. g._; datives have mostly -es, -s, cneos 129, 135, giltes 150, wahes 19, but siðe 19, 83, þinge 117; meal 158, þing 106, 188 are _acc._ in form. Strong declension of _fem._ nouns: somentale _n. s._ 139 represents #-talu#; _dat._ -e, lokinge 18, but uninflected are hond 97 (#hond#), rest 92; _acc._ -e, without exception: fondinges 74 _pl. n._ has masc. termination, tales 89 is _pl. d._, _acc._ are gloues 56, leasinges 117, speches 115, tales 114, ahte 3. Nouns of the weak declension are _s. g._ ancres 8 (4), chirches 66, schirches 32 (= chirches), _d._ deme 176, eare 192, fere 110, anker 165, lauedi 155, lafdi 112; _pl. n._ ancres 171, _d._ ehne 54, hose 35, heordes 28, _a._ cappes 38, eares 112. The tendency to substitute the terminations of the strong declension for those of the weak is Midland. In the minor declensions namon 9 is _s. d._; sustre 204, _pl. n._; childrene 78, _pl. g._

An adjective inflected in the _sing._ is hehe 176: plurals have -e, with the exception of bisi 97, idel 69, sari 91: _pl. a._ is nane 115. Beside ich 86 (3), i occurs 72 as pers. pronoun. The _n. s. f._ and _n. pl._ of the pronoun of the third person is ho 4, 122; hom 167 is miswritten for ho; #heora# is hare 125, 127, hore 126. The relative pronoun is þat: the demonstrative #þā#, those, is seen in (⁊) ta 68, 161: the indef. is mon 8 (5); hwat as noun occurs at 145, 159; #āwiht# is oht 208; alle is _s. d._ 128, _pl. d._ 116.

Infinitives are divided equally between -en and -e; those in -ien are hatien 117, þolien 87, 169, in -ie, werie 27, but loke 124; forms with -in, -i are absent. Dative infinitives are for to biginnen 199, for to puffen 143, to habben 56, with four others in -en; to breke 20, to haue 11, to lose 94, to reare 140. The 3rd _pr. s._ ends in -es, askes 188, blawes 190, and 32 others, none being contracted forms, but lis 76, seos 71, 140, and bueð 170; the 3rd _pr. pl._ in -en, bihaten 186, hauen 208, and 13 others, but suneheþ 174; the _subjunctive pr. s._ in -e, blawe 148, cume 102, blodeke 32, eile 9, like 35, make 135, but blasie 143, gladie 204, trukie 166, werie 27, seo 23, _pl._ in -en, bemen 192, hauen 66, nabben 106, halden 202 (but halde 147), luuien 180, makien 129; _imperative s._ 2. in -e, loke 9, were 30, _pl._ in -es, biddes 201, haues 21, habbes 26 and twelve others, driue ȝe 12, gruse ȝe 158, &c. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _subj. s._ 3. sehe 116: I c. _s._ 3. swanc 210: III. _pl._ 2. drehden 205, a weak form; comp. HM 37/6. Participles present: II. bitende 183: III. lutende 131; past: II, III. bitohen 198: V. bifallen 19, ileten 85, 87. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hafde 197. Participles present: seiende 100, suhiende 184; past: bicleopet 175, iset 164, ifest 149 and 8 others in -t, idodded 83, ilaced 37, iturnde 126, gurd 30, red 208, icnotten 36. Minor Groups: duhen _inf._ 24, deah _pr. s._ 56; cunnen _pr. pl._ 172, cunen 152; schule 2 _pr. pl._ 175, schuln 29, schule _pr. pl._ 122; mai _pr. s._ 4, muhen 2 _pr. pl._ 67, 89, 173; beon _inf._ 53, 196, beo 4 (6), to beon _dat. inf._ 179, arn 2 _pr. pl._ 87 (5), _pr. pl._ beon 126, 147, 149, beos 97, beo _pr. s. subj._ 148, 206, beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 189, _pr. pl. subj._ 33, 105, beos 2 _pl. imp._ 188, 201, beo ȝe 69, was _pt. s._ 3, were _pt. s. subj._ 198; wile _pr. s._ 28, 168, nule 29, wiln 2 _pr. pl._ 96, 191; don _inf._ 89, for to donne _dat. inf._ 199, to do 199, dos _pr. s._ 142, 189, don 2 _pr. pl._ 200, 201, _pr. pl._ 129, 157, 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 62, do 191, idon _pp._ 157; to gan _dat. inf._ 34, gas _pr. s._ 100, ga _pr. s. subj._ 100, 141. The termination of ladli _adj._ 7, gladli _adv._ 168, nomeli 149 is due to Scand. -ligr, -liga; nedinge 9 represents OE. #nēadinga#; wið prep. 20, 22 (in N mid), ni conj. 55 &c., and til conj. 172 are noteworthy.

(5) =Of C.= This differs little from A. Nouns of the weak declension are ancres _s. g._ 8, blodbinden _pl. a._ 64. The pronoun of the third person _s. n. f._, _pl. n._ is ha 4, 122. While the _pr. s._ of the verb regularly ends in -eð, makes 8, 20 survives from the Midland original; so too don 2 _pr. pl._ 200 beside doð 201, beon 126, 149. iburð _pr. s. impers._ 56, befits, represents OE. #gebyreþ#; other verbal forms are sechȝe _pt. s. subj._ 116, segginde _pres. p._ 100, nach for ne ah _pr. s._ 80, achȝen _pr. pl._ 167, muchȝen 2 _pr. pl._ 67, muȝen 92, wullet 2 _pr. pl._ 96, 191 beside wulled 84, wullen 38. The adv. nedunge 9 represents OE. #nēadunga#.

#Vocabulary:# The Scandinavian element is large: ai T 206, arn T 87 &c., blast T 144, eskibah 79, flutte b 182, geineð b 163, grið(fullnesse) b 4, hesmel N 118, lah b 143, lahe b 152, lane 13, lastunge 56, lates b 147, meoke b 38, b 66, nai b 48, b 76, riue b 83, riueð b 82, riuunges b 83, sahtnesse b 158, (but seih[t]nesse N is English), scale 95, semes T 3, skile b 118, skleatteð 53, tiþinges NT 114, tidinges b 138, C 114, til TC 172, wanes b 19, warpere 64, warpeð 66 (worpare, worpeð N are English), windowe b 59, wontreaðe 76, wursnet T 174: probably baðe T 105, T 156, T 187, brendes C 141, hird B 33, hwitel 89, lustni b 90, lustnen T 73, meaðeleð 73, 96, rukelin 80, rukeleð 86, ruken 81, somen (tale) T 139, suhinde b 199, suhiende T 184, suwinde N 184, umben b 229, TC 201: possibly dusten 68, glopnen T 56/58. The French element is very extensive; many of the words appear for the first time: accidie 11, amendeð N 65, mendið b 70, amices b 78, angoise 60, apostle b 50, atiffi b 63, untiffet b 64, tiffunge b 53, aturn b 146, augrim 81, best N 2, beastes 28, boistes b 16, broche b 65, caliz C N 17, chaliz T 17, canges 82, celer 92, change b 222, ichanget b 117, chartres b 16, cheres 48, complie b 179, criblin b 81, curt 34, cuuertur 89, cyrograffes b 17, dame b 129, (deuleset TC 198), disceplines b 35, dute N 79, eise b 187, eise b 223, eoli b 197 (Bonn. Beitr. xv. 110), familiers T 113, figures 81, folliche 18, frut b 177, gloire b 80, glutun 92, grace b 174, graces b 171, greueð b 105, gruchunge b 135, haire T 36, hurte b 214, hurten b 213, inobedience 6, iuglurs 47, large b 203, laz b 69, ilacet b 42, leattres b 99, leon B 30 liun 30, manciple 92, mantel C 120, imantlet C 121, meistre b 2, imembret b 65, meoster 35 mester B 48, mustreisun b 80, noise 38, obedient b 129, ore 7, parures b 79, penitence b 169, poure b 70, pouerte b 114, prophetes 57, religiun b 74, riwle b 116, rund b 59, sacrement 8, scoren b 16, scurge b 32 schurge N 31, seinte C 46, semblant 60, seruant b 181, seruin 47, seruise 43, silence b 180, skirmi 67, sot(schipe) b 111, spece 5, stamin b 27, strif b 154, isturbed N 163 isturbet b 181, suffreð N 205, surpliz b 66, taueles b 82, temptaciuns b 35, tendre b 73, terme 15, tohurten b 164, triccherie 17, vnicorne 32, ures b 135, vampez b 40, veiles b 45, veine b 80, uestemenz b 17. Latin borrowings are auez b 134 auees C 111, cuchene 93 (pre-Conquest), false 6, falsliche 19, paternostres b 134, presumptio 9, purses b 68, scapeloris C 120, unbischpet 19, venie b 150.

#Dialect:# The AR has hitherto been generally regarded as Southern, partly because of the prevailing Southern dialect of the manuscript printed by Morton, and partly because of the fancied connexion of the treatise with Tarrant Kaines in Dorsetshire. But the presence of Midland and Northern forms to a greater or less extent in all the manuscripts, although four of them at least were written by Southern scribes, points to the Northern border of the Midland area as the home of the original, while the large Scandinavian element in the vocabulary and the absence of the characteristic u in unaccented final syllables (-ud, -un, -us, -ut) decide for the East against the West Midland. MS. N is a copy made by a scribe of the Middle South; his alterations of the inflections are systematic, but with occasional lapses like timbrin Morton, 12/24, blescið 18/11, seihtni 28/19, kalenges tu 54/2, wenes tu 54/5 (beside wenest tu 54/20), muhtes 304/13 (but muhtest 270/3) &c.; more frequently he copies Anglian sounds from his exemplar. He also substitutes, as far as he can, English and French words for Scandinavian, e. g. hercnen 73 for lustnin, yet he retains such purely Northern elements as suwinde 184, and the suffix in godleic Morton, 136/15, ureoleic 192/25. Peculiar to the scribe are his representations of #a# + #h#, #ā# + #h#, #ō# + #w# (touward occurs in Layamon). MS. A presents the characteristic features of the Katherine Group; it is a copy by a scribe of the Northern border of the South. The Midland element in its sounds is considerable, but the inflection is mainly Southern; the _u_- and _å_-umlauts of #a# appear to be due to the scribe and not to the original. MS. B is closely related to A, but it is somewhat more Southern in preservation of the inflections; the scribe was more accustomed to French than to English. MS. C also closely resembles A, but in the flexion North-Midland forms appear more often by inadvertence. In MS. T, both sounds and inflections are predominantly Midland: still in other parts of the manuscript the Southern element is more evident than in our extract. This manuscript stands nearest in dialect to the original; it appears to be a copy of a North-Midland text made by a scribe not long enough resident in the Midland area to have quite forgotten his native Southern speech.

#Style:# MS. N is not only the most remote from the original in dialect, it has also been altered in language more than the others, partly from a desire to make the meaning plainer, partly from a dislike of any singularity of expression. The changes made may be classified as i. insertion of connecting particles, ‘and,’ ‘vor,’ ‘þeonne,’ N 144 &c.; ‘so uorð so’ in A is altered into ‘uor so’ Morton, 136/13: ii. expansions like ‘ȝe habbeð’ N 95, ‘he nout’ N 101, ‘to þer eorðe’ N 130, ‘þeo þinges’ N 160: iii. re-arrangement of words in a prose order, ‘kume hom’ N 102, ‘so’ N 115, ‘dreamen wel’ N 192: iv. substitution of nouns for pronouns, ‘nenne mon’ N 23; the writer has a peculiar affection for the word mon, so, ‘ase deð, among moni mon, sum uniseli ancre,’ Morton 128/23, where A has ‘monie’ without noun: v. elimination of words and expressions used in a figurative way, ‘hit is’ N 99 for ‘driueð,’ ‘kumeð--heouene’ N 170, destroying the alliteration. These alterations have tended to obscure the peculiar rhythmic movement of the prose, which was a feature of the original as of Sawles Warde, the Katherine Group, Hali Meidenhad and some smaller pieces. It is discernible in the other manuscripts, especially in elevated passages, as b 182-7, b 205-8, b 231-5, and the scribe of MS. A often shows by his punctuation that he recognized its existence.

#Introduction:# The Ancren Riwle, as it was called by Morton, the Ancrene Wisse (the Anchoresses’ Guide) as its title is in MS. A, was written for the instruction of three sisters, ‘gentile wummen,’ of whom the author says ‘ine blostme of ower ȝuweðe, uorheten alle worldes blissen ⁊ bicomen ancren’ (Morton, 192). Their dwelling is under the eaves of a church, they are ‘under chirche iancred’ (M. 142); there is but a wall between them and the Host (M. 262). They live in separate cells, for they send messages to one another by their attendant maids (M. 256), and they are fully provided for, ‘euerich of ou haueð of one ureond al þet hire is neod[;] ne þerf þet meiden sechen nouðer bread ne suuel, fur þene et his halle’ (M. 192). They are greatly beloved, ‘vor godleic ⁊ for ureoleic iȝerned of monie’ (M. 192); their whole life in so strict an order is as a martyrdom, ‘ȝe beoð niht ⁊ dei upe Godes rode’ (M. 348).

As they were not subject in their anchorhold to any recognized monastic rule, they sought some regulations for their way of life, and the treatise they received is represented, so far as the matter is concerned, best by MS. N. But a book so helpful was certain to be copied for the use of other anchorites, with suitable adaptations and possibly additions; such a copy is MS. A, made a considerable time after the original. It omits the important reference to the author, found only in MS. N, wherein he speaks of the practice of the lay brothers of the community to which he belonged (Morton, 24), the word ‘leawude’ in ‘ure leawude breðren’ (M. 412/8), and the passage addressed by the author to the ladies for whom the book was composed (M. 192) containing the biographical details quoted above: of the numerous additions the most interesting is that in which reference is made to the general adoption of the rule by anchoresses all over England, with such unanimity that it is as though they were all gathered within the walls of one convent at London, Oxford, Shrewsbury, or Chester (M. L. Review, ix. 470). As MS. T is imperfect at the beginning, its first leaf corresponding to Morton, p. 44, it cannot be known whether it left out the first passage (Morton, 24) mentioned above, but it does omit the second passage (Morton, 192), and further eliminates commendatory references to the sisters found in Morton, 48/2-4, 50/20-24; it is therefore adapted like A. So too is the French version; it contains some of the additions of A, and is subsequent to it. A third stage is reached when the book is recognized as profitable reading for others who are not anchorites, for nuns, as in the Latin version of MS. M, in which the first ritual part is abridged and the last wholly left out as inapplicable to those who have a definite rule of their own, such as the Cistercian sisters at Tarent, for whom Simon of Ghent may well have executed this translation. Similarly the extracts of MS. B were probably made for the use of seculars.

Hitherto no plausible guess as to the author has been made. Simon of Ghent, who died in 1315 A.D., is manifestly out of the question. Bishop Poor (d. 1237) has been drawn in solely because of his connexion with Tarent (Dugdale, v. 619), of which he was the principal benefactor. From internal evidence it may be gathered that the writer was a disciple of S. Bernard (1091-1153), whom he quotes some twelve times expressly, and from whose Liber Sententiarum he says he takes most of his sixth book; ‘hit is almest Seint Beornardes Sentence,’ Morton, 348/14. He was acquainted with Ailred of Rievaulx and with the treatise which Ailred wrote for his sister the anchoress (Morton, 368), of which he made extensive use. He belonged to some monastic order, for he speaks of ‘vre leawede breþren,’ and ‘ure ordre’ (Morton, 24). He appears to have been acquainted with other anchoresses (Morton, 102, 192, 410). There is a note of weariness at the end of the book, as of one already advanced in years, and indeed the accumulated experience of a long life must have gone to its making. He was a widely read man; he quotes from many authors, of whom, after S. Bernard, S. Augustine and S. Gregory were the chief, but he drew on the Bible twice as often as on all the others put together. Finally, the Scandinavian element in his native speech was exceptionally large, and French was so familiar to him as to colour his English far more than that of any previous writer.

There were two men living towards the end of the twelfth century who might answer to this description, Gilbert of Hoyland, Abbot of Swineshed in Lincolnshire (Dugdale, v. 336), and S. Gilbert of Sempringham. The former completed the treatise on the Canticum Canticorum begun by S. Bernard, in which the mystic interpretation is quite different from that which runs all through the Ancren Riwle. But for S. Gilbert (1089-1189) I think a good case can be made out. He was brought up in South Lincolnshire, where the Danish element was strong, and not far from the northern border of the Midland area, for Lincolnshire north of the Witham was more Northern than Midland. In later years his visitations took him often to his houses of Watton and Malton in Yorkshire. He received his early education mostly in France, and he probably visited that country often in later life; he spent more than a year there in 1147, 1148 A.D. To no other person would the recluses have been so likely to apply for a rule, since he was famous as the greatest director of pious women in England; ‘vir eximiae religionis, in feminarumque custodia gratiae singularis,’ says Trivet in his Annales; ‘vir plane mirabilis, et in custodia feminarum singularis,’ W. of Newburgh. His own foundation for women and men, the order of the Gilbertines, had its beginnings in an anchorhold which he built for seven maidens against the north wall of his own church of S. Andrew at Sempringham sometime about 1131 A.D. (Dugdale, vi, pt. 2, *ix). For these he framed a Rule, ‘dedit . . . eis praecepta vitae et disciplinae,’ and provided servants ‘puellas aliquas pauperculas in habitu seculari servientes.’ When, after a long visit to S. Bernard, he returned to England with his Institutiones confirmed by Eugenius III, his order was regularly founded, with himself as Master. The Rule of his nuns was framed on Cistercian lines, but with modifications from many sources. While it differs of necessity from regulations suitable to the life of the recluse, it shows the same extraordinary attention to details (‘non solum magna et maxime necessaria, verum etiam minima quaedam et abiecta . . . non omisit,’ Dugdale, *xiii) which is displayed in the Ancren Riwle. And the two Rules often agree in these details, as will be seen in the notes; the most remarkable example is the similarity of the devotions of the lay brethren of the order to which the writer belonged, as described in the AR (Morton, 24), to the rule for the Hours of the Fratres in the Sempringham Order (Dugdale, *lx). There are numerical differences in the number of Paternosters and Psalms, but the Gilbertine Rule, as we have it, is a revision, probably a relaxation, of Gilbert’s, and the principle is the same. This method of saying the Hours is given by the writer to the recluses as an alternative use to the more elaborate one already prescribed, and he adds, ‘Gif ei of ou wule don þus heo voleweð her, ase in oþre obseruances, muchel of ure ordre.’ Gilbert was intimate with Ailred of Rievaulx, and sought his advice in the case of the nun at Watton (Twysden, Decem Scriptores, i. col. 420). Unfortunately, no authenticated writing of his, save a formal letter addressed in his last days to the Canons of his Order (MS. Digby 36, f. 189 b), has come down to us. But the first of his biographers tells us that, when in the course of his constant visitations of his houses he rested for a time anywhere, he did not eat the bread of idleness, but among other occupations wrote books, ‘scripsit quandoque libros’ (Dugdale, *xv), and the writer of the Nova Legenda Anglie, i. 471, says ‘libros multos scripsit; verba eius nichil aliud quam sapientiam et scientiam sonuerunt.’ The first members of his Order would surely multiply copies of the works of their founder, and it is not likely that all of these have disappeared. The Ancren Riwle was probably one of them. But there is besides a group of writings which are seen in their true setting when regarded as a product of the Gilbertine movement; the table on p. 356 gives the contents of three manuscripts which are in my opinion collections of the works of S. Gilbert. Among them is that ‘Englische boc of Seinte Margarete’ (M. 244/20) possessed by the recluses, as the writer of the AR knew.

There has been much dispute as to the language in which the AR was written. The older scholars, Dr. Thomas Smith (1696 A.D.), Wanley (1705), Planta (1802) had no doubt that it was Latin. Morton (1853) championed the English version, but some of his arguments were refuted, others shaken by Bramlette. Muhe, holding the priority of the Latin proved, was obliged to adopt an involved and improbable view of the relationship of MS. T to the other manuscripts. It should be observed that these scholars were unable to take into account the Corpus MS. and the French version. The first to pronounce from a knowledge of all the materials was G. C. Macaulay in the M. L. Review, xi. 61. He appears to have disposed effectually of the claim on behalf of the Latin version, but his arguments in favour of French as the original language are not convincing. It must suffice here to say that nothing he adduces appears to be so crucial as the passage at 58/79, or even 56/38, 56/54, 70/170. In a general comparison, the English has all the vigour and raciness of an original work, while the French gives the impression of being unidiomatic and wanting in spontaneity.

In the foot-notes p. 60, l. 12, add C after chepilt: p. 61, l. 17, read chirche: p. 65, l. 62, add C after grettere: p. 67, l. 96, read wull{et} C for wulh C., also at p. 75, l. 191.

A. THE SEVEN DEADLY SINS.

The references throughout are to the Corpus MS., unless otherwise stated.

1. #wildernesse#: of the world; he has already said, ‘Iþisse wildernesse wende ure Louerdes folc, ase Exode telleð, touward tet eadie lond of Jerusalem . . . ⁊ ȝe, mine leoue sustren, wended bi þen ilke weie toward te heie Jerusalem,’ AR 196/28-30. Comp. ‘alse longe se we iðese westen of þesser woruld wandrið,’ OEH i. 243/3; ‘Claustrales in huius mundi deserto exulantes,’ Alanus de Insulis, 65. #þer . . . in#, in which; see 1/3: ‘ou vous aleȝ enȝ,’ F.

3. #beastes . . . wurmes#: The Lion of Pride, the Serpent of Envy, the Unicorn of Wrath, the Bear of Sloth, the Fox of Covetousness, the Swine of Greediness, the Scorpion of Lechery, each with its whelps. The conception comes from S. Jerome, ‘quasi inter scorpiones et colubros incedendum ut . . . iter per insidias saeculi huius et inter venena faciamus possimusque . . . terram repromissionis intrare,’ iv. 796. Comp. also, ‘Per superbiam enim quasi a leonibus lacerantur, per invidiam tanquam viperarum morsu percutiuntur,’ Cesarii Sermo lx, in S. August. v. App. 301 B. It is not in the manner of the Bestiaries, where the lion and the unicorn are types of Christ, though the influence of the Bestiaries is often shown in the AR.

4. #ilead . . . to#, traced to, classified under; ‘reduci ad,’ M; ‘menee od,’ F.: a rare use; comp. 54/20. #seouene#: in the older English literature the number is eight; Superbia being followed by Vana Gloria. See Max Förster, Über die Quellen von Ælfric’s Homiliae Catholicae, Berlin, 1892, pp. 47-9 for a good summary of the changes in the lists. #seoluen# B: so T seluen.

5. #streones#: ‘hweolpes,’ AR 198/7; ‘engendrures,’ F. #vnsteaðeluest#: ‘Destable,’ F. literally, unstabled. #nis hit# &c., is it not the species of Pride called Disobedience? CTN agree with B; the meaning is the same: T reads, nis hit of prude. Jnobedience. Her to falleð sigaldres: M has ‘Jnconstans fides. cont{ra} sacram doct{ri}nam. nu{n}c ex sup{er}bia inobedi{enci}e est: ad h{oc} p{er}tine{n}t sortilegia.’ The division in Morton is therefore wrong: P has Inobedience ne falleþ it to sigaldrie. ‘Þe vifte hweolp [of þe Liun of Prude] hette Inobedience,’ AR 198/17.

6. #Herto falleð#, come under this head; comp. ‘alle þe þing ꝥ lust falleþ to,’ AR 52/24, 58/9; ‘⁊ falleð to biȝete,’ SK 24/471. #false teolunges#, wrongful practices, especially in treatment of the sick by means of herbs gathered with incantations and of other pagan devices; comp. ‘Se cristena mann ðe on ænigre þissere gelicnysse bið gebrocod, and he ðonne his hælðe secan wyle æt unalyfedum tilungum, oððe æt wyrigedum galdrum, oþþe æt ænigum wiccecræfte, ðonne bið he ðam hæðenum mannum gelic,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i. 474/19-22. These ‘unallowed practices’ are, at the same place, contrasted with ‘true leechcraft,’ the skill of a doctor: comp. ‘uncundelich lechecreft,’ 62/36, and see the Homilia de sacrilegiis, ed. Caspari, ch. iv and notes, for abundant illustrations of these superstitions. Comp. also, for a wider use of #teolung#, ‘to æghwylcre neode man hæfð on cyricbocum mæssan gesette and tilige man (= let one set to work) georne mid þam . . . þæt is hwene betere, þonne man to wiccan, and to wigleran tilunge (= treatment) sêce æt ænigre neode,’ Wulfstan, 171/7-12 (B-T). Morton translates ‘false reckoning,’ which hardly comes under the head of unsteadfast belief; ‘fals takynges’ P.

7. #lefunge o swefne · o nore#: this order is peculiar to A. For the Dream Books of mediaeval England see Förster in Archiv cxxi. 33, cxxv. 39, cxxvii. 31. #o nore#: so BCT; N has on ore ⁊ of swefnes; PV have nothing corresponding; M is vague, ‘ad h{oc} p{er}tine{n}t sortilegia · ⁊ quecu{n}q{ue} infidelitas · credere sompniis · ⁊ h{u}i{us modi}’: in F the place is at the damaged top of the folio; it has, apparently, ‘credence en estrenies en songes ⁊ toutes manieres de sorceries.’ #ore# cannot represent OE. #ār#, which has no meaning like luck, nor can it be connected with L. #augurium#, the contemporary French form of which is #eür#. I think it is F. oré, favourable weather, favourable occasion, as in ‘Nos n’avrons ja tens ne oré | Desci que li vienge a plaisir,’ Roman de Troye 5952, 3: the particular form of ‘unsteadfast belief’ meant being the trusting to the system of favourable and unfavourable days for different kinds of work &c., embodied in such books as the Calendar printed in M. L. Review, ii. 212-22, where it is stated that the first day of the month is good for beginning a piece of work, the second for marrying, the third is a bad day for taking up one’s abode in a town, and so on (for the literature see Archiv cx. 352). The collection in Caspari’s note on § 12 of the Homilia already cited shows that the superstition was often attacked in sermons as pagan; he quotes ‘Nullus Christianus observet, qua die de domo exeat, vel qua die revertatur, quia omnes dies Deus fecit; nullus ad inchoandum opus diem . . . attendat,’ Pseudoaug. Sermo cclxxviii. Comp. ‘time,’ OEH ii. 11/13 and VV 27/22-29.

8. #heaued sunne#: Orm’s ‘hæfedd sunne,’ 98/2728; peccatum capitale: ‘cum mortali peccato,’ M. Comp. ‘Nu syndon eahta heafod leahtras,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 354/267.

9. ‘þe ueorðe [hweolp of þe Liun of Prude] is Presumptio,’ AR 198/14.

10. #ȝemeles#: so BPV, negligent, _adj._ for _noun_, negligence, carelessness: N has the noun ȝemeleste; C scheomeles. #under#, classified under the head of: ‘þe seoueðe [hweolp of þe Bore of heui Slouhðe] is Gemeleaschipe,’ AR 202/13.

11. For #uuel# C has lure: NT have incorrectly lure for biȝete; so in M, ‘Qui non p{re}munit aliu{m} de dampno u{e}l inco{m}m{od}o.’ Not to warn a man against something hurtful is slothful negligence; not to apprise him of something to his advantage is venomous envy. The sins are different and come under different heads. The first half of the sentence is in effect hypothetical, and equivalent to, if a man does not warn &c.; so 54/21; 66/120, and F, ‘Ki ne garnist altre de son mal ou de son gaig[ne][;] nest ceo perescouse negligence ou venimouse envie.’

12. For #slaw ȝemeles# C has slauðe scheomelese. #teoheði mis#: Contrast ‘rihtliche teðien,’ OEH ii. 215/32; ‘giuen rihte tiðinge,’ id. 129/32; ‘theoþe ryht vnder his honde,’ OEM 77/149. teouðen C; tiheðe T; Mis iteoðeged N, the being mistithed; a remarkable use of the participle; ‘male decimare,’ M; ‘mes doner,’ F, a vague expression, which looks like a translator’s failure. How S. Gilbert once dealt with a ‘mistither’ may be read in his life, printed in Dugdale, vi., pt. ii., p. *vii. #mis# is aphetic for amiss, wrongly; comp. 56/48.

13. #edhalden#: edhalde C; OE. #oþhealden#, withhold; so at 64/73: comp. ‘Lante ⁊ thyng me was taght | I held ouer-lang as i noght aght,’ CM 28398. #oðer--mis fearen#, or treat badly, is peculiar to A.