Chapter XXXV: Introduction (2)

This man, however, was all the more inclined to use these shocking expressions due to the fact that in a number of accidents he had suffered severe concussions of the brain as a result of which he was more susceptible to fits of anger than other people; all the more so since he was overburdened with work and always frantic because time was too short. But witnesses will appear before this Tribunal who will confirm that no one in his surroundings took these fits of wrath, these crazy words, seriously; that these expressions never went further than the circle of his intimates, and that they in no way had any effect. His raving and yelling would make so little impression that when people around him noticed he was about to have another fit of rage, one would hear the familiar quotation: “In a moment somebody will be hanged again and then nothing happens.”

I shall show that this man knew nothing at all of the many abominable happenings which occurred out in the country, sometimes committed by persons who were under his command, and that, for example, the connection with the experiments at Dachau were so remote and incidental that he could not even surmise what the men there undertook to do. The sphere of his duties was so terrific, the burden of his work so great that he truly would have needed to be a superman if he were expected to have known all that the prosecution finds out today from records and from the examination of the offenders. It is appropriate to use a Latin quotation here with a little change: “_Quod est in actis, non semper est in munde._” Not everything that the investigating mind uncovers at a later date and interconnects was so in actual fact. The poet says “Easy for him to speak who speaks last.” This man is charged with letting prisoners be abused and killed. I shall prove that this was not so. I shall even prove that, for example, he did everything possible to protect so-called terror fliers from being lynched. He was a man who tried to attenuate verdicts pronounced by competent courts of justice and who never favored death sentences.

The prosecution charges him with the enslavement of the peoples of Europe. I shall prove that he never aspired to enslavement; that information on deportations and shanghaiing never reached him; and that, on the contrary, information reached him which was bound to confuse his judgment and which permitted him to engage in deeds which now are considered as wrong. Up to this day the opinion still prevails that everybody in Germany knew everything about all the cruelties. Slowly, however, the recognition comes through that this is not correct. In the “Neue Zeitung”, the official organ of the military government, a German anti-Fascist by the name of Arnold Weiss Reuthel, whose book on the concentration camps is considered noteworthy by the newspapers, published an article “On the Psychological Causes.” There he states literally:

“One would have termed anybody who informed the public of such
happenings a scoundrel or a lunatic. This also explains why
people who did not see these things with their own eyes and did
not suffer from them day after day, even today still refuse to
believe that they actually happened. Yes, to me too it seems
today often a dream and impossible when I think back and try to
persuade myself that they really happened, the fearful excesses
to which I was a witness during my 5 years in the concentration
camp.”

Thus writes, be it noted, a man who suffered for years in a concentration camp himself. It has been proved again and again that the most painstaking secrecy was maintained regarding the atrocities. This is no hollow talk. This is the truth. The actual perpetrators dissembled, denied, lied, in a way that could not have been surpassed in cunning. The documents show you, Honorable Judges, that it was forbidden for Rascher to make reports without Himmler’s authorization. Himmler wanted to draw the veil of secrecy over everything. But even with a Hitler, Sauckel, for example, soft-pedalled all his doings in the procuring of the foreign workers. Regarding this, I will submit evidence.

I shall also show that the assignment of these workers was not a point in any program existing from the outset; that it was exclusively an emergency device which the exigencies of the war forced upon Germany. So at least all this had to appear to him, the man who did not belong to the innermost circle. That he could not think otherwise will be demonstrated to the Court, to the Tribunal.

It is misleading when the honorable representative of the prosecution in his opening speech points out that this man had more to do with the use of forced labor than any other man in Germany. The International Military Tribunal, in its judgment on Speer, whose position, as no one in this courtroom can doubt, was far more powerful and significant than that of this man here, has stated:[71] “Speer’s position was such that he did not have to deal directly with the atrocities and the carrying out of the forced labor program.” On Sauckel, the International Military Tribunal says:[72] “It is nevertheless established beyond all doubt that Sauckel had the over-all responsibility for the slave-labor program.” I shall offer evidence that Sauckel actually also had the sole power over the manner in which the people were recruited and brought to Germany, and over the urgent work for which they were required.

The prosecution submitted much evidence in Document Books No. IA and IB which contain the speeches and decrees of all kinds of persons and offices in Germany and in the territories formerly occupied. In my opinion, however, it never proved that the defendant knew of all these things, much less that he had anything to do with them. I shall prove that he knew nothing of all this and that it was all so far remote from his sphere of action that, logically speaking and considering his numerous tasks, he could know nothing about it.

I ask permission to remark here that in cases of this kind it is perhaps after all not in keeping with the rules of true justice to charge one person with everything that happened somewhere and was committed by someone among a people of eighty million. In my opinion the concept of conspiracy is in such a case inflated to the point of monstrosity. It was created for conditions of a narrower and smaller scope where it was within the framework of a man’s possibilities to keep an over-all view of his associates and their deeds. But to extend the concept of conspiracy over an entire nation and, simultaneously, over numerous organizations with millions of members, that no longer can be commensurate with true justice. This would result in the creation of a conspirator to whom would be ascribed a Godlike stature. That, however, would be a distortion of an intelligent legal thought.

It must, therefore, be demanded that in the case of each document, of each act, with due consideration of the extent of the defendant’s working sphere and, consequently, with due consideration for his working capacity, one should examine whether he could obtain knowledge thereof, whether he could humanly anticipate, examine any of them, and by reason of his authority, could somehow prevent them.

Finally, I shall prove to you that the documents submitted to you as official documents are not exact, not reliable; that they never were examined by the defendant and his associates, and that they contain inaccuracies, distortions, and wilful deceptions.

Regarding the powers and position held by the defendant, a number of witnesses and the defendant himself will attest that his powers were not so great nor so permanent as the prosecution assumes.

We will show that while the Medical Inspector of the Luftwaffe was subordinate to him in his capacity of Inspector General of the Luftwaffe, this subordination was more a formal than a practical one, that the staff of the Medical Service was not at all subordinate to him and that especially he did not have under his direction the DVL (German Experimental Institute for Aviation).

We shall further prove that even the Central Planning Board did not have the significance that the prosecution assumes, that this agency was much more an advisory and information agency, that it was chiefly occupied with the allocation of raw materials and that only those decisions of the meetings were binding which were summarized in the so-called “Results.”

Finally, we shall show that although, it is true, the defendant was one of the founders of the Jaegerstab, he was not its chief and that his importance in this connection was far less than it would appear on first consideration. The work of the Jaegerstab and of the defendant was aimed solely at the protection of Germany against bombing attacks, and Milch very soon lost all influence in this Jaegerstab.

In the presentation of all this evidence, I would ask the high Tribunal to have in mind one difficulty which, particularly in this case, is nearly insurmountable.

The documents submitted by the prosecution are only parts of a body of material the extent of which can be termed gigantic. When one considers that the Jaegerstab, for instance, from the time of its establishment held daily meetings and that from those meetings only these few stenographic records of a few sessions have been submitted that appear in the document books of the prosecution, then one realizes that not even five percent of the material pertaining to the Jaegerstab has been submitted.

Similar, although perhaps not equally striking, is the situation with reference to the minutes of the Central Planning Board. All these documents which were not submitted are not accessible to me at all. Does not, however, justice demand that the material in its entirety should be available to the defense counsel for examination? Already it has been possible for me to discover in the incriminating documents numerous passages which throw a different light on the indictment. Is it not highly probable, then, that numerous other passages may be found in all of the other material likely to extenuate to a high degree the guilt of the defendant, or which, in any case, might show many things in a better light?

In an ordinary trial with a considerably narrower scope it is much easier for a defendant to conduct his defense than here where material of such volume is at hand that even if he had the best of memories, it would be impossible for him to point out to me, his counsel, where and what kind of exonerating material can be found. That simply surpasses the capacity of the human memory, of the human ability to think.

In passing, I would say that probably in all of the armies which fought in this war the responsible men used strong language during meetings and discussions which, had they all gone down in records, would today cause the milder ones to shake their heads. Wrath, impatience, worry, and anguish because of damages sustained frequently lead responsible persons to wild utterances. What counts is not whether such words are uttered but the deeds which come after such excitement dies away.

The prosecution had many long months to prepare its case. We, the defendant and I, received the real documents on the indictment only in January. It is beyond human capacity to examine everything within such a short period of time with the thoroughness which is necessary to assemble the required counter-evidence. The presentation of argument on the part of the defendant must therefore, be full of gaps. It is particularly difficult in this case because within the short time available for preparation it is impossible to study all the problems which are brought to light as a result of the Dachau experiments. This calls for special technical knowledge which a man such as the defendant, who never studied medicine, simply cannot possess. However, as this trial is held simultaneously with the trial on the Dachau experiments,[73] the danger exists that the important and exonerating facts brought to light there, through the defendant experts and their well informed counsel, cannot be properly appraised in the present case, and in this way the cause of justice is endangered.

All of this I merely say in order to ask your Honors not to lose sight of these angles in judging this present case. Honorable Judges, please bear that in mind also when examining the documents which I shall submit and, giving ear to that extent to the voice of humanity and of justice, lend your assistance to a man who, cut off for so long and bitter a time from all his information and other aids to support his memory, has been called upon to defend himself before you. If at any time the fundamental principle of penal justice, which exists since the days of the wise Romans, should find application, “_In dubio pro reo_” (In case of doubt favor the accused), it should find strict application in this case. That is what I wanted to tell you as an introduction.

-----

[70] Opening statement is recorded in mimeographed transcript 27 January 1947. Tr. pp. 494-504.

[71] IMT mimeographed German transcript p. 16614. See also Trial of Major War Criminals, vol. I, p. 332, Nuremberg, 1947.

[72] Ibid., p. 16598. See also Trial of Major War Criminals, vol I, p. 321.

[73] United States _vs._ Karl Brandt, et al. See vol. I.

IV. SELECTIONS FROM THE DOCUMENTS AND
TESTIMONY OF WITNESSES OF PROSECUTION
AND DEFENSE

A. Slave Labor

I. GENERAL SLAVE LABOR PROGRAM IN GERMANY

_Prosecution Documents_

Doc. No. Pros. Ex. No. Description of Document Page
L-79 3 Extract from minutes of Fuehrer 387
conference, 23 May 1939.
EC-68 6 Letter from the Ministry of 389
Finance and Economics of
Baden, 6 March 1941,
containing directives
regarding the treatment of
Polish farm workers.
3005-PS 7 Extracts from letter from the 392
Reich Labor Ministry to
presidents of regional labor
offices, 26 August 1941,
concerning the use of French
and Russian PW’s.
EC-194 8 Memorandum of Keitel, 31 393
October 1941, concerning the
use of PW’s in the armament
industry.
1206-PS 9 Outlines of directives of 395
Goering regarding the
employment of PW’s in the
armament industry, 7 November
1941.
3040-PS 10 Extracts from secret order of 399
Himmler, 20 February 1942,
concerning the commitment and
treatment of manpower from
the East.
016-PS 13 Letter from Sauckel to 405
Rosenberg, 24 April 1942, and
extracts from report on
Sauckel’s labor mobilization
program, 20 April 1942.
084-PS 16-A Extracts from interdepartmental 408
report of the Ministry for
Occupied Eastern Territories,
30 September 1942, concerning
the status of eastern
laborers.
294-PS 19-A Extracts from top secret 411
memorandum, signed by
Braeutigam, 25 October 1942,
concerning effects of slave
labor program.
L-61 20 Letter from Sauckel to the 413
presidents of labor offices,
26 November 1942, concerning
deportation and employment of
Poles and Jews.
1063-D-PS 21 Extract from order of Mueller, 415
17 December 1942, concerning
prisoners qualified for work
to be sent to concentration
camps.
1526-PS 25 Extracts from letter from 416
German-appointed Ukrainian
main committee to Frank,
February 1943.
407-V-PS 30 Extracts from letter from 418
Sauckel to Hitler, 14 April
1943, concerning labor
questions.
407-IX-PS 33 Letter from Sauckel to Hitler, 420
3 June 1943, concerning
foreign labor situation.
3000-PS 34 Extracts from report rendered 422
to Riecke,
Ministerialdirektor in the
Ministry of Agriculture, 28
June 1943, on experiences in
political and economic
problems in the East.
265-PS 35 Extracts from report by Leyser 423
to Rosenberg, 30 June 1943,
on conditions in the district
Zhitomir.
204-PS 39 Extracts from memorandum of a 424
conference, 18 February 1944,
concerning the release of
indigenous labor for purposes
of the Reich.
R-103 40 Extracts from a letter from the 426
(German-appointed) Polish
main committee to the General
Government of Poland on the
conditions of Polish workers
in Germany, 17 May 1944.
208-PS 55 Report by Sauckel, 7 July 1944, 428
on the accomplishments of
labor mobilization in the
first half of 1944.
3819-PS 56 Minutes of a conference on 11 430
July 1944 attended by Milch,
concerning the labor problem.

_Defense Documents_

Doc. No. Pros. Ex. No. Description of Document Page
R-124 1 Extract from report on Fuehrer 438
conference attended by Milch
on 19 February 1942.
R-124 32 Extract from the Fuehrer 438
conference minutes, 21 and 22
April 1942.
R-124 2 Extract from the Fuehrer 439
conference minutes of 3, 4, 5
January 1943.
407-II-PS 3 Report from Sauckel to Hitler, 439
10 March 1943, concerning
difficulties originating from
the draft of manpower in
former Soviet territories.
R-124 33 Extract from report on Fuehrer 441
conference of 30 May 1943.
R-124 4 Extract from report of Fuehrer 442
conference of 11-12 September
1943.
R-124 34 Extract from Fuehrer conference 443
of 1-4 January 1944,
concerning Speer’s report on
the French labor situation.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT L-79[74]
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 3

EXTRACT FROM MINUTES OF FUEHRER CONFERENCE, 23 MAY 1939

Top Secret

To be transmitted by officer only

Minutes of a Conference on 23 May 39

Place: The Fuehrer’s Study, New Reich Chancellery.
Adjutant on duty: Lt.-Col. (GSC) Schmundt.
Present: The Fuehrer, Field Marshal Goering, Grand Admiral [Admiral of the
Fleet] Raeder. Col. Gen. [General] von Brauchitsch, Col. Gen.
Keitel, Col. Gen. Milch, Gen. (of Artillery) [Lt. General]
Halder, Gen. Bodenschatz, Rear Admiral Schniewind, Col. (GSC)
Jeschonnek, Col. (GSC) Warlimont, Lt.-Col. (GSC) Schmundt, Capt.
[Army] Engel, Lt. Comdr. Albrecht, Capt. [Army] v. Below.

Subject: Indoctrination on the political situation and future aims.

The Fuehrer defined as _the purpose of the conference_:

1. Analysis of the situation.
2. Definition of the tasks for the armed forces arising from the
situation.
3. Exposition of the consequences of those tasks.
4. Ensuring the secrecy of all decisions and work resulting from
these consequences.

Secrecy is the first essential for success. The Fuehrer’s observations are given in systematized form below.

Our present situation must be considered from two points of view: (1) the actual development of events between 1933 and 1939; (2) the permanent and unchanging situation in which Germany lies.

In the period 1933-1939, progress was made in all fields. Our military situation improved enormously.

Our situation with regard to the rest of the world has remained the same.

Germany had dropped from the circle of Great Powers. The balance of power had been effected without the participation of Germany.

This equilibrium is disturbed when Germany’s demands for the necessities of life make themselves felt, and Germany reemerges as a Great Power. All demands are regarded as “Encroachments”. The English are more afraid of dangers in the economic sphere than of the simple threat of force.

A mass of 80 million people has solved the ideological problems. So, too, must the economic problems be solved. No German can evade the creation of the necessary economic conditions for this. The solution of the problems demands courage. The principle by which one evades solving the problems by adapting oneself to circumstances is inadmissible. Circumstances must rather be adapted to aims. This is impossible without invasion of foreign states or attacks upon foreign property.

Living space, in proportion to the magnitude of the state, is the basis of all power. One may refuse for a time to face the problem, but finally it is solved one way or the other. The choice is between advancement or decline. In 15 or 20 years’ time we shall be compelled to find a solution. No German statesman can evade the question longer than that.

We are at present in a state of patriotic fervor, which is shared by two other nations—Italy and Japan.

The period which lies behind us has indeed been put to good use. All measures have been taken in the correct sequence and in harmony with our aims.

After 6 years the situation is today as follows:

The national-political unity of the Germans has been achieved, apart from minor exceptions. Further successes cannot be attained without the shedding of blood.

The demarcation of frontiers is of military importance.

The Pole is no supplementary enemy. Poland will always be on the side of our adversaries. In spite of treaties of friendship, Poland has always had the secret intention of exploiting every opportunity to do us harm.

Danzig is not the subject of the dispute at all. It is a question of expanding our living space in the East and of securing our food supplies, of the settlement of the Baltic problem. Food supplies can be expected only from thinly populated areas. Over and above the natural fertility, thorough German exploitation will enormously increase the surplus.

There is no other possibility for Europe.

Colonies: Beware of gifts of colonial territory. This does not solve the food problem. [Remember]—blockade!

If fate brings us into conflict with the West, the possession of extensive areas in the East will be advantageous. Upon record harvest we shall be able to rely even less in time of war than in peace.

The population of non-German areas will perform no military service, and will be available as a source of labor.

The problem “Polish” is inseparable from conflict with the West.

Poland’s internal power of resistance to Bolshevism is doubtful. Thus Poland is of doubtful value as a barrier against Russia.

It is questionable whether military success in the West can be achieved by a quick decision; questionable too is the attitude of Poland.

The Polish government will not resist pressure from Russia. Poland sees danger in a German victory in the West, and will attempt to rob us of the victory.

There is therefore no question of sparing Poland, and we are left with the _decision_:

_To attack Poland at the first suitable opportunity._

* * * * *

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT EC-68
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 6[75]

LETTER FROM THE MINISTRY OF FINANCE AND ECONOMICS OF
BADEN, 6 MARCH 1941, CONTAINING DIRECTIVES REGARDING
THE TREATMENT OF POLISH FARM WORKERS

49-7
Copy

III B 5 C (in pencil)
Karlsruhe, 6 March 1941

Minister of Finance and Economics of Baden Provincial [Land] Food Office Dept. A. (Provincial Farmers Association) Confidential Only for Official Business To all District Farmers Associations [Kreis]

Subject: Directives regarding the treatment of foreign farm workers of
Polish nationality.

The agencies of the Reich Food Estate, Provincial Farmers Association of Baden, have received the results of the negotiations with the Higher SS and Police Leader in Stuttgart on 14 February 1941, with great satisfaction. Appropriate memoranda have already been turned over to the District Farmers Associations. Below, I promulgate the individual regulations, as they have been laid down during the conference and how they are not to be applied accordingly:

1. Fundamentally, farm workers of Polish nationality no longer
have the right to complain, and thus no complaints may be
accepted any more by any official agency.

2. The farm workers of Polish nationality may not leave the
localities in which they are employed, and have a curfew from 1
October to 31 March from 2000 hours to 0600 hours, and from 1
April to 30 September from 2100 hours to 0500 hours.

3. The use of bicycles is strictly prohibited. Exceptions are
possible, for riding to the place of work in the field, if a
relative of the employer or the employer himself is present.

4. The visit of churches, regardless of faith, is strictly
prohibited, even when there is no service in progress.
Individual spiritual care by clergymen outside of the church is
permitted.

5. Visits to theaters, motion pictures or other cultural
entertainment are strictly prohibited for farm workers of Polish
nationality.

6. The visit of restaurants is strictly prohibited to farm
workers of Polish nationality except for one restaurant in the
village, which will be selected by the Rural Councillor’s
Office, and then only one day per week. The day, which is
determined as the day to visit the restaurant, will also be
determined by the Rural Councillor’s Office. This regulation
does not change the curfew regulation, mentioned above under No.
2.

7. Sexual intercourse with women and girls is strictly
prohibited, and wherever it is established, it must be reported.

8. Gatherings of farm workers of Polish nationality after work
is prohibited, whether it is on other farms, in the stables, or
in the living quarters of the Poles.

9. The use of railroads, buses, or other public conveyances by
farm workers of Polish nationality is prohibited.

10. Permits to leave the village may only be granted in very
exceptional cases, by the local police authority (mayor’s
office). However, in no case may it be granted if he wants to
visit a public agency on his own, whether it is a labor office
or the District Farmers Association, or whether he wants to
change his place of employment.

11. Arbitrary change of employment is strictly prohibited. The
farm workers of Polish nationality have to work daily so long as
the interests of the enterprise demand it, and as it is demanded
by the employer. There are no time limits to the working time.

12. Every employer has the right to give corporal punishment to
farm workers of Polish nationality, if instructions and good
words fail. The employer may not be held accountable in any such
case by an official agency.

13. Farm workers of Polish nationality should if possible be
removed from the community of the home, and they can be
quartered in stables, etc. No remorse whatever should restrict
such action.

14. Report to the authorities is compulsory in all cases when
crimes have been committed by farm workers of Polish nationality
which are to sabotage the enterprise or slow down work, for
instance, unwillingness to work, impertinent behavior; it is
compulsory even in minor cases. An employer who loses his Pole
who must serve a longer prison sentence because of such a
compulsory report will receive another Pole from the competent
labor office on request with preference.

15. In all other cases, only the state police is still
competent.

For the employer himself, severe punishment is contemplated if it is established that the necessary distance from farm workers of Polish nationality has not been kept. The same applies to women and girls. Extra rations are strictly prohibited. Noncompliance of the Reich tariffs for farm workers of Polish nationality will be punished by the competent labor office by the taking away of the worker.

In any case of doubt, the Provincial Farmers Association—IB—will give information.

Forwarding in writing of the above agreement to the farm workers of Polish nationality is strictly prohibited.

These regulations do not apply to Poles who are still prisoners of war and are thus subordinated to the armed forces. In this case, the regulations published by the armed forces apply.

Heil Hitler!
BY ORDER:
[Signed] DR. KLOTZ

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 3005-PS
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 7

EXTRACTS FROM LETTER FROM THE REICH LABOR MINISTRY TO
PRESIDENTS OF REGIONAL LABOR OFFICES, 26 AUGUST 1941,
CONCERNING THE USE OF FRENCH AND RUSSIAN PW’S

Vol. 78-L

Annex 1 to the Decree of the Reich Minister of Armament
and Munitions

THE REICH MINISTER OF LABOR _Va 5135/1277_ Nr. 371-4770/41 secret 216/985

Berlin, SW 11, 26 August 1941

Special Delivery

To the Presidents of Regional Labor Offices
(including Nuernberg Branch Office)

Subject: Use of Russian PW’s. Reference: Circular of 14 August 1941—Va 5135/1189—.

Upon personal order of the Reich Marshal [Goering], 100,000 men are to be taken from among the French PW’s not yet employed in armament industry, and are to be assigned to the armament industry (airplane industry). Gaps in manpower supply resulting therefrom will be filled by Soviet PW’s. The transfer of the above-named French PW’s is to be accomplished by 1 October. Russian PW’s can be utilized only in larger concentrated groups under the well-known, tougher employment conditions. In the civilian field the regional labor offices will have to determine immediately those work projects where French prisoners of war can be withdrawn and replaced by Soviet groups. For the time being, no additional assignment of Soviet prisoners of war can be considered. Initially all replacement possibilities must be completely exhausted. Similarly, all French PW’s no longer needed are not to be channeled into agriculture and forestry any more, but exclusively into armament industry (aircraft industry).

All branches of economic life employing French PW’s, with the exception of armament industry and mining, are to be encompassed in determining those work projects where exchanges are feasible. The absolute necessity that Soviet PW replacements be employed in larger concentrated groups, requires, among other things, special checking of all larger construction projects of any kind (including construction of the Reich railroads, navigational and cultivation projects). Reich Minister Dr. Todt has already consented to the exchange of French PW’s employed by the Reich super highways. In agriculture the exchange can naturally be effected only in the case of large estates (especially estates with outlying farms).

Exchange of PW’s will frequently encounter resistance. The factories concerned will be reluctant to exchange the trained and proven French PW’s for Soviet PW’s. In such cases the labor offices have to draw the factories’ attention to the necessities of state, and to the directive of the Reich Marshal.

As soon as the regional labor offices have determined the work projects affected by the exchange, they will inform the Service Commands Headquarters, indicating how many French PW’s are being made available and how many Soviet PW’s will be needed to replace the French PW’s. Without my express consent not more than 120 Soviet PW’s may be requested for each 100 French PW’s made available. Since the determining factors in the allocation of Soviet PW’s are military and counter-intelligence considerations, final decision about the exchange rests with the Service Commands [Military Districts] Headquarters.

* * * * *

The first 100,000 French prisoners of war shall be channeled into the aircraft industry. * * *

* * * * *

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT EC-194
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 8

MEMORANDUM OF KEITEL, 31 OCTOBER 1941, CONCERNING THE
USE OF PW’S IN THE ARMAMENT INDUSTRY

Copy Fuehrer Headquarters, 31 October 1941 The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Secret WFSt/Abt. L (II Org/IV Qu [sic] No. 0 2588/41 Secret Subject: Use of prisoners of war in the war industry.

The lack of workers is becoming an increasingly dangerous hindrance for the future German war and armament industry. The expected relief through discharges from the armed forces is uncertain as to extent and date. Its possible extent will by no means correspond to expectations and requirements in view of the great demand.

The Fuehrer has now ordered that also the working power of the Russian prisoners of war should be utilized to a great extent by large scale assignment for the requirements of the war industry. The prerequisite for production is adequate nourishment. Also very small wages are to be planned for the most modest supply with a few consumers’ goods for every day life, and perhaps rewards for production.

For labor utilization [Arbeitseinsatz], the following may be considered as examples:

I. _Armed Forces._

_a._ Clearing and construction units of all kinds in the occupied eastern territories.

_b._ Work and construction battalions in the other occupied territories and in Germany.

_c._ Large scale employment in units to relieve soldiers in labor service.

II. _Construction and Armament Industry._

_a._ Work units for construction of all kind, particularly for the fortification of coastal defenses (concrete workers, unloading units for essential war plants).

_b._ Suitable armament factories which have to be selected in such a way that their personnel should consist in the majority of prisoners of war under guidance and supervision (perhaps after withdrawal and transfer to other employment of the German workers).

III. _Other War Industries._

_a._ Mining as under II _b_.

_b._ Railroad construction units for building tracks, etc.

_c._ Agriculture and forestry in closed units.

The utilization of Russian prisoners of war is to be regulated on the basis of above examples by:

To I. The armed forces.

To II. The Reich Minister of Armament and Munitions and the Inspector General for the German road system, in agreement with the Reich Minister of Labor and the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces (Economic Armament Office).

Commissioners of the Reich Minister of Armament and Munitions are to be admitted to the prisoner of war camps to assist in the selection of skilled workers.

To III. The Reich Minister of Labor. Limitations are—

1. The securing of guards to protect the German people from
dangers.

2. Housing in closed camps.

3. Securing adequate nourishment.

The observance of the counter-intelligence regulations which apply for the use of prisoners of war will be supervised by military counter-intelligence agencies as until now.

OKW (AWA)[76] will furnish the Reich Minister of Labor with blueprints based on professional selection for the appropriate use of labor and will also permanently provide workers for assignment to the labor utilization [Arbeitseinsatz].

Furthermore, the Commander in Chief of the Army is asked to take the necessary measures for the recruiting of voluntary labor in the eastern operational zone in cooperation with the Reich Minister of Labor.

[Signed] KEITEL

Distribution:

* * * * *

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1206-PS
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 9

OUTLINES OF DIRECTIVES OF GOERING REGARDING THE
EMPLOYMENT OF PW’S IN THE ARMAMENT INDUSTRY,
7 NOVEMBER 1941

Draft
Rue(IV)
Berlin, 11 November 1941
Top Secret
6 Copies—6th Copy

_NOTES ON OUTLINES LAID DOWN BY THE REICH MARSHAL
[GOERING] AT THE MEETING OF 7 NOVEMBER
1941 IN THE REICH AIR MINISTRY [RLM]_

Subject: Employment of laborers in war industries

The Fuehrer’s point of view as to employment of prisoners of war in war industries has changed basically. So far, a total of 5 million prisoners of war—employed so far 2 million.

Directives for employment:

Frenchmen: Individual employment, transposition into the armament industry. [Rue-Wirtschaft.] Belgians: Individual employment, transposition into the armament industry. [Rue-Wirtschaft.] Serbs: Preferably agriculture. Poles: If feasible, no individual employment.

Output of Russian armament industry surpasses the German one. Assembly line work, a great many mechanical devices with relatively few skilled workers.

Readiness of Russians to work in the operational area is strong. In the Ukraine and other areas discharged prisoners of war already work as free labor. In Krivoi Rog, large numbers of workers are available due to the destruction of the factories.

_Employment of Russian PW’s_

As a rule, employment in groups [geschlossener Arbeitseinsatz]; no individual employment, not even in agriculture. Guard personnel, not only soldiers but also foremen, at least during the working time proper. As a rule soldiers in the camp.

One has to distinguish between _employment in_:

1. Operational area,
2. Reich Commissariats (occupied territories in the East),
3. General Government, and
4. Interior and Protectorate.

To 1: In the _operational area_ take preferably into consideration:

_a._ Railroads.
_b._ Highway construction.
Very important that in the Ukraine some roads be built with
increased speed, not by German skilled labor but by Russian PW’s.
_c._ Clearing work.
_d._ Agriculture.
The Ukraine being conquered, we now finally have to secure the
feeding of the German people. If necessary Frenchmen and Belgians
are to be used for directing the work of the Russian farm workers
in the eastern area. If farm machinery is lacking, employ masses of
workers. Transfer of German farmers only where actual success can
be expected.
_e._ Railroad-repair-factories, etc.

Best supervision: “Field kitchen”. Quick evacuation from operational area necessary. Losses during transport very heavy (escaping and joining with partisan and robber bands).

Barbed wire hard to get. (Discarding of barbed wire fences in East Prussia desirable.)

Leave Asiatic people in operational area if possible.

From construction battalions 69,000 workers have been transferred to the armament industry: replacement by prisoner-of-war battalions.

Again and again skilled workers are being found in the construction battalions (machine [wood or metal] operators). Investigation by army desirable. Express will of the Fuehrer, that every skilled worker is used in the proper place. If necessary, repeated checking should be instituted.

To 2: The same applies to employment in _Reich Commissariats_.

To 3: The above is also applicable to the _General Government_.

Attention is to be paid to avoiding of unnecessary transport of machinery, as thereby often the available manpower in the General Government is not fully utilized and, on the other hand, the machinery cannot be made use of for a long time in other places.

To 4: In the _Interior and the Protectorate_ it would be ideal if entire factories could be manned by Russian PW’s except the employees necessary for direction. For employment in the Interior and the Protectorate the following are to have priority:

_a._ At the top, _coal mining industry_.

Order by the Fuehrer to investigate all mines as to
suitability for employment of Russians. At times manning
the entire plant with Russian laborers.

_b._ _Transportation_ (construction of locomotives and cars,
repair shops).

Railroad repair and industry workers are to be sought
out from the PW’s. Railroad is most important means of
transportation in the East.

_c._ _Armament industries._

Above all factories producing tanks and guns. Possibly
also construction of parts for airplane engines.
Suitable complete sections of factories to be manned
exclusively by Russians. For the remainder, employment
in columns. Use in factories of tool machinery,
production of farm tractors, generators, etc. In
emergency, erect in individual places barracks for
occasional workers which are used as unloading details
and similar purposes. (Reich Minister of the Interior
through communal authorities.)

The General Armed Forces Office of the Supreme Command Armed Forces [OKW/AWA] is competent for _transporting_ Russian PW’s, employment through “_Planning Board for Employment of all PW’s_.” If necessary, offices of Reich Commissariats.

No employment where _danger to people_ [_fuer Menschen_] or their supply exists, i.e., factories sensitive to explosions, waterworks, powerworks, etc. No contact with German population, especially no “solidarity”. German worker as a rule is foreman of Russians.

_Food_ is a matter of the Four Year Plan. Supply their own food (cats, horses, etc.).

_Clothing_, _billeting_, _messing_ somewhat better than at home where part of the people live in caverns.

_Supply of shoes_ for Russians, as a rule wooden shoes; if necessary install Russian shoe repair shops.

Examination of _physical fitness_, in order to avoid importation of diseases.

_Clearing of mines_ as a rule by Russians, if possible by selected Russian engineers.

Employment offices for _civilian workers_ to be kept separate from those for PW’s. In this respect the wage problem is to be considered. Furthermore, families in Russia have to share the support. As a rule employment in groups [geschlossener Einsatz].

_Some aspects for labor utilization [Arbeitseinsatz] in general._

Rather employ PW’s than _unsuitable foreign workers_. Draft Poles, Dutchmen, etc., if necessary as PW’s, and employ them as such, if work through free contract cannot be obtained. Strong action.

General employment of all _German women_ repudiated by the Fuehrer.

Where Russians can be employed, _labor service_ is not to be used. Labor service to be used where greatest effect is produced, even if the principle of education through labor service is curtailed thereby. War situation to be taken into consideration.

_As a matter of principle, central interests precede local interests_, therefore no resistance from Reich Commissioners and other local authorities against labor utilization [Arbeitseinsatz] in the homeland.

_Savings in wages_ are to be offset by compensatory contributions [to the Reich] by the respective management.

_Express order by the Fuehrer._ Under no circumstances may the _wage level in the East_ be raised or assimilated to the wages in western Germany. Strong action is imperative against recruiting agents who offer high wages.

It is intended to issue a basically new regulation of _wages for foreign workers_.

_Foreigners not to be treated like German workers_, on the other hand do not provoke inferiority complex in foreigners by posters.

The _welfare installations_ of the German Labor Front [DAF] are _under no circumstances_ to be used by PW’s or eastern workers.

All agencies are to promote maximum _utilization of Russian manpower_.

Employment of Russians not to be improvised, but first to be thoroughly organized in the operational area. _Speed_ is necessary, as the mass of manpower is decreasing daily by losses (lack of food and billets).

Make provisions to decrease the excessive number of _escaping prisoners_. Especially in and around Berlin, strictest guarding is essential.

[illegible initials]

Distribution:

* * * * *

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 3040-PS[77]
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 10

EXTRACTS FROM SECRET ORDER OF HIMMLER, 20 FEBRUARY 1942,
CONCERNING THE COMMITMENT AND TREATMENT OF
MANPOWER FROM THE EAST

_GENERAL COLLECTION OF DECREES [ALLGEMEINE_
_ERLASSAMMLUNG (AES)]_