Chapter XXVII: Section III: Hindūstān (1)

932 AH.-OCT. 18TH 1525 TO OCT. 8TH 1526 AD.[1565]

(_a. Fifth expedition into Hindūstān._)

(_Nov. 17th_) On Friday the 1st of the month of Ṣafar at the [Sidenote: Ḥaidarābād MS. Fol. 251b.] date 932, the Sun being in the Sign of the Archer, we set out for Hindūstān, crossed the small rise of Yak-langa, and dismounted in the meadow to the west of the water of Dih-i-ya`qūb.[1566] `Abdu'l-malūk the armourer came into this camp; he had gone seven or eight months earlier as my envoy to Sulṯān Sa`īd Khān (in Kāshghar), and now brought one of the Khān's men, styled Yāngī Beg (new beg) Kūkūldāsh who conveyed letters, and small presents, and verbal messages[1567] from the Khānīms and the Khān.[1568]

(_Nov. 18th to 21st_) After staying two days in that camp for the convenience of the army,[1569] we marched on, halted one night,[1570] and next dismounted at Bādām-chashma. There we ate a confection (_ma`jūn_).

(_Nov. 22nd_) On Wednesday (Ṣafar 6th), when we had dismounted at Bārīk-āb, the younger brethren of Nūr Beg—he himself remaining in Hindūstān—brought gold _ashrafīs_ and _tankas_[1571] to the value of 20,000 _shāhrukhīs_, sent from the Lāhor revenues by Khwāja Ḥusain. The greater part of these moneys was despatched by Mullā Aḥmad, one of the chief men of Balkh, for the benefit of Balkh.[1572]

(_Nov. 24th_) On Friday the 8th of the month (Ṣafar), after [Sidenote: Fol. 252.] dismounting at Gandamak, I had a violent discharge;[1573] by God's mercy, it passed off easily.

(_Nov. 25th_) On Saturday we dismounted in the Bāgh-i-wafā. We delayed there a few days, waiting for Humāyūn and the army from that side.[1574] More than once in this history the bounds and extent, charm and delight of that garden have been described; it is most beautifully placed; who sees it with the buyer's eye will know the sort of place it is. During the short time we were there, most people drank on drinking-days[1575] and took their morning; on non-drinking days there were parties for _ma`jūn_.

I wrote harsh letters to Humāyūn, lecturing him severely because of his long delay beyond the time fixed for him to join me.[1576]

(_Dec. 3rd_) On Sunday the 17th of Ṣafar, after the morning had been taken, Humāyūn arrived. I spoke very severely to him at once. Khwāja Kalān also arrived to-day, coming up from Ghaznī. We marched in the evening of that same Sunday, and dismounted in a new garden between Sulṯānpur and Khwāja Rustam.

(_Dec. 6th_) Marching on Wednesday (Ṣafar 20th), we got on a raft, and, drinking as we went reached Qūsh-guṃbaz,[1577] there landed and joined the camp.

(_Dec. 7th_) Starting off the camp at dawn, we ourselves went on a raft, and there ate confection (_ma`jūn_). Our encamping-ground was always Qīrīq-ārīq, but not a sign or trace of the camp could [Sidenote: Fol. 252b.] be seen when we got opposite it, nor any appearance of our horses. Thought I, "Garm-chashma (Hot-spring) is close by; they may have dismounted there." So saying, we went on from Qīrīq-ārīq. By the time we reached Garm-chashma, the very day was late;[1578] we did not stop there, but going on in its lateness (_kīchīsī_), had the raft tied up somewhere, and slept awhile.

(_Dec. 8th_) At day-break we landed at Yada-bīr where, as the day wore on, the army-folks began to come in. The camp must have been at Qīrīq-ārīq, but out of our sight.

There were several verse-makers on the raft, such as Shaikh Abū'l-wajd,[1579] Shaikh Zain, Mullā `Alī-jān, Tardī Beg _Khāksār_ and others. In this company was quoted the following couplet of Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ:—[1580]

(Persian) With thee, arch coquette, for a sweetheart, what can man do?
With another than thou where thou art, what can man do?

Said I, "Compose on these lines";[1581] whereupon those given to versifying, did so. As jokes were always being made at the expense of Mullā `Alī-jān, this couplet came off-hand into my head:—

(Persian) With one all bewildered as thou, what can man do?
. . . . . . , what can man do?[1582]

(_b. Mention of the Mubīn._[1583])

From time to time before it,[1584] whatever came into my head, of good or bad, grave or jest, used to be strung into verse and written down, however empty and harsh the verse might be, but while I was composing the _Mubīn_, this thought pierced through my dull wits and made way into my troubled heart, "A pity it [Sidenote: Fol. 253.] will be if the tongue which has treasure of utterances so lofty as these are, waste itself again on low words; sad will it be if again vile imaginings find way into the mind that has made exposition of these sublime realities."[1585] Since that time I had refrained from satirical and jesting verse; I was repentant (_ta'īb_); but these matters were totally out of mind and remembrance when I made that couplet (on Mullā `Alī-jān).[1586] A few days later in Bīgrām when I had fever and discharge, followed by cough, and I began to spit blood each time I coughed, I knew whence my reproof came; I knew what act of mine had brought this affliction on me.

"Whoever shall violate his oath, will violate it to the hurt of his own soul; but whoever shall perform that which he hath covenanted with God, to that man surely will He give great reward" (_Qorān_ cap. 48 v. 10).

(_Turkī_) What is it I do with thee, ah! my tongue?
My entrails bleed as a reckoning for thee.
Good once[1587] as thy words were, has followed
this verse
Jesting, empty,[1588] obscene, has followed a lie.
If thou say, "Burn will I not!" by keeping this vow
Thou turnest thy rein from this field of strife.[1589]

"O Lord! we have dealt unjustly with our own souls; if Thou forgive us not, and be not merciful unto us, we shall surely be of those that perish"[1590] (_Qorān_ cap. 7 v. 22).

Taking anew the place of the penitent pleading for pardon, I gave my mind rest[1591] from such empty thinking and such unlawful occupation. I broke my pen. Made by that Court, such reproof of sinful slaves is for their felicity; happy are the highest and the slave when such reproof brings warning and its profitable fruit.

(_c. Narrative resumed._)

(_Dec. 8th continued_) Marching on that evening, we dismounted at `Alī-masjid. The ground here being very confined, I always [Sidenote: Fol. 253b.] used to dismount on a rise overlooking the camp in the valley-bottom.[1592] The camp-fires made a wonderful illumination there at night; assuredly it was because of this that there had always been drinking there, and was so now.

(_Dec. 9th and 10th_) To-day I rode out before dawn; I preferred a confection (_ma`jūn_)[1593] and also kept this day a fast. We dismounted near Bīgrām (Peshāwar); and next morning, the camp remaining on that same ground, rode to Karg-awī.[1594] We crossed the Siyāh-āb in front of Bīgrām, and formed our hunting-circle looking down-stream. After a little, a person brought word that there was a rhino in a bit of jungle near Bīgrām, and that people had been stationed near-about it. We betook ourselves, loose rein, to the place, formed a ring round the jungle, made a noise, and brought the rhino out, when it took its way across the plain. Humāyūn and those come with him from that side (Tramontana), who had never seen one before, were much entertained. It was pursued for two miles; many arrows were shot at it; it was brought down without having made a good set at man or horse. Two others were killed. I had often wondered how a rhino and an elephant would behave if brought face to face; this time one came out right in front of some elephants the mahauts were bringing along; it did not face them [Sidenote: Fol. 254.] when the mahauts drove them towards it, but got off in another direction.

(_d. Preparations for ferrying the Indus._[1595])

On the day we were in Bīgrām, several of the begs and household were appointed, with pay-masters and dīwāns, six or seven being put in command, to take charge of the boats at the Nīl-āb crossing, to make a list of all who were with the army, name by name, and to count them up.

That evening I had fever and discharge[1596] which led on to cough and every time I coughed, I spat blood. Anxiety was great but, by God's mercy, it passed off in two or three days.

(_Dec. 11th_) It rained when we left Bīgrām; we dismounted on the Kābul-water.

(_e. News from Lāhor._)

News came that Daulat Khān[1597] and (Apāq) Ghāzī Khān, having collected an army of from 20 to 30,000, had taken Kilānūr, and intended to move on Lāhor. At once Mumin-i-`alī the commissary was sent galloping off to say, "We are advancing march by march;[1598] do not fight till we arrive."

(_Dec. 14th_) With two night-halts on the way, we reached the water of Sind (Indus), and there dismounted on Thursday the 28th (of Ṣafar).

(_f. Ferrying the Indus._)

(_Dec. 16th_) On Saturday the 1st of the first Rabī`, we crossed the Sind-water, crossed the water of Kacha-kot (Hārū), and dismounted on the bank of the river.[1599] The begs, pay-masters and dīwāns who had been put in charge of the boats, reported that the number of those come with the army, great and small, good and bad, retainer and non-retainer, was written down as 12,000.

(_g. The eastward march._)

The rainfall had been somewhat scant in the plains, but [Sidenote: Fol. 254b.] seemed to have been good in the cultivated lands along the hill-skirts; for these reasons we took the road for Sīālkot along the skirt-hills. Opposite Hātī _Kakar's_ country[1600] we came upon a torrent[1601] the waters of which were standing in pools. Those pools were all frozen over. The ice was not very thick, as thick as the hand may-be. Such ice is unusual in Hindūstān; not a sign or trace of any was seen in the years we were (_aīdūk_) in the country.[1602]

We had made five marches from the Sind-water; after the sixth (_Dec. 22nd_—Rabī` I. 7th) we dismounted on a torrent in the camping-ground (_yūrt_) of the Bugīāls[1603] below Balnāth Jogī's hill which connects with the Hill of Jūd.

(_Dec. 23rd_) In order to let people get provisions, we stayed the next day in that camp. _`Araq_ was drunk on that day. Mullā Muḥ. _Pargharī_ told many stories; never had he been so talkative. Mullā Shams himself was very riotous; once he began, he did not finish till night.

The slaves and servants, good and bad, who had gone out after provisions, went further than this[1604] and heedlessly scattered over jungle and plain, hill and broken ground. Owing to this, a few were overcome; Kīchkīna _tūnqiṯār_ died there.

(_Dec. 24th_) Marching on, we crossed the Bihat-water at a ford below Jīlam (Jīhlam) and there dismounted. Walī _Qīzīl_ (Rufus) came there to see me. He was the Sīālkot reserve, and held the parganas of Bīmrūkī and Akrīāda. Thinking about Sīālkot, [Sidenote: Fol. 255.] I took towards him the position of censure and reproach. He excused himself, saying "I had come to my _pargana_ before Khusrau Kūkūldāsh left Sīālkot; he did not even send me word." After listening to his excuse, I said, "Since thou hast paid no attention to Sīālkot, why didst thou not join the begs in Lāhor?" He was convicted, but as work was at hand, I did not trouble about his fault.

(_h. Scouts sent with orders to Lāhor._)

(_Dec. 25th_) Sayyid T̤ūfān and Sayyid Lāchīn were sent galloping off, each with a pair-horse,[1605] to say in Lāhor, "Do not join battle; meet us at Sīālkot or Parsrūr" (mod. Pasrūr). It was in everyone's mouth that Ghāzī Khān had collected 30 to 40,000 men, that Daulat Khān, old as he was, had girt two swords to his waist, and that they were resolved to fight. Thought I, "The proverb says that ten friends are better than nine; do you not make a mistake: when the Lāhor begs have joined you, fight there and then!"

(_Dec. 26th and 27th_) After starting off the two men to the begs, we moved forward, halted one night, and next dismounted on the bank of the Chīn-āb (Chan-āb).

As Buhlūlpūr was _khalṣa_,[1606] we left the road to visit it. Its fort is situated above a deep ravine, on the bank of the Chīn-āb. It pleased us much. We thought of bringing Sīālkot to it. Please God! the chance coming, it shall be done straightway! [Sidenote: Fol. 255b.] From Buhlūlpūr we went to camp by boat.

(_i. Jats and Gujūrs._[1607])

(_Dec. 29th_) On Friday the 14th of the first Rabī` we dismounted at Sīālkot. If one go into Hindūstān the Jats and Gujūrs always pour down in countless hordes from hill and plain for loot in bullock and buffalo. These ill-omened peoples are just senseless oppressors! Formerly their doings did not concern us much because the country was an enemy's, but they began the same senseless work after we had taken it. When we reached Sīālkot, they fell in tumult on poor and needy folks who were coming out of the town to our camp, and stripped them bare. I had the silly thieves sought for, and ordered two or three of them cut to pieces.

From Sīālkot Nūr Beg's brother Shāham also was made to gallop off to the begs in Lāhor to say, "Make sure where the enemy is; find out from some well-informed person where he may be met, and send us word."

A trader, coming into this camp, represented that `Ālam Khān had let Sl. Ibrāhīm defeat him.

(_j. `Ālam Khān's action and failure._[1608])

Here are the particulars:—`Ālam Khān, after taking leave of me (in Kābul, 931 AH.), went off in that heat by double marches, regardless of those with him.[1609] As at the time I gave him leave to go, all the Aūzbeg khāns and sulṯāns had laid siege to Balkh, [Sidenote: Fol. 256.] I rode for Balkh as soon as I had given him his leave. On his reaching Lāhor, he insisted to the begs, "You reinforce me; the Pādshāh said so; march along with me; let us get (Apāq) Ghāzī Khān to join us; let us move on Dihlī and Āgra." Said they, "Trusting to what, will you join Ghāzī Khān? Moreover the royal orders to us were, 'If at any time Ghāzī Khān has sent his younger brother Ḥājī Khān with his son to Court, join him; or do so, if he has sent them, by way of pledge, to Lāhor; if he has done neither, do not join him.' You yourself only yesterday fought him and let him beat you! Trusting to what, will you join him now? Besides all this, it is not for your advantage to join him!" Having said what-not of this sort, they refused `Ālam Khān. He did not fall in with their views, but sent his son Sher Khān to speak with Daulat Khān and with Ghāzī Khān, and afterwards all saw one another.

`Ālam Khān took with him Dilāwar Khān, who had come into Lāhor two or three months earlier after his escape from prison; he took also Maḥmūd Khān (son of) Khān-i-jahān,[1610] to whom a _pargana_ in the Lāhor district had been given. They seem to have left matters at this:—Daulat Khān with Ghāzī Khān was to take all the begs posted in Hindūstān to himself, indeed he was to take everything on that side;[1611] while `Ālam [Sidenote: Fol. 256b.] Khān was to take Dilāwar Khān and Ḥājī Khān and, reinforced by them, was to capture Dihlī and Āgra. Ismā`īl _Jilwānī_ and other amīrs came and saw `Ālam Khān; all then betook themselves, march by march, straight for Dihlī. Near Indrī came also Sulaimān Shaikh-zāda.[1612] Their total touched 30 to 40,000 men.

They laid siege to Dihlī but could neither take it by assault nor do hurt to the garrison.[1613] When Sl. Ibrāhīm heard of their assembly, he got an army to horse against them; when they heard of his approach, they rose from before the place and moved to meet him. They had left matters at this:—"If we attack by day-light, the Afghāns will not desert (to us), for the sake of their reputations with one another; but if we attack at night when one man cannot see another, each man will obey his own orders." Twice over they started at fall of day from a distance of 12 miles (6 _kurohs_), and, unable to bring matters to a point, neither advanced nor retired; but just sat on horseback for two or three watches. On a third occasion they delivered an attack when one watch of night remained—their purpose seeming to be the burning of tents and huts! They went; they set fire from every end; they made a disturbance. Jalāl Khān _Jig-hat_[1614] came with other amīrs and saw `Ālam Khān.

Sl. Ibrāhīm did not bestir himself till shoot of dawn from where he was with a few of his own family[1615] within his own enclosure (_sarācha_). Meantime `Ālam Khān's people were busy [Sidenote: Fol. 257.] with plunder and booty. Seeing the smallness of their number, Sl. Ibrāhīm's people moved out against them in rather small force with one elephant. `Ālam Khān's party, not able to make stand against the elephant, ran away. He in his flight crossed over into the Mīān-dū-āb and crossed back again when he reached the Pānīpat neighbourhood. In Indrī he contrived on some pretext to get 4 _laks_ from Mīān Sulaimān.[1616] He was deserted by Ismā`īl _Jilwānī_, by Biban[1617] and by his own oldest son Jalāl, who all withdrew into the Mīān-dū-āb; and he had been deserted just before the fighting, by part of his troops, namely, by Daryā Khān (_Nūḥānī_)'s son Saif Khān, by Khān-i-jahān (_Nūḥānī_)'s son Maḥmūd Khān, and by Shaikh Jamāl _Farmulī_. When he was passing through Sihrind with Dilāwar Khān, he heard of our advance and of our capture of Milwat (Malot).[1618] On this Dilāwar Khān—who always had been my well-wisher and on my account had dragged out three or four months in prison,—left `Ālam Khān and the rest and went to his family in Sulṯānpūr. He waited on me three or four days after we took Milwat. `Ālam Khān and Ḥājī Khān crossed the Shatlut (_sic_)-water and went into Gingūta,[1619] one of the strongholds in the range that lies between the valley and the plain.[1620] There our Afghān and Hazāra[1621] troops besieged them, and had [Sidenote: Fol. 257b] almost taken that strong fort when night came on. Those inside were thinking of escape but could not get out because of the press of horses in the Gate. There must have been elephants also; when these were urged forward, they trod down and killed many horses. `Ālam Khān, unable to escape mounted, got out on foot in the darkness. After a _lak_ of difficulties, he joined Ghāzī Khān, who had not gone into Milwat but had fled into the hills. Not being received with even a little friendliness by Ghāzī Khān; needs must! he came and waited on me at the foot of the dale[1622] near Pehlūr.

(_k. Diary resumed._)

A person came to Sīālkot from the Lāhor begs to say they would arrive early next morning to wait on me.

(_Dec. 30th_) Marching early next day (Rabī` I. 15th), we dismounted at Parsrūr. There Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_, Khwāja Ḥusain and several braves waited on me. As the enemy's camp seemed to be on the Lāhor side of the Rāvī, we sent men out under Būjka for news. Near the third watch of the night they brought word that the enemy, on hearing of us, had fled, no man looking to another.

(_Dec. 31st_) Getting early to horse and leaving baggage and train in the charge of Shāh Mīr Ḥusain and Jān Beg, we bestirred ourselves. We reached Kalānūr in the afternoon, and there dismounted. Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā and `Ādil Sl.[1623] came [Sidenote: Fol. 258.] to wait on me there, together with some of the begs.

(_Jan. 1st 1526 AD._) We marched early from Kalānūr. On the road people gave us almost certain news of Ghāzī Khān and other fugitives. Accordingly we sent, flying after those fliers, the commanders Muḥammadī, Aḥmadī, Qūtlūq-qadam, Treasurer Walī and most of those begs who, in Kābul, had recently bent the knee for their begship. So far it was settled:—That it would be good indeed if they could overtake and capture the fugitives; and that, if they were not able to do this, they were to keep careful watch round Milwat (Malot), so as to prevent those inside from getting out and away. Ghāzī Khān was the object of this watch.

(_l. Capture of Milwat._)

(_Jan. 2nd and 3rd_) After starting those begs ahead, we crossed the Bīāh-water (Beas) opposite Kanwāhīn[1624] and dismounted. From there we marched to the foot of the valley of Fort Milwat, making two night-halts on the way. The begs who had arrived before us, and also those of Hindūstān were ordered to dismount in such a way as to besiege the place closely.

A grandson of Daulat Khān, son of his eldest son `Alī Khān, Ismā`īl Khān by name, came out of Milwat to see me; he took back promise mingled with threat, kindness with menace.

(_Jan. 5th_) On Friday (Rabī` I. 21st) I moved camp forward to within a mile of the fort, went myself to examine the place, posted right, left and centre, then returned to camp.

Daulat Khān sent to represent to me that Ghāzī Khān had [Sidenote: Fol. 258b.] fled into the hills, and that, if his own faults were pardoned, he would take service with me and surrender Milwat. Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān was sent to chase fear from his heart and to escort him out; he came, and with him his son `Alī Khān. I had ordered that the two swords he had girt to his waist to fight me with, should be hung from his neck. Was such a rustic blockhead possible! With things as they were, he still made pretensions! When he was brought a little forward, I ordered the swords to be removed from his neck. At the time of our seeing one another[1625] he hesitated to kneel; I ordered them to pull his leg and make him do so. I had him seated quite in front, and ordered a person well acquainted with Hindūstānī to interpret my words to him, one after another. Said I, "Thus speak:—I called thee Father. I shewed thee more honour and respect than thou couldst have asked. Thee and thy sons I saved from door-to-door life amongst the Balūchīs.[1626] Thy family and thy _ḥaram_ I freed from Ibrāhīm's prison-house.[1627] Three _krors_ I gave thee on Tātār Khān's lands.[1628] What ill sayest thou I have done thee, that thus thou shouldst hang a sword on thy either side,[1629] lead an army out, fall on lands of ours,[1630] and stir strife and trouble?" Dumbfounded, the old man [Sidenote: Fol. 259.] stuttered a few words, but, he gave no answer, nor indeed could answer be given to words so silencing. He was ordered to remain with Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān.

(_Jan. 6th_) On Saturday the 22nd of the first Rabī`, I went myself to safeguard the exit of the families and _ḥarams_[1631] from the fort, dismounting on a rise opposite the Gate. To me there came `Alī Khān and made offering of a few _ashrafīs_. People began to bring out the families just before the Other Prayer. Though Ghāzī Khān was reported to have got away, there were some who said they had seen him in the fort. For this reason several of the household and braves[1632] were posted at the Gate, in order to prevent his escape by a ruse, for to get away was his full intention.[1633] Moreover if jewels and other valuables were being taken away by stealth, they were to be confiscated. I spent that night in a tent pitched on the rise in front of the Gate.

(_Jan. 7th_) Early next morning, Muḥammadī, Aḥmadī, Sl. Junaid, `Abdu'l-`azīz, Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ and Qūtlūq-qadam were ordered to enter the fort and take possession of all [Sidenote: Fol. 259b.] effects. As there was much disturbance at the Gate, I shot off a few arrows by way of chastisement. Humāyūn's story-teller (_qiṣṣa-khẉān_) was struck by the arrow of his destiny and at once surrendered his life.

(_Jan. 7th and 8th_) After spending two nights[1634] on the rise, I inspected the fort. I went into Ghāzī Khān's book-room;[1635] some of the precious things found in it, I gave to Humāyūn, some sent to Kāmrān (in Qandahār). There were many books of learned contents,[1636] but not so many valuable ones as had at first appeared. I passed that night in the fort; next morning I went back to camp.

(_Jan. 9th_) It had been in our minds that Ghāzī Khān was in the fort, but he, a man devoid of nice sense of honour, had escaped to the hills, abandoning father, brethren and sisters in Milwat.

See that man without honour who never
The face of good luck shall behold;
Bodily ease he chose for himself,
In hardship he left wife and child (_Gulistān_ cap. i, story 17).

(_Jan. 10th_) Leaving that camp on Wednesday, we moved towards the hills to which Ghāzī Khān had fled. When we dismounted in the valley-bottom two miles from the camp in the mouth of Milwat,[1637] Dilāwar Khān came and waited on me. Daulat Khān, `Alī Khān and Ismā`īl Khān, with other chiefs, were given into Kitta Beg's charge who was to convey them to the Bhīra fort of Milwat (Malot),[1638] and there keep guard over [Sidenote: Fol. 260.] them. In agreement with Dilāwar Khān, blood-ransom was fixed for some who had been made over each to one man; some gave security, some were kept prisoner. Daulat Khān died when Kitta Beg reached Sulṯānpūr with the prisoners.[1639]

Milwat was given into the charge of Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_ who, pledging his own life for it, left his elder brother Arghūn and a party of braves in it. A body of from 200 to 250 Afghāns were told off to reinforce him.

Khwāja Kalān had loaded several camels with Ghaznī wines. A party was held in his quarters overlooking the fort and the whole camp, some drinking _`araq_, some wine. It was a varied party.

(_m. Jaswān-valley._)

Marching on, we crossed a low hill of the grazing-grounds (_arghā-dāl-līq_) of Milwat and went into the _dūn_, as Hindūstānīs are understood to call a dale (_julga_).[1640] In this dale is a running-water[1641] of Hindūstān; along its sides are many villages; and it is said to be the pargana of the Jaswāl, that is to say, of Dilāwar Khān's maternal uncles. It lies there shut-in, with meadows along its torrent, rice cultivated here and there, a three or four mill-stream flowing in its trough, its width from two to [Sidenote: Fol. 260b.] four miles, six even in places, villages on the skirts of its hills—hillocks they are rather—where there are no villages, peacocks, monkeys, and many fowls which, except that they are mostly of one colour, are exactly like house-fowls.

As no reliable news was had of Ghāzī Khān, we arranged for Tardīka to go with Bīrīm Deo _Malinhās_ and capture him wherever he might be found.

In the hills of this dale stand thoroughly strong forts; one on the north-east, named Kūtila, has sides 70 to 80 yards (_qārī_) of straight fall, the side where the great gate is being perhaps 7 or 8 yards.[1642] The width of the place where the draw-bridge is made, may be 10 to 12 yards. Across this they have made a bridge of two tall trees[1643] by which horses and herds are taken over. This was one of the local forts Ghāzī Khān had strengthened; his man will have been in it now. Our raiders (_chāpqūnchī_) assaulted it and had almost taken it when night came on. The garrison abandoned this difficult place and went off. Near this dale is also the stronghold of Ginguta; it is girt round by precipices as Kūtila is, but is not so strong as Kūtila. As has been mentioned `Ālam Khān went into it.[1644] [Sidenote: Fol. 261.]

(_n. Bābur advances against Ibrāhīm._)

After despatching the light troop against Ghāzī Khān, I put my foot in the stirrup of resolution, set my hand on the rein of trust in God, and moved forward against Sulṯān Ibrāhīm, son of Sulṯān Sikandar, son of Buhlūl _Lūdī Afghān_, in possession of whose throne at that time were the Dihlī capital and the dominions of Hindūstān, whose standing-army was called a _lak_ (100,000), whose elephants and whose begs' elephants were about 1,000.

At the end of our first stage, I bestowed Dībālpūr on Bāqī _shaghāwal_[1645] and sent him to help Balkh[1646]; sent also gifts, taken in the success of Milwat, for (my) younger children and various train in Kābul.

When we had made one or two marches down the (Jaswān) _dūn_, Shāh `Imād _Shīrāzī_ arrived from Araish Khān and Mullā Muḥammad _Maẕhab_,[1647] bringing letters that conveyed their good wishes for the complete success of our campaign and indicated their effort and endeavour towards this. In response, we sent, by a foot-man, royal letters expressing our favour. We then marched on.

(_o. `Ālam Khān takes refuge with Bābur._)

The light troop we had sent out from Milwat (Malot), took Hurūr, Kahlūr and all the hill-forts of the neighbourhood—places to which because of their strength, no-one seemed to have gone for a long time—and came back to me after plundering a little. Came also `Ālam Khān, on foot, ruined, stripped bare. We sent some of the begs to give him honourable meeting, sent horses too, and he waited (_malāẓamat qīldī_) in that [Sidenote: Fol. 261b.] neighbourhood.[1648]

Raiders of ours went into the hills and valleys round-about, but after a few nights' absence, came back without anything to count. Shāh Mīr Ḥusain, Jān Beg and a few of the braves asked leave and went off for a raid.

(_p. Incidents of the march for Pānī-pat._)

While we were in the (Jaswān) _dūn_, dutiful letters had come more than once from Ismā`īl _Jilwānī_ and Biban; we replied to them from this place by royal letters such as their hearts desired. After we got out of the dale to Rūpar, it rained very much and became so cold that a mass of starved and naked Hindūstānīs died.

When we had left Rūpar and were dismounted at Karal,[1649] opposite Sihrind, a Hindūstānī coming said, "I am Sl. Ibrāhīm's envoy," and though he had no letter or credentials, asked for an envoy from us. We responded at once by sending one or two Sawādī night-guards (_tunqiṯār_).[1650] These humble persons Ibrāhīm put in prison; they made their escape and came back to us on the very day we beat him.

After having halted one night on the way, we dismounted on the bank of the torrent[1651] of Banūr and Sanūr. Great rivers apart, one running water there is in Hindūstān, is this[1652]; they call it the water of Kakar (Ghaggar). Chitr also is on its bank. We rode up it for an excursion. The rising-place (_zih_) of the water of this torrent (_rūd_) is 3 or 4 _kurohs_ (6-8 m.) above Chitr. Going up the (Kakar) torrent, we came to where a 4 or 5 millstream issues from a broad (side-)valley (_dara_), up which there [Sidenote: Fol. 262.] are very pleasant places, healthy and convenient. I ordered a Chār-bāgh to be made at the mouth of the broad valley of this (tributary) water, which falls into the (Kakar-) torrent after flowing for one or two _kurohs_ through level ground. From its infall to the springs of the Kakar the distance may be 3 to 4 _kurohs_ (6-8 m.). When it comes down in flood during the rains and joins the Kakar, they go together to Sāmāna and Sanām.[1653]

In this camp we heard that Sl. Ibrāhīm had been on our side of Dihlī and had moved on from that station, also that Ḥamīd Khān _khāṣa-khail_,[1654] the military-collector (_shiqdār_) of Ḥiṣār-fīrūza, had left that place with its army and with the army of its neighbourhood, and had advanced 10 or 15 _kurohs_ (20-30 m.). Kitta Beg was sent for news to Ibrāhīm's camp, and Mumin Ātaka to the Ḥiṣār-fīrūza camp.

(_q. Humāyūn moves against Ḥamīd Khān._)

(_Feb. 25th_) Marching from Aṃbāla, we dismounted by the side of a lake. There Mumin Ātāka and Kitta Beg rejoined us, both on the same day, Sunday the 13th of the first Jumāda.

We appointed Humāyūn to act against Ḥamīd Khān, and joined the whole of the right (wing) to him, that is to say, Khwāja Kalān, Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_, Treasurer Walī, and also some of the begs whose posts were in Hindūstān, namely, Khusrau, Hindū Beg,`Abdu'l-'azīz and Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_, with also, from the household and braves of the centre, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_, Kitta Beg and Muḥibb-i `alī. [Sidenote: Fol. 262b.]

Biban waited on me in this camp. These Afghāns remain very rustic and tactless! This person asked to sit although Dilāwar Khān, his superior in following and in rank, did not sit, and although the sons of `Ālam Khān, who are of royal birth, did not sit. Little ear was lent to his unreason!

(_Feb. 26th_) At dawn on Monday the 14th Humāyūn moved out against Ḥamīd Khān. After advancing for some distance, he sent between 100 and 150 braves scouting ahead, who went close up to the enemy and at once got to grips. But when after a few encounters, the dark mass of Humāyūn's troops shewed in the rear, the enemy ran right away. Humāyūn's men unhorsed from 100 to 200, struck the heads off one half and brought the other half in, together with 7 or 8 elephants.

(_March 2nd_) On Friday the 18th of the month, Beg Mīrak _Mughūl_ brought news of Humāyūn's victory to the camp. He (Humāyūn?) was there and then given a special head-to-foot and a special horse from the royal stable, besides promise of guerdon (_juldū_).

(_March 5th_) On Monday the 25th of the month, Humāyūn arrived to wait on me, bringing with him as many as 100 prisoners and 7 or 8 elephants. Ustād `Alī-qulī and the [Sidenote: Fol. 263.] matchlockmen were ordered to shoot all the prisoners, by way of example. This had been Humāyūn's first affair, his first experience of battle; it was an excellent omen!

Our men who had gone in pursuit of the fugitives, took Ḥiṣār-fīrūza at once on arrival, plundered it, and returned to us. It was given in guerdon to Humāyūn, with all its dependencies and appurtenances, with it also a _kror_ of money.

We marched from that camp to Shāhābād. After we had despatched a news-gatherer (_tīl-tūtār kīshī_) to Sl. Ibrāhīm's camp, we stayed a few days on that ground. Raḥmat the foot-man was sent with the letters of victory to Kābul.

(_r. News of Ibrāhīm._)

(_March 13th_) On Monday the 28th of the first Jumāda,[1655] we being in that same camp, the Sun entered the Sign of the Ram. News had come again and again from Ibrāhīm's camp, "He is coming, marching two miles" or "four miles", "stopping in each camp two days," or "three days". We for our part advanced from Shāhābād and after halting on two nights, reached the bank of the Jūn-river (Jumna) and encamped opposite Sarsāwa. From that ground Khwāja Kalān's servant Ḥaidar-qulī was sent to get news (_tīl tūtā_).

Having crossed the Jūn-river at a ford, I visited Sarsāwa. That day also we ate _ma`jūn_. Sarsāwa[1656] has a source (_chashma_) from which a smallish stream issues, not a bad place! Tardī Beg _khāksār_ praising it, I said, "Let it be thine!" so just [Sidenote: Fol. 263b.] because he praised it, Sarsāwa was given to him!

I had a platform fixed in a boat and used to go for excursions on the river, sometimes too made the marches down it. Two marches along its bank had been made when, of those sent to gather news, Ḥaidar-qulī brought word that Ibrāhīm had sent Daud Khān (_Lūdī_) and Ḥātīm Khān (_Lūdī_) across the river into the Mīān-dū-āb (Tween-waters) with 5 or 6000 men, and that these lay encamped some 6 or 7 miles from his own.

(_s. A successful encounter._)

(_April 1st_) On Sunday the 18th of the second Jumāda, we sent, to ride light against this force, Chīn-tīmūr Sulṯān,[1657] Mahdī Khwāja, Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, `Ādil Sulṯān, and the whole of the left, namely, Sl. Junaid, Shāh Mīr Ḥusain, Qūtlūq-qadam, and with them also sent `Abdu'l-lāh and Kitta Beg (of the centre). They crossed from our side of the water at the Mid-day Prayer, and between the Afternoon and the Evening Prayers bestirred themselves from the other bank. Biban having crossed the water on pretext of this movement, ran away.

(_April 2nd_) At day-break they came upon the enemy;[1658] he made as if coming out in a sort of array, but our men closed with his at once, overcame them, hustled them off, pursued and unhorsed them till they were opposite Ibrāhīm's own camp. Ḥātim Khān was one of those unhorsed, who was Daud Khān (_Lūdī_)'s elder brother and one of his commanders. Our men brought him in when they waited on me. They brought also [Sidenote: Fol. 264.] 60-70 prisoners and 6 or 7 elephants. Most of the prisoners, by way of warning, were made to reach their death-doom.

(_t. Preparations for battle._)

While we were marching on in array of right, left and centre, the army was numbered;[1659] it did not count up to what had been estimated.

At our next camp it was ordered that every man in the army should collect carts, each one according to his circumstances. Seven hundred carts (_arāba_) were brought[1660] in. The order given to Ustād `Alī-qulī was that these carts should be joined together in Ottoman[1661] fashion, but using ropes of raw hide instead of chains, and that between every two carts 5 or 6 mantelets should be fixed, behind which the matchlockmen were to stand to fire. To allow of collecting all appliances, we delayed 5 or 6 days in that camp. When everything was ready, all the begs with such braves as had had experience in military affairs were summoned to a General Council where opinion found decision at this:—Pānī-pat[1662] is there with its crowded houses and suburbs. It would be on one side of us; our other sides must be protected by carts and mantelets behind which our foot and matchlockmen would stand. With so much settled we marched forward, halted one night on the way, and reached Pānī-pat on Thursday the last day (29th) of the second Jumāda (April 12th).

(_u. The opposed forces._)

On our right was the town of Pānī-pat with its suburbs; in front of us were the carts and mantelets we had prepared; on our left and elsewhere were ditch and branch. At distances of [Sidenote: Fol. 264b.] an arrow's flight[1663] sally-places were left for from 100 to 200 horsemen.

Some in the army were very anxious and full of fear. Nothing recommends anxiety and fear. For why? Because what God has fixed in eternity cannot be changed. But though this is so, it was no reproach to be afraid and anxious. For why? Because those thus anxious and afraid were there with a two or three months' journey between them and their homes; our affair was with a foreign tribe and people; none knew their tongue, nor did they know ours:—

A wandering band, with mind awander;
In the grip of a tribe, a tribe unfamiliar.[1664]

People estimated the army opposing us at 100,000 men; Ibrāhīm's elephants and those of his amīrs were said to be about 1000. In his hands was the treasure of two forbears.[1665] In Hindūstān, when work such as this has to be done, it is customary to pay out money to hired retainers who are known as _b:d-hindī_.[1666] If it had occurred to Ibrāhīm to do this, he might have had another _lak_ or two of troops. God brought it right! Ibrāhīm could neither content his braves, nor share out his treasure. How should he content his braves when he was ruled by avarice and had a craving insatiable to pile coin on coin? He was an unproved brave[1667]; he provided nothing for his [Sidenote: Fol. 265.] military operations, he perfected nothing, nor stand, nor move, nor fight.

In the interval at Pānī-pat during which the army was preparing defence on our every side with cart, ditch and branch, Darwīsh-i-muḥammad _Sārbān_ had once said to me, "With such precautions taken, how is it possible for him to come?" Said I, "Are you likening him to the Aūzbeg khāns and sulṯāns? In what of movement under arms or of planned operations is he to be compared with them?" God brought it right! Things fell out just as I said!

(_Author's note on the Aūzbeg chiefs._) When I reached Ḥiṣār
in the year I left Samarkand (918 AH.-1512 AD.), and all the
Aūzbeg khāns and sulṯāns gathered and came against us, we
brought the families and the goods of the Mughūls and soldiers
into the Ḥiṣār suburbs and fortified these by closing the
lanes. As those khāns and sulṯāns were experienced in
equipment, in planned operations, and in resolute resistance,
they saw from our fortification of Ḥiṣār that we were
determined on life or death within it, saw they could not
count on taking it by assault and, therefore, retired at once
from near Nūndāk of Chaghānīān.

(_v. Preliminary encounters._)

During the 7 or 8 days we lay in Pānī-pat, our men used to go, a few together, close up to Ibrāhīm's camp, rain arrows down on his massed troops, cut off and bring in heads. Still he made [Sidenote: Fol. 265b.] no move; nor did his troops sally out. At length, we acted on the advice of several Hindūstānī well-wishers and sent out 4 or 5000 men to deliver a night-attack on his camp, the leaders of it being Mahdī Khwāja, Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, `Ādil Sulṯān, Khusrau, Shāh Mīr Ḥusain, Sl. Junaid _Barlās_, `Abdu'l-`azīz the Master of the Horse, Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_, Qūtlūq-qadam, Treasurer Walī, Khalīfa's Muḥibb-i-`alī, Pay-master Muḥammad, Jān Beg and Qarā-qūzī. It being dark, they were not able to act together well, and, having scattered, could effect nothing on arrival. They stayed near Ibrāhīm's camp till dawn, when the nagarets sounded and troops of his came out in array with elephants. Though our men did not do their work, they got off safe and sound; not a man of them was killed, though they were in touch with such a mass of foes. One arrow pierced Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_'s leg; though the wound was not mortal, he was good-for-nothing on the day of battle.

On hearing of this affair, I sent off Humāyūn and his troops to go 2 or 3 miles to meet them, and followed him myself with the rest of the army in battle-array. The party of the night-attack joined him and came back with him. The enemy making no further advance, we returned to camp and dismounted. That night a false alarm fell on the camp; for some 20 minutes (one _garī_) there were uproar and call-to-arms; the disturbance died down after a time. [Sidenote: Fol. 266.]

(_w. Battle of Pānī-pat._[1668])

(_April 20th_) On Friday the 8th of Rajab,[1669] news came, when it was light enough to distinguish one thing from another (_farẓ-waqtī_) that the enemy was advancing in fighting-array. We at once put on mail,[1670] armed and mounted.[1671] Our right was Humāyūn, Khwāja Kalān, Sulṯān Muḥammad _Dūldāī_, Hindū Beg, Treasurer Walī and Pīr-qulī _Sīstānī_; our left was Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, Mahdī Khwāja, `Ādil Sulṯān, Shāh Mīr Ḥusain, Sl. Junaid _Barlās_, Qūtlūq-qadam, Jān Beg, Pay-master Muḥammad, and Shāh Ḥusain (of) Yāragī _Mughūl Ghānchī_(?).[1672] The right hand of the centre[1673] was Chīn-tīmūr Sulṯān, Sulaimān Mīrzā,[1674] Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_, Yūnas-i-`alī, Darwīsh-i-muḥammad _Sārbān_ and `Abdu'l-lāh the librarian. The left of the centre was Khalīfa, Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān, Secretary Aḥmadī, Tardī Beg (brother) of Qūj Beg, Khalīfa's Muḥibb-i-`alī and Mīrzā Beg Tarkhān. The advance was Khusrau Kūkūldāsh and Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang_. `Abdu'l-'azīz the Master of the Horse was posted as the reserve. For the turning-party (_tūlghuma_) at the point of the right wing,[1675] we fixed on Red Walī and Malik Qāsim (brother) of Bābā _Qashqa_, with their Mughūls; for the turning-party at the point of the left wing, we arrayed Qarā-qūzī, Abū'l-muḥammad the lance-player, Shaikh Jamāl _Bārīn's_ Shaikh `Alī, Mahndī(?) and Tīngrī-bīrdī _Bashaghī_(?) _Mughūl_; these two parties, directly the enemy got near, were to turn his rear, one from the right, the other from the left. [Sidenote: Fol. 266b.]

When the dark mass of the enemy first came in sight, he seemed to incline towards our right; `Abdu'l-`azīz, who was the right-reserve, was sent therefore to reinforce the right. From the time that Sl. Ibrāhīm's blackness first appeared, he moved swiftly, straight for us, without a check, until he saw the dark mass of our men, when his pulled up and, observing our formation and array,[1676] made as if asking, "To stand or not? To advance or not?" They could not stand; nor could they make their former swift advance.

Our orders were for the turning-parties to wheel from right and left to the enemy's rear, to discharge arrows and to engage in the fight; and for the right and left (wings) to advance and join battle with him. The turning-parties wheeled round and began to rain arrows down. Mahdī Khwāja was the first of the left to engage; he was faced by a troop having an elephant with it; his men's flights of arrows forced it to retire. To reinforce the left I sent Secretary Aḥmadī and also Qūj Beg's Tardī Beg and Khalīfa's Muḥibb-i-'alī. On the right also there was some stubborn fighting. Orders were given for Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_, Yūnas-i-`alī and `Abdu'l-lāh to engage those facing them in front of the centre. From that same position Ustād `Alī-qulī made good discharge of _firingī_ shots;[1677]

Musṯafa the commissary for his part made excellent discharge [Sidenote: Fol. 267.] of _zarb-zan_ shots from the left hand of the centre. Our right, left, centre and turning-parties having surrounded the enemy, rained arrows down on him and fought ungrudgingly. He made one or two small charges on our right and left but under our men's arrows, fell back on his own centre. His right and left hands (_qūl_) were massed in such a crowd that they could neither move forward against us nor force a way for flight.

When the incitement to battle had come, the Sun was spear-high; till mid-day fighting had been in full force; noon passed, the foe was crushed in defeat, our friends rejoicing and gay. By God's mercy and kindness, this difficult affair was made easy for us! In one half-day, that armed mass was laid upon the earth. Five or six thousand men were killed in one place close to Ibrāhīm. Our estimate of the other dead, lying all over the field, was 15 to 16,000, but it came to be known, later in Āgra from the statements of Hindūstānīs, that 40 or 50,000 may have died in that battle.[1678]

The foe defeated, pursuit and unhorsing of fugitives began. Our men brought in amīrs of all ranks and the chiefs they captured; _mahauts_ made offering of herd after herd of elephants.

Ibrāhīm was thought to have fled; therefore, while pursuing [Sidenote: Fol. 267b.] the enemy, we told off Qismatāī Mīrzā, Bābā _chuhra_ and Būjka of the _khaṣa-tābīn_[1679] to lead swift pursuit to Āgra and try to take him. We passed through his camp, looked into his own enclosure (_sarācha_) and quarters, and dismounted on the bank of standing-water (_qarā-sū_).

It was the Afternoon Prayer when Khalīfa's younger brother-in-law T̤āhir Tībrī[1680] who had found Ibrāhīm's body in a heap of dead, brought in his head.

(_x. Detachments sent to occupy Dihlī and Āgra._)

On that very same day we appointed Humāyūn Mīrzā[1681] to ride fast and light to Āgra with Khwāja Kalān, Muḥammadī, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_, Yūnas-i-`alī, `Abdu'l-lah and Treasurer Walī, to get the place into their hands and to mount guard over the treasure. We fixed on Mahdī Khwāja, with Muḥammad Sl. Mīrza, `Ādil Sulṯān, Sl. Junaid _Barlās_ and Qūtlūq-qadam to leave their baggage, make sudden incursion on Dihlī, and keep watch on the treasuries.[1682]

(_April 21st_) We marched on next day and when we had gone 2 miles, dismounted, for the sake of the horses, on the bank of the Jūn (Jumna).

(_April 24th_) On Tuesday (Rajab 12th), after we had halted on two nights and had made the circuit of Shaikh Niẓāmu'd-dīn _Auliyā_'s tomb[1683] we dismounted on the bank of the Jūn over against Dihlī.[1684] That same night, being Wednesday-eve, we made an excursion into the fort of Dihlī and there spent the night.

(_April 25th_) Next day (Wednesday Rajab 13th) I made the circuit of Khwāja Quṯbu'd-dīn's[1685] tomb and visited the tombs and residences of Sl. Ghiyāṣu'd-dīn _Balban_[1686] and Sl. `Alāu'u'd-dīn [Sidenote: Fol. 268.] _Khiljī_,[1687] his Minār, and the Ḥauẓ-shamsī, Ḥauẓ-i-khaṣ and the tombs and gardens of Sl. Buhlūl and Sl. Sikandar (_Lūdī_). Having done this, we dismounted at the camp, went on a boat, and there _`araq_ was drunk.

We bestowed the Military Collectorate (_shiqdārlīghī_) of Dihlī on Red Walī, made Dost Dīwān in the Dihlī district, sealed the treasuries, and made them over to their charge.

(_April 26th_) On Thursday we dismounted on the bank of the Jūn, over against Tūghlūqābād.[1688]

(_y. The khuṯba read for Bābur in Dihlī._)

(_April 27th_) On Friday (Rajab 15th) while we remained on the same ground, Maulānā Maḥmūd and Shaikh Zain went with a few others into Dihlī for the Congregational Prayer, read the _khuṯba_ in my name, distributed a portion of money to the poor and needy,[1689] and returned to camp.

(_April 28th_) Leaving that ground on Saturday (Rajab 16th), we advanced march by march for Āgra. I made an excursion to Tūghlūqābād and rejoined the camp.

(_May 4th_) On Friday (Rajab 22nd), we dismounted at the mansion (_manzil_) of Sulaimān _Farmulī_ in a suburb of Āgra, but as the place was far from the fort, moved on the following day to Jalāl Khān _Jig:hat's_ house.

On Humāyūn's arrival at Āgra, ahead of us, the garrison had made excuses and false pretexts (about surrender). He and his noticing the want of discipline there was, said, "The long hand may be laid on the Treasury"! and so sat down to watch the roads out of Āgra till we should come.

(_z. The great diamond._)

In Sultan Ibrāhīm's defeat the Rāja of Gūālīār Bikramājīt the Hindū had gone to hell.[1690] [Sidenote: Fol. 268b.]

(_Author's note on Bikramājīt._) The ancestors of Bikramājīt
had ruled in Gūālīār for more than a hundred years.[1691]
Sikandar (_Lūdī_) had sat down in Āgra for several years in
order to take the fort; later on, in Ibrāhīm's time, `Aẕim
Humāyūn _Sarwānī_[1692] had completely invested it for some
while; following this, it was taken on terms under which
Shamsābād was given in exchange for it.[1693]

Bikramājīt's children and family were in Āgra at the time of Ibrāhīm's defeat. When Humāyūn reached Āgra, they must have been planning to flee, but his postings of men (to watch the roads) prevented this and guard was kept over them. Humāyūn himself did not let them go (_bārghālī qūīmās_). They made him a voluntary offering of a mass of jewels and valuables amongst which was the famous diamond which `Alāu'u'd-dīn must have brought.[1694] Its reputation is that every appraiser has estimated its value at two and a half days' food for the whole world. Apparently it weighs 8 _mis̤qāls_.[1695] Humāyūn offered it to me when I arrived at Āgra; I just gave it him back.

(_aa. Ibrāhīm's mother and entourage._)

Amongst men of mark who were in the fort, there were Malik Dād _Karānī_, Millī _Sūrdūk_ and Fīrūz Khān _Mīwātī_. They, being convicted of false dealing, were ordered out for capital punishment. Several persons interceded for Malik Dād _Karānī_ and four or five days passed in comings and goings before the matter was arranged. We then shewed to them (all?) kindness and favour in agreement with the petition made for them, and we restored them all their goods.[1696] A _pargana_ worth 7 _laks_[1697] was bestowed on Ibrāhīm's mother; _parganas_ were given also to these begs of his.[1698] She was sent out of the fort with her old servants and given encamping-ground (_yūrt_) two miles below [Sidenote: Fol. 269.] Āgra.

(_May 10th_) I entered Āgra at the Afternoon Prayer of Thursday (Rajab 28th) and dismounted at the mansion (_manzil_) of Sl. Ibrāhīm.

EXPEDITIONS OF TRAMONTANE MUḤAMMADANS INTO HIND.

(_a. Bābur's five attempts on Hindūstān._)