Chapter XXIX: Section III: Hindūstān (3)

The lime (B. _līmū_, _C. acida_) is another. It is very plentiful, about the size of a hen's egg, and of the same shape. If a person poisoned drink the water in which its fibres have been boiled, danger is averted.[1876]

The citron (P. _turunj_,[1877] _C. medica_) is another of the fruits resembling the orange. Bajaurīs and Sawādīs call it _bālang_ and hence give the name _bālang-marabbā_ to its marmalade (_marabbā_) confiture. In Hindūstān people call the _turunj bajaurī_.[1878] There are two kinds of _turunj_: one is sweet, flavourless and nauseating, of no use for eating but with peel that may be good for marmalade; it has the same sickening sweetness as the Lamghānāt _turunj_; the other, that of Hindūstān and Bajaur, is acid, quite deliciously acid, and makes excellent sherbet, well-flavoured, and wholesome drinking. Its size may be that of the Khusrawī melon; it has a thick skin, wrinkled and uneven, with one end thinner and beaked. It is of a deeper yellow than the orange (_nāranj_). Its tree has no trunk, is rather low, grows in bushes, and has a larger [Sidenote: Fol. 287.] leaf than the orange.

The _sangtāra_[1879] is another fruit resembling the orange (_nāranj_). It is like the citron (_turunj_) in colour and form, but has both ends of its skin level;[1880] also it is not rough and is somewhat the smaller fruit. Its tree is large, as large as the apricot (_aūrūq_), with a leaf like the orange's. It is a deliciously acid fruit, making a very pleasant and wholesome sherbet. Like the lime it is a powerful stomachic, but not weakening like the orange (_nāranj_).

The large lime which they call (H.) _gal-gal_[1881] in Hindūstān is another fruit resembling the orange. It has the shape of a goose's egg, but unlike that egg, does not taper to the ends. Its skin is smooth like the _sangtāra's_; it is remarkably juicy.

The (H.) _jānbīrī_ lime[1882] is another orange-like fruit. It is orange-shaped and, though yellow, not orange-yellow. It smells like the citron (_turunj_); it too is deliciously acid.

The (Sans.) _sadā-fal_ (_phal_)[1883] is another orange-like fruit. This is pear-shaped, colours like the quince, ripens sweet, but not to the sickly-sweetness of the orange (_nāranj_).

The _amrd-fal_ (sic. Ḥai. MS.—Sans. _amrit-phal_)[1884] is another orange-like fruit.

The lemon (H. _karnā_, _C. limonum_) is another fruit resembling the orange (_nāranj_); it may be as large as the _gal-gal_ and is also acid.

The (Sans.) _amal-bīd_[1885] is another fruit resembling the orange. After three years (in Hindūstān), it was first seen to-day.[1886] They say a needle melts away if put inside it,[1887] either from its acidity [Sidenote: Fol. 287b.] or some other property. It is as acid, perhaps, as the citron and lemon (_turunj_ and _līmū_).[1888]

(_m. Vegetable products of Hindūstān:—Flowers._)

In Hindūstān there is great variety of flowers. One is the (D.) _jāsūn_ (_Hibiscus rosa sinensis_), which some Hindūstānīs call (Hindī) _gaẕhal_.[1889] *It is not a grass (_giyāh_); its tree (is in stems like the bush of the red-rose; it) is rather taller than the bush of the red-rose.[1890]* The flower of the _jāsūn_ is fuller in colour than that of the pomegranate, and may be of the size of the red-rose, but, the red-rose, when its bud has grown, opens simply, whereas, when the _jāsūn_-bud opens, a stem on which other petals grow, is seen like a heart amongst its expanded petals. Though the two are parts of the one flower, yet the outcome of the lengthening and thinning of that stem-like heart of the first-opened petals gives the semblance of two flowers.[1891] It is not a common matter. The beautifully coloured flowers look very well on the tree, but they do not last long; they fade in just one day. The _jāsūn_ blossoms very well through the four months of the rains; it seems indeed to flower all through the year; with this profusion, however, it gives no perfume.

The (H.) _kanīr_ (_Nerium odorum_, the oleander)[1892] is another. It grows both red and white. Like the peach-flower, it is five petalled. It is like the peach-bloom (in colour?), but opens 14 or 15 flowers from one place, so that seen from a distance, they look like one great flower. The oleander-bush is taller than the rose-bush. The red oleander has a sort of scent, faint and agreeable. (Like the _jāsūn_,) it also blooms well and profusely in the [Sidenote: Fol. 288.] rains, and it also is had through most of the year.

The (H.) (_kīūrā_) (_Pandanus odoratissimus_, the screw-pine) is another.[1893] It has a very agreeable perfume.[1894] Musk has the defect of being dry; this may be called moist musk—a very agreeable perfume. The tree's singular appearance notwithstanding, it has flowers perhaps 1-1/2 to 2 _qārīsh_ (13-1/2 to 18 inches) long. It has long leaves having the character of the reed (P.) _gharau_[1895] and having spines. Of these leaves, while pressed together bud-like, the outer ones are the greener and more spiny; the inner ones are soft and white. In amongst these inner leaves grow things like what belongs to the middle of a flower, and from these things comes the excellent perfume. When the tree first comes up not yet shewing any trunk, it is like the bush (_būta_) of the male-reed,[1896] but with wider and more spiny leaves. What serves it for a trunk is very shapeless, its roots remaining shewn.

The (P.) _yāsman_ (jasmine) is another; the white they call (B.) _champa_.[1897] It is larger and more strongly scented than our _yāsman_-flower.

(_n. Seasons of the year._)

Again:—whereas there are four seasons in those countries,[1898] there are three in Hindūstān, namely, four months are summer; four are the rains; four are winter. The beginning of their months is from the welcome of the crescent-moons.[1899] Every three years they add a month to the year; if one had been added to the rainy season, the next is added, three years later, to the winter months, the next, in the same way, to the hot months. This is their mode of intercalation.[1900] (_Chait_, _Baisākh_, _Jeṭh_ and [Sidenote: Fol. 288b.] _Asāṛh_) are the hot months, corresponding with the Fish, (Ram, Bull and Twins; _Sāwan_, _Bhādoṅ_, _Kū,ār_ and _Kātik_) are the rainy months, corresponding with the Crab, (Lion, Virgin and Balance; _Aghan_, _Pūs_, _Māgh_ and _Phālgun_) are the cold months, corresponding with the Scorpion, (Archer, Capricorn, and Bucket or Aquarius).

The people of Hind, having thus divided the year into three seasons of four months each, divide each of those seasons by taking from each, the two months of the force of the heat, rain,[1901] and cold. Of the hot months the last two, _i.e. Jeṭh_ and _Asāṛh_ are the force of the heat; of the rainy months, the first two, _i.e. Sāwan_ and _Bhādoṅ_ are the force of the rains; of the cold season, the middle two, _i.e. Pūs_ and _Māgh_ are the force of the cold. By this classification there are six seasons in Hindūstān.

(_o. Days of the week._)

To the days also they have given names:—[1902] (_Sanīchar_ is Saturday; _Rabī-bār_ is Sunday; _Som-wār_ is Monday; _Mangal-wār_ is Tuesday; _Budh-bār_ is Wednesday; _Brihaspat-bār_ is Thursday; _Shukr-bār_ is Friday).

(_p. Divisions of time._)

[Sidenote: Fol. 289.] (_Author's note on the daqīqa._) The
_daqīqa_ is about as long as six repetitions of the _Fātiḥa_
with the _Bismillāh_, so that a day-and-night is as long as
8640 repetitions of the _Fātiḥa_ with the _Bismillāh._

As in our countries what is known by the (Turkī) term _kīcha-gūndūz_ (a day-and-night, nycthemeron) is divided into 24 parts, each called an hour (Ar. _sā`at_), and the hour is divided into 60 parts, each called a minute (Ar. _daqīqa_), so that a day-and-night consists of 1440 minutes,—so the people of Hind divide the night-and-day into 60 parts, each called a (S.) _g'harī_.[1903] They also divide the night into four and the day into four, calling each part a (S.) _pahr_ (watch) which in Persian is a _pās_. A watch and watchman (_pās u pāsbān_) had been heard about (by us) in those countries (Transoxania), but without these particulars. Agreeing with the division into watches, a body of _g'harīālīs_[1904] is chosen and appointed in all considerable towns of Hindūstān. They cast a broad brass (plate-) thing,[1905] perhaps as large as a tray (_ṯabaq_) and about two hands'-thickness; this they call a _g'harīāl_ and hang up in a high place (_bīr buland yīr-dā_). Also they have a vessel perforated at the bottom like an hour-cup[1906] and filling in one _g'harī_ (_i.e._ 24 minutes). The _g'harīālīs_ put this into water and wait till it fills. For example, they will put the perforated [Sidenote: Fol. 289b.] cup into water at day-birth; when it fills the first time, they strike the gong once with their mallets; when a second time, twice, and so on till the end of the watch. They announce the end of a watch by several rapid blows of their mallets. After these they pause; then strike once more, if the first day-watch has ended, twice if the second, three times if the third, and four times if the fourth. After the fourth day-watch, when the night-watches begin, these are gone through in the same way. It used to be the rule to beat the sign of a watch only when the watch ended; so that sleepers chancing to wake in the night and hear the sound of a third or fourth _g'harī_, would not know whether it was of the second or third night-watch. I therefore ordered that at night or on a cloudy day the sign of the watch should be struck after that of the _g'harī_, for example, that after striking the third _g'harī_ of the first night-watch, the _g'harīālīs_ were to pause and then strike the sign of the watch, in order to make it known that this third _g'harī_ was of the first night-watch,—and that after striking four _g'harīs_ of the third night-watch, they should pause and then strike the sign of the third watch, in order to make it known that this fourth _g'harī_ was of the third night-watch. It did very well; anyone happening to wake in the night and hear the gong, would know what _g'harī_ of what watch of night it was.

Again, they divide the _g'harī_ into 60 parts, each part being called a _pal_;[1907] by this each night-and-day will consist of 3,500 _pals_. [Sidenote: Fol. 290.]

(_Author's note on the pal._) They say the length of a _pal_
is the shutting and opening of the eyelids 60 times, which in
a night-and-day would be 216,000 shuttings and openings of the
eyes. Experiment shews that a _pal_ is about equal to 8
repetitions of the _Qul-huwa-allāh_[1908] and _Bismillāh_;
this would be 28,000 repetitions in a night-and-day.

(_q. Measures._)

The people of Hind have also well-arranged measures:—[1909] 8 _ratīs_ = 1 _māsha_; 4 _māsha_ = 1 _tānk_ = 32 _ratīs_; 5 _māsha_ = 1 _miṣqāl_ = 40 _ratīs_; 12 _māsha_ = 1 _tūla_ = 96 _ratīs_; 14 _tūla_ = 1 _ser_.

This is everywhere fixed:—40 _ser_ = 1 _mānbān_; 12 _mānbān_ = 1 _mānī_; 100 _mānī_ they call a _mīnāsa_.[1910]

Pearls and jewels they weigh by the _tānk_.

(_r. Modes of reckoning._)

The people of Hind have also an excellent mode of reckoning: 100,000 they call a _lak_; 100 _laks_, a _krūr_; 100 _krūrs_, an _arb_; 100 _arbs_, 1 _karb_; 100 _karb's_, 1 _nīl_; 100 _nīls_, 1 _padam_; 100 _padams_, 1 _sāng_. The fixing of such high reckonings as these is proof of the great amount of wealth in Hindūstān.

(_s. Hindū inhabitants of Hindūstān._)

Most of the inhabitants of Hindūstān are pagans; they call a pagan a Hindū. Most Hindūs believe in the transmigration of souls. All artisans, wage-earners, and officials are Hindūs. In our countries dwellers in the wilds (_i.e._ nomads) get tribal names; [Sidenote: Fol. 290b.] here the settled people of the cultivated lands and villages get tribal names.[1911] Again:—every artisan there is follows the trade that has come down to him from forefather to forefather.

(_t. Defects of Hindūstān._)

Hindūstān is a country of few charms. Its people have no good looks; of social intercourse, paying and receiving visits there is none; of genius and capacity none; of manners none; in handicraft and work there is no form or symmetry, method or quality; there are no good horses, no good dogs, no grapes, musk-melons or first-rate fruits, no ice or cold water, no good bread or cooked food in the _bāzārs_, no Hot-baths, no Colleges, no candles, torches or candlesticks.

In place of candle and torch they have a great dirty gang they call lamp-men (_diwatī_), who in the left hand hold a smallish wooden tripod to one corner of which a thing like the top of a candlestick is fixed, having a wick in it about as thick as the thumb. In the right hand they hold a gourd, through a narrow slit made in which, oil is let trickle in a thin thread when the wick needs it. Great people keep a hundred or two of these lamp-men. This is the Hindūstān substitute for lamps and candlesticks! If their rulers and begs have work at night needing candles, these dirty lamp-men bring these lamps, go close up and [Sidenote: Fol. 291.] there stand.

Except their large rivers and their standing-waters which flow in ravines or hollows (there are no waters). There are no running-waters in their gardens or residences (_`imāratlār_).[1912] These residences have no charm, air (_hawā_), regularity or symmetry.

Peasants and people of low standing go about naked. They tie on a thing called _lungūtā_,[1913] a decency-clout which hangs two spans below the navel. From the tie of this pendant decency-clout, another clout is passed between the thighs and made fast behind. Women also tie on a cloth (_lung_), one-half of which goes round the waist, the other is thrown over the head.

(_u. Advantages of Hindūstān._)

Pleasant things of Hindūstān are that it is a large country and has masses of gold and silver. Its air in the Rains is very fine. Sometimes it rains 10, 15 or 20 times a day; torrents pour down all at once and rivers flow where no water had been. While it rains and through the Rains, the air is remarkably fine, not to be surpassed for healthiness and charm. The fault is that the air becomes very soft and damp. A bow of those (Transoxanian) countries after going through the Rains in Hindūstān, may not be drawn even; it is ruined; not only the bow, everything is [Sidenote: Fol. 291b.] affected, armour, book, cloth, and utensils all; a house even does not last long. Not only in the Rains but also in the cold and the hot seasons, the airs are excellent; at these times, however, the north-west wind constantly gets up laden with dust and earth. It gets up in great strength every year in the heats, under the Bull and Twins when the Rains are near; so strong and carrying so much dust and earth that there is no seeing one another. People call this wind Darkener of the Sky (H. _āndhī_). The weather is hot under the Bull and Twins, but not intolerably so, not so hot as in Balkh and Qandahār and not for half so long.

Another good thing in Hindūstān is that it has unnumbered and endless workmen of every kind. There is a fixed caste (_jam`ī_) for every sort of work and for every thing, which has done that work or that thing from father to son till now. Mullā Sharaf, writing in the _Z̤afar-nāma_ about the building of Tīmūr Beg's Stone Mosque, lays stress on the fact that on it 200 stone-cutters worked, from Āẕarbāījān, Fars, Hindūstān and other countries. But 680 men worked daily on my buildings in Āgra and of Āgra stone-cutters only; while 1491 stone-cutters worked daily on my buildings in Āgra, Sīkrī, Bīāna, Dūlpūr, Gūālīār and Kūīl. In [Sidenote: Fol. 292.] the same way there are numberless artisans and workmen of every sort in Hindūstān.

(_v. Revenues of Hindūstān._)

The revenue of the countries now held by me (935 AH.-1528 AD.) from Bhīra to Bihār is 52 _krūrs_,[1914] as will be known in detail from the following summary.[1915] Eight or nine _krūrs_ of this are from parganas of rāīs and rājas who, as obedient from of old, receive allowance and maintenance.

REVENUES OF HINDŪSTĀN FROM WHAT HAS SO FAR COME UNDER THE VICTORIOUS STANDARDS

--------------------------------+---------+-----+----------
Sarkārs. | Krūrs. |Laks.| Tankas.
--------------------------------+---------+-----+----------
Trans-sutluj:--Bhīra, | | |
Lāhūr, Sīālkūt, | | |
Dībālpūr, etc. | 3 | 33 |15,989
Sihrind | 1 | 29 |31,985
Ḥiṣār-fīrūza | 1 | 30 |75,174
The capital Dihlī and | | |
Mīān-dū-āb | 3 | 69 |50,254
Mīwāt, not included in | | |
Sikandar's time | 1 | 69 |81,000
Bīāna | 1 | 44 |14,930 [Sidenote:
Āgra | | 29 |76,919 Fol. 292b.]
Mīān-wilāyat (Midlands) | 2 | 91 | 19
Gūālīār | 2 | 23 |57,450
Kālpī and Seho[n.]da | | |
(Seondhā) | 4 | 28 |55,950
Qanauj | 1 | 36 |63,358
Saṃbhal | 1 | 38 |44,000
Laknūr and Baksar | 1 | 39 |82,433
Khairābād | | 12 |65,000
Aūd (Oude) and Bahraj | | |
(Baraich) | 1 | 17 | 1,369 [Sidenote:
Jūnpūr | 4 | ·0 |88,333 Fol. 293.]
Karra and Mānikpūr | 1 | 63 |27,282
Bihār | 4 | 5 |60,000
Sarwār | 1 | 55 |17,506-1/2
Sāran | 1 | 10 |18,373
Champāran | 1 | 90 |86,060
Kandla | | 43 |30,300
Tirhut from Rāja | | |
Rup-narāīn's tribute, | | |
silver | | 2 |55,000
black (i.e. copper) | | 27 |50,000
Rantanbhūr from Būlī, | | |
Chātsū, and Malarna | | 20 |?00,000
Nagūr | -- | -- | --
Rāja Bikrāmajīt in | | |
Rantanbhūr | -- | -- | --
Kalanjarī | -- | -- | --
Rāja Bīr-sang-deo (or, | | |
Sang only) | -- | -- | --
Rāja Bikam-deo | -- | -- | --
Rāja Bikam-chand | -- | -- | --
--------------------------------+---------+-----+----------

[1916] So far as particulars and details about the land and people of the country of Hindūstān have become definitely known, they have been narrated and described; whatever matters worthy of record may come to view hereafter, I shall write down.

HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.

(_a. Distribution of treasure in Āgra._)[1917]

(_May 12th_) On Saturday the 29th[1918] of Rajab the examination and distribution of the treasure were begun. To Humāyūn were given 70 laks from the Treasury, and, over and above this, a treasure house was bestowed on him just as it was, without ascertaining and writing down its contents. To some begs 10 laks were given, 8, 7, or 6 to others.[1919] Suitable money-gifts were bestowed from the Treasury on the whole army, to every tribe there was, Afghān, Hazāra, `Arab, Bīlūch _etc._ to each according to its position. Every trader and student, indeed every man who had come with the army, took ample portion and share of bounteous gift and largess. To those not with the army went a mass of treasure in gift and largess, as for instance, 17 laks to Kāmran, 15 laks to Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā, while to `Askarī, Hindāl and indeed to the whole various train of relations and younger children[1920] went masses of red and white (gold and silver), of plenishing, jewels and slaves.[1921] Many gifts went to the begs and soldiery on that side (Tramontana). Valuable gifts (_saughāt_) [Sidenote: Fol. 294.] were sent for the various relations in Samarkand, Khurāsān, Kāshghar and `Irāq. To holy men belonging to Samarkand and Khurāsān went offerings vowed to God (_nuẕūr_); so too to Makka and Madīna. We gave one _shāhrukhi_ for every soul in the country of Kābul and the valley-side[1922] of Varsak, man and woman, bond and free, of age or non-age.[1923]

(_b. Disaffection to Bābur._)

On our first coming to Āgra, there was remarkable dislike and hostility between its people and mine, the peasantry and soldiers running away in fear of our men. Dilhī and Āgra excepted, not a fortified town but strengthened its defences and neither was in obedience nor submitted. Qāsim Saṃbhalī was in Saṃbhal; Niẕām Khān was in Bīāna; in Mīwāt was Ḥasan Khān Mīwātī himself, impious mannikin! who was the sole leader of the trouble and mischief.[1924] Muḥammad _Zaitun_ was in Dūlpūr; Tātār Khān _Sārang-khānī_[1925] was in Gūālīār; Ḥusain Khān _Nuḥānī_ was in Rāprī; Quṯb Khān was in Itāwa (Etāwa); `Ālam Khān (_Kālpī_) was in Kālpī. Qanauj and the other side of Gang (Ganges) was all held by Afghāns in independent hostility,[1926] such as Naṣīr Khān _Nuḥānī_, Ma`rūf _Farmūlī_ and a crowd of other amīrs. These had been in rebellion for three or four years before Ibrāhīm's death and when I defeated him, were holding Qanauj and the whole country beyond it. At the present time they were lying two or three marches on our side of Qanauj and had made Bihār Khān the son of Daryā Khān _Nuḥānī_ their _pādshāh_, under the style Sulṯān Muḥammad. [Sidenote: Fol. 294b.] Marghūb the slave was in Mahāwīn (_Muttra_?); he remained there, thus close, for some time but came no nearer.

(_c. Discontent in Bābur's army._)

It was the hot-season when we came to Āgra. All the inhabitants (_khalāīq_) had run away in terror. Neither grain for ourselves nor corn for our horses was to be had. The villages, out of hostility and hatred to us had taken to thieving and highway-robbery; there was no moving on the roads. There had been no chance since the treasure was distributed to send men in strength into the parganas and elsewhere. Moreover the year was a very hot one; violent pestilential winds struck people down in heaps together; masses began to die off.

On these accounts the greater part of the begs and best braves became unwilling to stay in Hindūstān, indeed set their faces for leaving it. It is no reproach to old and experienced begs if they speak of such matters; even if they do so, this man (Bābur) has enough sense and reason to get at what is honest or what is mutinous in their representations, to distinguish between loss and gain. But as this man had seen his task whole, for himself, when he resolved on it, what taste was there in their reiterating that things should be done differently? What recommends the expression of distasteful opinions by men of little standing [Sidenote: Fol. 295.] (_kīchīk karīm_)? Here is a curious thing:—This last time of our riding out from Kābul, a few men of little standing had just been made begs; what I looked for from them was that if I went through fire and water and came out again, they would have gone in with me unhesitatingly, and with me have come out, that wherever I went, there at my side would they be,—not that they would speak against my fixed purpose, not that they would turn back from any task or great affair on which, all counselling, all consenting, we had resolved, so long as that counsel was not abandoned. Badly as these new begs behaved, Secretary Aḥmadī and Treasurer Walī behaved still worse. Khwāja Kalān had done well in the march out from Kābul, in Ibrāhīm's defeat and until Āgra was occupied; he had spoken bold words and shewn ambitious views. But a few days after the capture of Āgra, all his views changed,—the one zealous for departure at any price was Khwāja Kalān.[1927]

(_d. Bābur calls a council._)

When I knew of this unsteadiness amongst (my) people, I summoned all the begs and took counsel. Said I, "There is no supremacy and grip on the world without means and resources; without lands and retainers sovereignty and command (_pādshāhlīq u amīrlīq_) are impossible. By the labours of several years, by encountering hardship, by long travel, by flinging myself and the army into battle, and by deadly slaughter, we, through God's [Sidenote: Fol. 295b.] grace, beat these masses of enemies in order that we might take their broad lands. And now what force compels us, what necessity has arisen that we should, without cause, abandon countries taken at such risk of life? Was it for us to remain in Kābul, the sport of harsh poverty? Henceforth, let no well-wisher of mine speak of such things! But let not those turn back from going who, weak in strong persistence, have set their faces to depart!" By these words, which recalled just and reasonable views to their minds, I made them, willy-nilly, quit their fears.

(_e. Khwāja Kalān decides to leave Hindūstān._)

As Khwāja Kalān had no heart to stay in Hindūstān, matters were settled in this way:—As he had many retainers, he was to convoy the gifts, and, as there were few men in Kābul and Ghaznī, was to keep these places guarded and victualled. I bestowed on him Ghaznī, Girdīz and the Sulṯān Mas`ūdī Hazāra, gave also the Hindūstān _pargana_ of G'hūram,[1928] worth 3 or 4 _laks_. It was settled for Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān also to go to Kābul; the gifts were put into his immediate charge, under the custody of Mullā Ḥasan the banker (_ṣarrāf_) and Tūka[1929] _Hindū_.

Loathing Hindūstān, Khwāja Kalān, when on his way, had the following couplet inscribed on the wall of his residence [Sidenote: Fol. 296.] (_`imāratī_) in Dihlī:—

If safe and sound I cross the Sind,
Blacken my face ere I wish for Hind!

It was ill-mannered in him to compose and write up this partly-jesting verse while I still stayed in Hind. If his departure

caused me one vexation, such a jest doubled it.[1930] I composed the following off-hand verse, wrote it down and sent it to him:—

Give a hundred thanks, Bābur, that the generous Pardoner
Has given thee Sind and Hind and many a kingdom.
If thou (_i.e._ the Khwāja) have not the strength for their heats,
If thou say, "Let me see the cold side (_yūz_)," Ghaznī is there.[1931]

(_f. Accretions to Bābur's force._)

At this juncture, Mullā Apāq was sent into Kūl with royal letters of favour for the soldiers and quiver-wearers (_tarkash-band_) of that neighbourhood. Shaikh Gūran (G'hūran)[1932] came trustfully and loyally to do obeisance, bringing with him from 2 to 3,000 soldiers and quiver-wearers from Between-two-waters (_Mīān-dū-āb_).

(_Author's note on Mullā Apāq._) Formerly he had been in a
very low position indeed, but two or three years before this
time, had gathered his elder and younger brethren into a
compact body and had brought them in (to me), together with
the Aūrūq-zāī and other Afghāns of the banks of the Sind.

Yūnas-i-`alī when on his way from Dihlī to Āgra[1933] had lost his way a little and got separated from Humāyūn; he then met in with `Alī Khān _Farmūlī's_ sons and train,[1934] had a small affair with them, took them prisoners and brought them in. Taking advantage of this, one of the sons thus captured was sent to his [Sidenote: Fol. 296b.] father in company with Daulat-qadam _Turk's_ son Mīrzā _Mughūl_ who conveyed royal letters of favour to `Alī Khān. At this time of break-up, `Alī Khān had gone to Mīwāt; he came to me when Mīrzā _Mughūl_ returned, was promoted, and given valid(?) _parganas_[1935] worth 25 laks.

(_g. Action against the rebels of the East._)

Sl. Ibrāhīm had appointed several amīrs under Muṣṯafa _Farmūlī_ and Fīrūz Khān _Sārang-khānī_, to act against the rebel amīrs of the East (_Pūrab_). Muṣṯafa had fought them and thoroughly drubbed them, giving them more than one good beating. He dying before Ibrāhīm's defeat, his younger brother Shaikh Bāyazīd—Ibrāhīm being occupied with a momentous matter[1936]—had led and watched over his elder brother's men. He now came to serve me, together with Fīrūz Khān, Maḥmūd Khān _Nuḥānī_ and Qāẓī Jīā. I shewed them greater kindness and favour than was their claim; giving to Fīrūz Khān 1 _krūr_, 46 _laks_ and 5000 _tankas_ from Jūnpūr, to Shaikh Bāyazīd 1 _krūr_, 48 _laks_ and 50,000 _tankas_ from Aūd (Oude), to Maḥmūd Khān 90 _laks_ and 35,000 _tankas_ from Ghāzīpūr, and to Qāẓī Jīā 20 _laks_.[1937]

(_h. Gifts made to various officers._)

It was a few days after the `Īd of Shawwāl[1938] that a large party was held in the pillared-porch of the domed building standing in the middle of Sl. Ibrāhīm's private apartments. At this party there were bestowed on Humāyūn a _chār-qab_,[1939] a sword-belt,[1940] a _tīpūchāq_ horse with saddle mounted in gold; on Chīn-tīmūr Sulṯān, Mahdī Khwāja and Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā _chār-qabs_, sword-belts and dagger-belts; and to the begs and [Sidenote: Fol. 297.] braves, to each according to his rank, were given sword-belts, dagger-belts, and dresses of honour, in all to the number specified below:—

2 items (_rā's_) of _tīpūchāq_ horses with saddles.
16 items (_qabẓa_) of poinards, set with jewels, etc.
8 items (_qabẓa_) of purpet over-garments.
2 items (_tob_) of jewelled sword-belts.
—— items (_qabẓa_) of broad daggers (_jamd'kar_) set with jewels.
25 items of jewelled hangers (_khanjar_).
—— items of gold-hilted Hindī knives (_kārd_).
51 pieces of purpet.

On the day of this party it rained amazingly, rain falling thirteen times. As outside places had been assigned to a good many people, they were drowned out (_gharaq_).

(_i. Of various forts and postings._)

Samāna (in Patīāla) had been given to Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh and it had been arranged for him to make swift descent on Saṃbal (Saṃbhal), but Saṃbal was now bestowed on Humāyūn, in addition to his guerdon of Ḥiṣār-fīrūza, and in his service was Hindū Beg. To suit this, therefore, Hindū Beg was sent to make the incursion in Muḥammadī's place, and with him Kitta Beg, Bābā _Qashqa's_ (brother) Malik Qāsim and his elder and younger brethren, Mullā Apāq and Shaikh Gūran (G'hūran) with the quiver-wearers from Between-two-waters (_Mīān-dū-āb_). [Sidenote: Fol. 297b.] Three or four times a person had come from Qāsim _Saṃbalī_, saying, "The renegade Bīban is besieging Saṃbal and has brought it to extremity; come quickly." Bīban, with the array and the preparation (_hayāt_) with which he had deserted us,[1941] had gone skirting the hills and gathering up Afghān and Hindūstānī deserters, until, finding Saṃbal at this juncture ill-garrisoned, he laid siege to it. Hindū Beg and Kitta Beg and the rest of those appointed to make the incursion, got to the Ahār-passage[1942] and from there sent ahead Bābā _Qashqa's_ Malik Qāsim with his elder and younger brethren, while they themselves were getting over the water. Malik Qāsim crossed, advanced swiftly with from 100 to 150 men—his own and his brethren's—and reached Saṃbal by the Mid-day Prayer. Bīban for his part came out of his camp in array. Malik Qāsim and his troop moved rapidly forward, got the fort in their rear, and came to grips. Bīban could make no stand; he fled. Malik Qāsim cut off the heads of part of his force, took many horses, a few elephants and a mass of booty. Next day when the other begs arrived, Qāsim _Saṃbalī_ came out and saw them, but not liking to surrender the fort, made them false pretences. One day Shaikh Gūran (G'hūran) and Hindū Beg having talked the matter over with them, got Qāsim _Saṃbalī_ out to the presence of the begs, and took men of ours into the fort. They brought Qāsim's wife and dependents safely out, and sent Qāsim (to Court).[1943]

Qalandar the foot-man was sent to Niẕām Khān in Bīāna with royal letters of promise and threat; with these was sent [Sidenote: Fol. 298.] also the following little off-hand (Persian) verse:—[1944]

Strive not with the Turk, o Mīr of Bīāna!
His skill and his courage are obvious.
If thou come not soon, nor give ear to counsel,—
What need to detail (_bayān_) what is obvious?

Bīāna being one of the famous forts of Hindūstān, the senseless mannikin, relying on its strength, demanded what not even its strength could enforce. Not giving him a good answer, we ordered siege apparatus to be looked to.

Bābā Qulī Beg was sent with royal letters of promise and threat to Muḥammad _Zaitūn_ (in Dūlpūr); Muḥammad _Zaitūn_ also made false excuses.

While we were still in Kābul, Rānā Sangā had sent an envoy to testify to his good wishes and to propose this plan: "If the honoured Pādshāh will come to near Dihlī from that side, I from this will move on Āgra." But I beat Ibrāhīm, I took Dihlī and Āgra, and up to now that Pagan has given no sign soever of moving. After a while he went and laid siege to Kandār[1945] a fort in which was Makan's son, Ḥasan by name. This Ḥasan-of-Makan had sent a person to me several times, but had not shewn himself. We had not been able to detach [Sidenote: Fol. 298b.] reinforcement for him because, as the forts round-about—Atāwa (Etāwa), Dūlpūr, and Bīāna—had not yet surrendered, and the Eastern Afghāns were seated with their army in obstinate rebellion two or three marches on the Āgra side of Qanūj, my mind was not quite free from the whirl and strain of things close at hand. Makan's Ḥasan therefore, becoming helpless, had surrendered Kandār two or three months ago.

Ḥusain Khān (_Nuḥānī_) became afraid in Rāprī, and he abandoning it, it was given to Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_.

To Quṯb Khān in Etāwa royal letters of promise and threat had been sent several times, but as he neither came and saw me, nor abandoned Etāwa and got away, it was given to Mahdī Khwāja and he was sent against it with a strong reinforcement of begs and household troops under the command of Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_, Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ and `Abdu'l-`azīz the Master of the Horse. Qanūj was given to Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_; he was also (as mentioned) appointed against Etāwa; so too were Fīrūz Khān, Maḥmūd Khān, Shaikh Bāyazīd and Qāẓī Jīā, highly favoured commanders to whom Eastern _parganas_ had been given.

[Sidenote: Fol. 299.] Muḥammad _Zaitūn_, who was seated in Dūlpūr, deceived us and did not come. We gave Dūlpūr to Sl. Junaid _Barlās_ and reinforced him by appointing `Ādil Sulṯān, Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_, Qūtlūq-qadam, Treasurer Walī, Jān Beg, `Abdu'l-lāh, Pīr-qulī, and Shāh Ḥasan _Yāragī_ (or _Bāragī_), who were to attack Dūlpūr, take it, make it over to Sl. Junaid _Barlās_ and advance on Bīāna.

(_j. Plan of operations adopted._)

These armies appointed, we summoned the Turk amīrs[1946] and the Hindūstān amīrs, and tossed the following matters in amongst them:—The various rebel amīrs of the East, that is to say, those under Nāṣir Khān _Nuḥānī_ and Ma`rūf _Farmūlī_, have crossed Gang (Ganges) with 40 to 50,000 men, taken Qanūj, and now lie some three miles on our side of the river. The Pagan Rānā Sangā has captured Kandār and is in a hostile and mischievous attitude. The end of the Rains is near. It seems expedient to move either against the rebels or the Pagan, since the task of the forts near-by is easy; when the great foes are got rid of, what road will remain open for the rest? Rānā Sangā is thought not to be the equal of the rebels.

To this all replied unanimously, "Rānā Sangā is the most distant, and it is not known that he will come nearer; the enemy who is closest at hand must first be got rid of. We are for riding against the rebels." Humāyūn then represented, [Sidenote: Fol. 299b.] "What need is there for the Pādshāh to ride out? This service I will do." This came as a pleasure to every-one; the Turk and Hind amīrs gladly accepted his views; he was appointed for the East. A Kābulī of Aḥmad-i-qāsim's was sent galloping off to tell the armies that had been despatched against Dūlpūr to join Humāyūn at Chandwār;[1947] also those sent against Etāwa under Mahdī Khwāja and Muḥammad Sl. M. were ordered to join him.

(_August 21st_) Humāyūn set out on Thursday the 13th of Ẕū'l-qa´da, dismounted at a little village called Jilīsīr (Jalesar) some 3 _kurohs_ from Āgra, there stayed one night, then moved forward march by march.

(_k. Khwāja Kalān's departure._)

(_August 28th_) On Thursday the 20th of this same month, Khwāja Kalān started for Kābul.

(_l. Of gardens and pleasaunces._)

One of the great defects of Hindūstān being its lack of running-waters,[1948] it kept coming to my mind that waters should be made to flow by means of wheels erected wherever I might settle down, also that grounds should be laid out in an orderly and symmetrical way. With this object in view, we crossed the Jūn-water to look at garden-grounds a few days after entering Āgra. Those grounds were so bad and unattractive that we traversed them with a hundred disgusts and repulsions. So ugly and displeasing were they, that the idea of making a [Sidenote: Fol. 300.] Chār-bāgh in them passed from my mind, but needs must! as there was no other land near Āgra, that same ground was taken in hand a few days later.

The beginning was made with the large well from which water comes for the Hot-bath, and also with the piece of ground where the tamarind-trees and the octagonal tank now are. After that came the large tank with its enclosure; after that the tank and _tālār_[1949] in front of the outer(?) residence[1950]; after that the private-house (_khilwat-khāna_) with its garden and various dwellings; after that the Hot-bath. Then in that charmless and disorderly Hind, plots of garden[1951] were seen laid out with order and symmetry, with suitable borders and parterres in every corner, and in every border rose and narcissus in perfect arrangement.

(_m. Construction of a chambered-well._)

Three things oppressed us in Hindūstān, its heat, its violent winds, its dust. Against all three the Bath is a protection, for in it, what is known of dust and wind? and in the heats it is so chilly that one is almost cold. The bath-room in which the heated tank is, is altogether of stone, the whole, except for the _īzāra_ (dado?) of white stone, being, pavement and roofing, of red Bīāna stone.

Khalīfa also and Shaikh Zain, Yūnas-i-`alī and whoever got [Sidenote: Fol. 300b.] land on that other bank of the river laid out regular and orderly gardens with tanks, made running-waters also by setting up wheels like those in Dīpālpūr and Lāhor. The people of Hind who had never seen grounds planned so symmetrically and thus laid out, called the side of the Jūn where (our) residences were, Kābul.

In an empty space inside the fort, which was between Ibrāhīm's residence and the ramparts, I ordered a large chambered-well (_wāīn_) to be made, measuring 10 by 10,[1952] a large well with a flight of steps, which in Hindūstān is called a _wāīn_.[1953] This well was begun before the Chār-bāgh[1954]; they were busy digging it in the true Rains (_`aīn bīshkāl_, Sāwan and Bhadon); it fell in several times and buried the hired workmen; it was finished after the Holy Battle with Rānā Sangā, as is stated in the inscription on the stone that bears the chronogram of its completion. It is a complete _wāīn_, having a three-storeyed house in it. The lowest storey consists of three rooms, each of which opens on the descending steps, at intervals of three steps from one another. When the water is at its lowest, it is one step below the bottom chamber; when it rises in the Rains, it sometimes goes into the top storey. In the middle storey an inner chamber has been excavated which connects with the domed building in which the bullock turns the well-wheel. The [Sidenote: Fol. 301.] top storey is a single room, reached from two sides by 5 or 6 steps which lead down to it from the enclosure overlooked from the well-head. Facing the right-hand way down, is the stone inscribed with the date of completion. At the side of this well is another the bottom of which may be at half the depth of the first, and into which water comes from that first one when the bullock turns the wheel in the domed building afore-mentioned. This second well also is fitted with a wheel, by means of which water is carried along the ramparts to the high-garden. A stone building (_tāshdīn `imārat_) stands at the mouth of the well and there is an outer(?) mosque[1955] outside (_tāshqārī_) the enclosure in which the well is. The mosque is not well done; it is in the Hindūstānī fashion.

(_n. Humāyūn's campaign._)

At the time Humāyūn got to horse, the rebel amīrs under Naṣīr Khān _Nuḥānī_ and Ma`rūf _Farmūlī_ were assembled at Jājmāū.[1956] Arrived within 20 to 30 miles of them, he sent out Mūmin Ātāka for news; it became a raid for loot; Mūmin Ātāka was not able to bring even the least useful information. The rebels heard about him however, made no stay but fled and got away. After Mūmin Ātāka, Qusm-nāī(?) was sent for news, with Bābā Chuhra[1957] and Būjka; they brought it of the breaking-up and flight of the rebels. Humāyūn advancing, took Jājmāū [Sidenote: Fol. 301b.] and passed on. Near Dilmāū[1958] Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ came and saw him, and was sent to me with Mahdī Khwāja and Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā.

(_o. News of the Aūzbegs._)

This year 'Ubaidu'l-lāh Khān (_Aūzbeg_) led an army out of Bukhārā against Marv. In the citadel of Marv were perhaps 10 to 15 peasants whom he overcame and killed; then having taken the revenues of Marv in 40 or 50 days,[1959] he went on to Sarakhs. In Sarakhs were some 30 to 40 Red-heads (_Qīzīl-bāsh_) who did not surrender, but shut the Gate; the peasantry however scattered them and opened the Gate to the Aūzbeg who entering, killed the Red-heads. Sarakhs taken, he went against T̤ūs and Mashhad. The inhabitants of Mashhad being helpless, let him in. T̤ūs he besieged for 8 months, took possession of on terms, did not keep those terms, but killed every man of name and made their women captive.

(_p. Affairs of Gujrāt._)

In this year Bahādur Khān,—he who now rules in Gujrāt in the place of his father Sl. Muz̤affar _Gujrātī_—having gone to Sl. Ibrāhīm after quarrel with his father, had been received without honour. He had sent dutiful letters to me while I was near Pānī-pat; I had replied by royal letters of favour and kindness summoning him to me. He had thought of coming, but changing his mind, drew off from Ibrāhīm's army towards Gujrāt. Meantime his father Sl. Muz̤affar had died (Friday Jumāda II. 2nd AH.-March 16th 1526 AD.); his elder brother Sikandar Shāh who was Sl. Muz̤affar's eldest son, had become ruler in their father's place and, owing to his evil disposition, [Sidenote: Fol. 302.] had been strangled by his slave `Imādu'l-mulk, acting with others (Sha`ban 14th—May 25th). Bahādur Khān, while he was on his road for Gujrāt, was invited and escorted to sit in his father's place under the style Bahādur Shāh (Ramẓān 26th—July 6th). He for his part did well; he retaliated by death on `Imādu'l-mulk for his treachery to his salt, and killed some others of his father's begs.[1960] People point at him as a dreadnaught (_bī bāk_) youth and a shedder of much blood.

933 AH.-OCT. 8TH 1526 TO SEP. 27TH 1527 AD.[1961]

(_a. Announcement of the birth of a son._)

In Muḥarram Beg Wais brought the news of Fārūq's birth; though a foot-man had brought it already, he came this month for the gift to the messenger of good tidings.[1962] The birth must have been on Friday eve, Shawwāl 23rd (932 AH.-August 2nd 1526 AD.); the name given was Fārūq.

(_b. Casting of a mortar._)

(_October 22nd-Muḥarram 15th_) Ustād `Alī-qulī had been ordered to cast a large mortar for use against Bīāna and other forts which had not yet submitted. When all the furnaces and materials were ready, he sent a person to me and, on Monday the 15th of the month, we went to see the mortar cast. Round the mortar-mould he had had eight furnaces made in which [Sidenote: Fol. 302b.] were the molten materials. From below each furnace a channel went direct to the mould. When he opened the furnace-holes on our arrival, the molten metal poured like water through all these channels into the mould. After awhile and before the mould was full, the flow stopped from one furnace after another. Ustād `Alī-qulī must have made some miscalculation either as to the furnaces or the materials. In his great distress, he was for throwing himself into the mould of molten metal, but we comforted him, put a robe of honour on him, and so brought him out of his shame. The mould was left a day or two to cool; when it was opened, Ustād `Alī-qulī with great delight sent to say, "The stone-chamber (_tāsh-awī_) is without defect; to cast the powder-compartment (_dārū-khāna_) is easy." He got the stone-chamber out and told off a body of men to accoutre[1963] it, while he busied himself with casting the powder-compartment.

(_c. Varia._)

Mahdī Khwāja arrived bringing Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ from Humāyūn's presence, they having parted from him in Dilmāū. I looked with favour on Fatḥ Khān, gave him the _parganas_ that had been his father `Aẕam-humāyūn's, and other lands also, one _pargana_ given being worth a _krūr_ and 60 _laks_.[1964]

In Hindūstān they give permanent titles [_muqarrarī khiṯāblār_] to highly-favoured amīrs, one such being `Aẕam-humāyūn (_August Might_), one Khān-i-jahān (Khan-of-the-world), another [Sidenote: Fol. 303.] Khān-i-khānān (Khān-of-khāns). Fatḥ Khān's father's title was `Aẕam-humāyūn but I set this aside because on account of Humāyūn it was not seemly for any person to bear it, and I gave Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ the title of Khān-i-jahān.

(_November 14th_) On Wednesday the 8th of Ṣafar[1965] awnings were set up (in the Chār-bāgh) at the edge of the large tank beyond the tamarind-trees, and an entertainment was prepared there. We invited Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ to a wine-party, gave him wine, bestowed on him a turban and head-to-foot of my own wearing, uplifted his head with kindness and favour[1966] and allowed him to go to his own districts. It was arranged for his son Maḥmūd to remain always in waiting.

(_d. Various military matters._)

(_November 30th_) On Wednesday the 24th of Muḥarram[1967] Muḥammad `Alī (son of Mihtar) Ḥaidar the stirrup-holder was sent (to Humāyūn) with this injunction, "As—thanks be to God!—the rebels have fled, do you, as soon as this messenger arrives, appoint a few suitable begs to Jūnpūr, and come quickly to us yourself, for Rānā Sangā the Pagan is conveniently close; let us think first of him!"

After (Humāyūn's) army had gone to the East, we appointed, to make a plundering excursion into the Bīāna neighbourhood, Tardī Beg (brother) of Qūj Beg with his elder brother Sher-afgan, Muḥammad Khalīl the master-gelder (_akhta-begī_) with his brethren and the gelders (_akhtachīlār_),[1968] Rustam _Turkmān_ with his brethren, and also, of the Hindūstānī people, Daud _Sarwānī_. [Sidenote: Fol. 303b.] If they, by promise and persuasion, could make the Bīāna garrison look towards us, they were to do so; if not, they were to weaken the enemy by raid and plunder.

In the fort of Tahangar[1969] was `Ālam Khān the elder brother of that same Niẕām Khān of Bīāna. People of his had come again and again to set forth his obedience and well-wishing; he now took it on himself to say, "If the Pādshāh appoint an army, it will be my part by promise and persuasion to bring in the quiver-weavers of Bīāna and to effect the capture of that fort." This being so, the following orders were given to the braves of Tardī Beg's expedition, "As `Ālam Khān, a local man, has taken it on himself to serve and submit in this manner, act you with him and in the way he approves in this matter of Bīāna." Swordsmen though some Hindūstānīs may be, most of them are ignorant and unskilled in military move and stand (_yūrūsh u tūrūsh_), in soldierly counsel and procedure. When our expedition joined `Ālam Khān, he paid no attention to what any-one else said, did not consider whether his action was good or bad, but went close up to Bīāna, taking our men with him. Our expedition numbered from 250 to 300 Turks with somewhat over 2000 Hindūstānīs and local people, while Niẕām Khān of Bīāna's Afghāns and _sipāhīs[1970]_ were an army of over 4000 horse and of [Sidenote: Fol. 304.] foot-men themselves again, more than 10,000. Niẕām Khān looked his opponents over, sallied suddenly out and, his massed horse charging down, put our expeditionary force to flight. His men unhorsed his elder brother `Ālam Khān, took 5 or 6 others prisoner and contrived to capture part of the baggage. As we had already made encouraging promises to Niẕām Khān, we now, spite of this last impropriety, pardoned all earlier and this later fault, and sent him royal letters. As he heard of Rānā Sangā's rapid advance, he had no resource but to call on Sayyid Rafī`[1971] for mediation, surrender the fort to our men, and come in with Sayyid Rafī`, when he was exalted to the felicity of an interview.[1972] I bestowed on him a pargana in Mīān-dū-āb worth 20 _laks_.[1973] Dost, Lord-of-the-gate was sent for a time to Bīāna, but a few days later it was bestowed on Madhī Khwāja with a fixed allowance of 70 _laks_,[1974] and he was given leave to go there.

Tātār Khān _Sārang-khānī_, who was in Gūālīār, had been sending constantly to assure us of his obedience and good-wishes. After the pagan took Kandār and was close to Bīāna, Dharmankat, one of the Gūālīār rājas, and another pagan styled Khān-i-jahān, went into the Gūālīār neighbourhood and, coveting the fort, began to stir trouble and tumult. Tātār Khān, thus placed in difficulty, was for surrendering Gūālīār (to us). Most of our begs, household and best braves being away with (Humāyūn's) army or on various raids, we joined to Raḥīm-dād [Sidenote: Fol. 304b.] a few Bhīra men and Lāhorīs with Hastachī[1975] _tūnqiṯār_ and his brethren. We assigned _parganas_ in Gūālīār itself to all those mentioned above. Mullā Apāq and Shaikh Gurān (G'hurān) went also with them, they to return after Raḥīm-dād was established in Gūālīār. By the time they were near Gūālīār however, Tātār Khān's views had changed, and he did not invite them into the fort. Meantime Shaikh Muḥammad _Ghaus̤_ (Helper), a darwīsh-like man, not only very learned but with a large following of students and disciples, sent from inside the fort to say to Raḥīm-dād, "Get yourselves into the fort somehow, for the views of this person (Tātār Khān) have changed, and he has evil in his mind." Hearing this, Raḥīm-dād sent to say to Tātār Khān, "There is danger from the Pagan to those outside; let me bring a few men into the fort and let the rest stay outside." Under insistence, Tātār Khān agreed to this, and Raḥīm-dād went in with rather few men. Said he, "Let our people stay near this Gate," posted them near the Hātī-pul (Elephant-gate) and through that Gate during that same night brought in the whole of his troop. Next day, Tātār Khān, reduced to helplessness, willy-nilly, made over the fort, and set out to come and wait on me in Āgra. A subsistence allowance of 20 _laks_ was assigned to him on Bīānwān _pargana_.[1976]

[Sidenote: Fol. 305.] Muḥammad _Zaitūn_ also took the only course open to him by surrendering Dūlpūr and coming to wait on me. A _pargana_ worth a few _laks_ was bestowed on him. Dūlpūr was made a royal domain (_khālṣa_) with Abū'l-fatḥ _Turkmān_[1977] as its military-collector (_shiqdār_).

In the Ḥiṣār-fīrūza neighbourhood Ḥamīd Khān _Sārang-khānī_ with a body of his own Afghāns and of the Panī Afghāns he had collected—from 3 to 4,000 in all—was in a hostile and troublesome attitude. On Wednesday the 15th Ṣafar (Nov. 21st) we appointed against him Chīn-tīmūr Sl. (_Chaghatāī_) with the commanders Secretary Aḥmadī, Abū'l-fatḥ _Turkmān_, Malik Dād _Kararānī_[1978] and Mujāhid Khān of Multān. These going, fell suddenly on him from a distance, beat his Afghāns well, killed a mass of them and sent in many heads.

(_e. Embassy from Persia._)

In the last days of Ṣafar, Khwājagī Asad who had been sent to Shāh-zāda T̤ahmāsp[1979] in `Irāq, returned with a Turkmān named Sulaimān who amongst other gifts brought two Circassian girls (_qīzlār_).

(_f. Attempt to poison Bābur._)

(_Dec. 21st_) On Friday the 16th of the first Rabī` a strange event occurred which was detailed in a letter written to Kābul. That letter is inserted here just as it was written, without addition or taking-away, and is as follows:—[1980]