Chapter XXXIX: Section III: Hindūstān (13)

[227] _i.e._ to offer him the succession. The mountain road
taken from Aūrā-tīpā would be by Āb-burdan, Sara-tāq and the
Kām Rūd defile.

[228] _īrīldī._ The departure can hardly have been open
because Aḥmad's begs favoured Maḥmūd; Malik-i-Muḥammad's party
would be likely to slip away in small companies.

[229] This well-known Green, Grey or Blue palace or
halting-place was within the citadel of Samarkand. _Cf._ f.
37. It served as a prison from which return was not expected.

[230] _Cf._ f. 27. He married a full-sister of Bāī-sunghar.

[231] _Gulistān_ Part I. Story 27. For "steaming up," _see_
Tennyson's Lotus-eaters Choric song, canto 8 (H.B.).

[232] Elph. MS. f. 16b; First W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 19; Second
W.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 15b; Memoirs p. 27.

[233] He was a _Dūghlāt_, uncle by marriage of Ḥaidar Mīrzā
and now holding Khost for Maḥmūd. _See_ T.R. s.n. for his
claim on Aīsān-daulat's gratitude.

[234] _tāsh qūrghān dā chīqār dā._ Here (as _e.g._ f. 110b l.
9) the Second W.-i-B. translates _tāsh_ as though it meant
_stone_ instead of outer. _Cf._ f. 47 for an adjectival use of
_tāsh_, stone, with the preposition (_tāsh_) _din_. The places
contrasted here are the citadel (_ark_) and the walled-town
(_qūrghān_). The _chīqār_ (exit) is the fortified Gate-house
of the mud circumvallation. _Cf._ f. 46 for another example of
_chīqār_.

[235] Elph. Ḥai. Kehr's MSS., _ānīng bīla bār kīshi bār
beglārnī tūtūrūldī_. This idiom recurs on f. 76b l. 8. A
palimpsest entry in the Elph. MS. produces the statement that
when Ḥasan fled, his begs returned to Andijān.

[236] Ḥai. MS. _awī mūnkūzī_, underlined by _sāgh-i-gāū_,
cows' thatched house. [_T. mūnkūz_, lit. horn, means also
cattle.] Elph. MS., _awī mūnkūsh_, underlined by _dar jā'ī
khwāb alfakhta_, sleeping place. [T. _mūnkūsh_, retired.]

[237] The first _qāchār_ of this pun has been explained as
_gurez-gāh_, _sharm-gāh_, hinder parts, _fuite_ and _vertèbre
inférieur_. The Ḥ.S. (ii, 273 l. 3 fr. ft.) says the wound was
in a vital (_maqattal_) part.

[238] From Niẕāmī's _Khusrau u Shirīn_, Lahore lith. ed. p.
137 l. 8. It is quoted also in the A.N. Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 207
(H.B. ii, 321). (H.B.).

[239] _See_ Hughes _Dictionary of Islām s.nn._ Eating and
Food.

[240] _Cf._ f. 6b and note. If `Umar Shaikh were Maḥmūd's
full-brother, his name might well appear here.

[241] _i.e._ "Not a farthing, not a half-penny."

[242] Here the Mems. enters a statement, not found in the
Turkī text, that Maḥmūd's dress was elegant and fashionable.

[243] _n:h:l:m._ My husband has cleared up a mistake (Mems. p.
28 and _Méms._ i, 54) of supposing this to be the name of an
animal. It is explained in the A.N. (i, 255. H.B. i, 496) as a
Badakhshī equivalent of _tasqāwal_; _tasqāwal_ var.
_tāshqāwal_, is explained by the _Farhang-i-aẕfarī_, a
Turkī-Persian Dict. seen in the Mullā Fīroz Library of Bombay,
to mean _rāh band kunanda_, the stopping of the road. _Cf._
J.R.A.S. 1900 p. 137.

[244] _i.e._ "a collection of poems in the alphabetical order
of the various end rhymes." (Steingass.)

[245] At this battle Daulat-shāh was present. _Cf._ Browne's
D.S. for Astarābād p. 523 and for Andikhūd p. 532. For this
and all other references to D.S. and Ḥ.S. I am indebted to my
husband.

[246] The following dates will help out Bābur's brief
narrative. Maḥmūd _æt._ 7, was given Astarābād in 864 AH.
(1459-60 AD.); it was lost to Ḥusain at Jauz-wilāyat and
Maḥmūd went into Khurāsān in 865 AH.; he was restored by his
father in 866 AH.; on his father's death (873 AH.-1469 AD.) he
fled to Harāt, thence to Samarkand and from there was taken to
Ḥiṣār _æt._ 16. _Cf._ D'Herbélot _s.n._ Abū-sa`ad; Ḥ.S. i,
209; Browne's D.S. p. 522.

[247] Presumably the "Hindūstān the Less" of Clavijo (Markham
p. 3 and p. 113), approx. Qaṃbar-`alī's districts. Clavijo
includes Tīrmīẕ under the name.

[248] Perhaps a Ṣufī term,—longing for the absent friend. For
particulars about this man _see_ Ḥ.S. ii, 235 and Browne's
D.S. p. 533.

[249] Here in the Ḥai. MS. is one of several blank spaces,
waiting for information presumably not known to Bābur when
writing. The space will have been in the archetype of the Ḥai.
MS. and it makes for the opinion that the Ḥai. MS. is a direct
copy of Bābur's own. This space is not left in the Elph. MS.
but that MS. is known from its scribe's note (f. 198) down to
f. 198 (Ḥai. MS. f. 243b) to have been copied from "other
writings" and only subsequent to its f. 198 from Bābur's own.
_Cf._ JRAS 1906 p. 88 and 1907 p. 143.

[250] The T.R. (p. 330) supplies this name.

[251] _Cf._ f. 35b. This was a betrothal only, the marriage
being made in 903 AH. _Cf._ Ḥ.S. ii, 260 and Gul-badan's H.N.
f. 24b.

[252] Kehr's MS. supplies Aī (Moon) as her name but it has no
authority. The Elph. MS. has what may be _lā nām_, no name, on
its margin and over _tūrūtūnchī_ (4th.) its usual sign of what
is problematical.

[253] _See_ Ḥ.S. ii, 250. Here Pīr-i-Muḥammad _Aīlchī-būghā_
was drowned. _Cf._ f. 29.

[254] Chaghānīān is marked in Erskine's (Mems.) map as
somewhere about the head of (Fr. map 1904) the Ilyak Water, a
tributary of the Kāfir-nighān.

[255] _i.e._ when Bābur was writing in Hindūstān.

[256] For his family _see_ f. 55b note to Yār-`alī _Balāl_.

[257] _bā wujūd turklūk muhkam paidā kunanda īdī._

[258] Roebuck's _Oriental Proverbs_ (p. 232) explains the
_five_ of this phrase where _seven_ might be expected, by
saying that of this Seven days' world (qy. days of Creation)
one is for birth, another for death, and that thus five only
are left for man's brief life.

[259] The cognomen _Aīlchī-būghā_, taken with the bearer's
recorded strength of fist, may mean Strong man of Aīlchī (the
capital of Khutan). One of Tīmūr's commanders bore the name.
_Cf._ f. 21b for _būghū_ as _athlete_.

[260] Hazārāspī seems to be Mīr Pīr Darwesh Hazārāspī. With
his brother, Mīr `Alī, he had charge of Balkh. _See
Rauzatu'ṣ-ṣafā_ B.M. Add. 23506, f. 242b; Browne's D.S. p.
432. It may be right to understand a hand-to-hand fight
between Hazārāspī and Aīlchī-būghā. The affair was in 857 AH.
(1453 AD.).

[261] _yārāq sīz_, perhaps trusting to fisticuffs, perhaps
without mail. Bābur's summary has confused the facts. Muḥ.
Aīlchī-būghā was sent by Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā from Ḥiṣār with
1,000 men and did not issue out of Qūndūz. (Ḥ.S. ii, 251.) His
death occurred not before 895 AH.

[262] _See_ T.R. _s.nn._ Mīr Ayūb and Ayūb.

[263] This passage is made more clear by f. 120b and f. 125b.

[264] He is mentioned in _`Alī-sher Nawā'ī's
Majālis-i-nafā'is_; _see_ B.M. Add. 7875, f. 278 and Rieu's
Turkish Catalogue.

[265] ? full of splits or full handsome.

[266] This may have occurred after Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's death
whose son Abā-bikr was. _Cf._ f. 28. If so, over-brevity has
obscured the statement.

[267] _mīnglīgh aīldīn dūr_, perhaps of those whose hereditary
Command was a Thousand, the head of a Mīng (Pers. Hazāra),
_i.e._ of the tenth of a _tūmān_.

[268] _qūrghān-nīng tāshīdā yāngī tām qūpārīb sālā dūr._ I
understand, that what was taken was a new circumvallation in
whole or in part. Such double walls are on record. _Cf._
Appendix A.

[269] _bahādurlūq aūlūsh_, an actual portion of food.

[270] _i.e._ either unmailed or actually naked.

[271] The old English noun _strike_ expresses the purpose of
the _sar-kob_. It is "an instrument for scraping off what
rises above the top" (Webster, whose example is grain in a
measure). The _sar-kob_ is an erection of earth or wood, as
high as the attacked walls, and it enabled besiegers to strike
off heads appearing above the ramparts.

[272] _i.e._ the dislocation due to `Umar Shaikh's death.

[273] _Cf._ f. 13. The Ḥ.S. (ii, 274) places his son, Mīr
Mughūl, in charge, but otherwise agrees with the B.N.

[274] _Cf._ Clavijo, Markham p. 132. Sir Charles Grandison
bent the knee on occasions but illustrated MSS. _e.g._ the
B.M. _Tawārīkh-i-guzīda Naṣrat-nāma_ show that Bābur would
kneel down on both knees. _Cf._ f. 123b for the fatigue of the
genuflection.

[275] I have translated _kūrūshūb_ thus because it appears to
me that here and in other places, stress is laid by Bābur upon
the mutual gaze as an episode of a ceremonious interview. The
verb _kūrūshmak_ is often rendered by the Persian translators
as _daryāftan_ and by the L. and E. Memoirs as _to embrace_. I
have not found in the B.N. warrant for translating it as _to
embrace_; _qūchūshmāq_ is Bābur's word for this (f. 103).
_Daryāftan_, taken as to grasp or see with the mind, to
understand, well expresses mutual gaze and its sequel of
mutual understanding. Sometimes of course, _kūrūsh_, the
interview does not imply _kūrūsh_, the silent looking in the
eyes with mutual understanding; it simply means _se voyer_
_e.g._ f. 17. The point is thus dwelt upon because the
frequent mention of an embrace gives a different impression of
manners from that made by "interview" or words expressing
mutual gaze.

[276] _dābān._ This word Réclus (vi, 171) quoting from
Fedschenko, explains as a difficult rocky defile; _art_,
again, as a dangerous gap at a high elevation; _bel_, as an
easy low pass; and _kūtal_, as a broad opening between low
hills. The explanation of _kūtal_ does not hold good for
Bābur's application of the word (f. 81b) to the Sara-tāq.

[277] _Cf._ f. 4b and note. From Bābur's special mention of
it, it would seem not to be the usual road.

[278] The spelling of this name is uncertain. Variants are
many. Concerning the tribe _see_ T.R. p. 165 n.

[279] Niẕāmu'd-dīn `Alī _Barlās_: _see_ Gul-badan's H.N.
_s.n._ He served Bābur till the latter's death.

[280] _i.e._ Ẕū'n-nūn or perhaps the garrison.

[281] _i.e._ down to Shaibānī's destruction of Chaghatāī rule
in Tāshkīnt in 1503 AD.

[282] Elph. MS. f. 23; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 26 and 217 f. 21;
Mems. p. 35.

Bābur's own affairs form a small part of this year's record;
the rest is drawn from the Ḥ.S. which in its turn, uses
Bābur's f. 34 and f. 37b. Each author words the shared
material in his own style; one adding magniloquence, the other
retracting to plain statement, indeed summarizing at times to
obscurity. Each passes his own judgment on events, _e.g._ here
Khwānd-amīr's is more favourable to Ḥusain Bāī-qarā's conduct
of the Ḥiṣār campaign than Bābur's. _Cf._ Ḥ.S. ii, 256-60 and
274.

[283] This feint would take him from the Oxus.

[284] Tīrmīẕ to Ḥiṣār, 96m. (Réclus vi, 255).

[285] Ḥ.S. Wazr-āb valley. The usual route is up the Kām Rūd
and over the Mūra pass to Sara-tāq. _Cf._ f. 81b.

[286] _i.e._ the Ḥiṣārī mentioned a few lines lower and on f.
99b. Nothing on f. 99b explains his cognomen.

[287] The road is difficult. _Cf._ f. 81b.

[288] Khwānd-amīr also singles out one man for praise, Sl.
Maḥmūd _Mīr-i-ākhwur_; the two names probably represent one
person. The sobriquet may refer to skill with a matchlock, to
top-spinning (_firnagī-bāz_) or to some lost joke. (Ḥ.S. ii,
257.)

[289] This pregnant phrase has been found difficult. It may
express that Bābur assigned the sulṯāns places in their due
precedence; that he seated them in a row; and that they sat
cross-legged, as men of rank, and were not made, as inferiors,
to kneel and sit back on their heels. Out of this last
meaning, I infer comes the one given by dictionaries, "to sit
at ease," since the cross-legged posture is less irksome than
the genuflection, not to speak of the ease of mind produced by
honour received. _Cf._ f. 18b and note on Aḥmad's posture;
Redhouse _s.nn. bāghīsh_ and _bāghdāsh_; and B.M.
Tawārīkh-i-guzīda naṣrat-nāma, in the illustrations of which
the chief personage, only, sits cross-legged.

[290] _siyāsat._ My translation is conjectural only.

[291] _sar-kob._ The old English noun _strike_, "an instrument
for scraping off what appears above the top," expresses the
purpose of the wall-high erections of wood or earth (_L.
agger_) raised to reach what shewed above ramparts. _Cf._
Webster.

[292] Presumably lower down the Qūndūz Water.

[293] _aūz pādshāhī u mīrzālārīdīn artīb._

[294] _sic._ Ḥai. MS.; Elph. MS. "near Tāliqān"; some W.-i-B.
MSS. "Great Garden." Gul-badan mentions a Tāliqān Garden.
Perhaps the Mīrzā went so far east because, Ẕū'n-nūn being
with him, he had Qandahār in mind. _Cf._ f. 42b.

[295] _i.e._ Sayyid Muḥammad `Alī. _See_ f. 15 n. to Sherīm.
Khwāja Changāl lies 14 m. below Tāliqān on the Tāliqān Water.
(Erskine.)

[296] f. 27b, second.

[297] The first was _circa_ 895 AH.-1490 AD. _Cf._ f. 27b.

[298] Bābur's wording suggests that their common homage was
the cause of Badī`u'z-zamān's displeasure but _see_ f. 41.

[299] The Mīrzā had grown up with Ḥiṣārīs. _Cf._ Ḥ.S. ii, 270.

[300] As the husband of one of the six Badakhshī Begīms, he
was closely connected with local ruling houses. _See_ T.R. p.
107.

[301] _i.e._ Muḥammad `Ubaidu'l-lāh the elder of _Aḥrārī's_
two sons. d. 911 AH. _See Rashaḥāt-i-`ain-alḥayāt_ (I.O. 633)
f. 269-75; and _Khizīnatu'l-aṣfīya_ lith. ed. i, 597.

[302] _Bū yūq tūr_, _i.e._ This is not to be.

[303] d. 908 AH. He was not, it would seem, of the _Aḥrārī_
family. His own had provided Pontiffs (_Shaikhu'l-islām_) for
Samarkand through 400 years. _Cf._ _Shaibānī-nāma_, Vambéry,
p. 106; also, for his character, p. 96.

[304] _i.e._ he claimed sanctuary.

[305] _Cf._ f. 45b and Pétis de la Croix's _Histoire de
Chīngīz Khān_ pp. 171 and 227. What Tīmūr's work on the Gūk
Sarāī was is a question for archæologists.

[306] _i.e._ over the Aītmak Pass. _Cf._ f. 49.

[307] Ḥai. MS. _ārālighīgha_. Elph. MS. _ārāl_, island.

[308] _See_ f. 179b for _Binā'ī_. Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ Mīrzā
_Khwārizmī_ is the author of the _Shaibānī-nāma_.

[309] Elph. MS. f. 27; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 30b and 217 f. 25;
Mems. p. 42.

[310] _i.e._ Circassian. Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ (Sh.N. Vambéry p. 276
l. 58) speaks of other Aūzbegs using Chirkas swords.

[311] _aīrtā yāzīghā._ My translation is conjectural. _Aīrtā_
implies _i.a._ foresight. _Yāzīghā_ allows a pun at the
expense of the sulṯāns; since it can be read both as _to the
open country_ and as _for their_ (_next_, _aīrtā_) _misdeeds_.
My impression is that they took the opportunity of being
outside Samarkand with their men, to leave Bāī-sunghar and
make for Shaibānī, then in Turkistān. Muḥammad Ṣāliḥ also
marking the tottering Gate of Sl. `Alī Mīrzā, left him now,
also for Shaibānī. (Vambéry cap. xv.)

[312] _aūmāq_, to amuse a child in order to keep it from
crying.

[313] _i.e._ with Khwāja Yahya presumably. _See_ f. 38.

[314] This man is mentioned also in the _Tawārikh-i-guzīda
Naṣratnāma_ B.M. Or. 3222 f. 124b.

[315] Ḥ.S., on the last day of Ramẓān (June 28th. 1497 AD.).

[316] Muḥammad _Sīghal_ appears to have been a marked man. I
quote from the T.G.N.N. (_see supra_), f. 123b foot, the
information that he was the grandson of Ya`qūb Beg. Zenker
explains _Sīghalī_ as the name of a Chaghatāī family. An
_Ayūb-i-Ya`qūb Begchīk Mughūl_ may be an uncle. See f. 43 for
another grandson.

[317] _baẓ'ī kīrkān-kīnt-kīsākkā bāsh-sīz-qīlghān Mughūllārnī
tūtūb._ I take the word _kīsāk_ in this highly idiomatic
sentence to be a diminutive of _kīs_, old person, on the
analogy of _mīr_, _mīrāk_, _mard_, _mardak_. [The Ḥ.S. uses
_Kīsāk_ (ii, 261) as a proper noun.] The alliteration in _kāf_
and the mighty adjective here are noticeable.

[318] Qāsim feared to go amongst the Mughūls lest he should
meet retaliatory death. _Cf._ f. 99b.

[319] This appears from the context to be Yām (Jām) -bāī and
not the Djouma (Jām) of the Fr. map of 1904, lying farther
south. The Avenue named seems likely to be Tīmūr's of f. 45b
and to be on the direct road for Khujand. _See_ Schuyler i,
232.

[320] _būghān buyīnī._ W.-i-B. 215, _yān_, thigh, and 217
_gardan_, throat. I am in doubt as to the meaning of _būghān_;
perhaps the two words stand for joint at the nape of the neck.
Khwāja-i-kalān was one of seven brothers, six died in Bābur's
service, he himself served till Bābur's death.

[321] _Cf._ f. 48.

[322] Khorochkine (Radlov's _Réceuil d'Itinéraires_ p. 241)
mentions Pul-i-mougak, a great stone bridge thrown across a
deep ravine, east of Samarkand. _For_ Kūl-i-maghāk, deep pool,
or pool of the fosse, _see_ f. 48b.

[323] From Khwānd-amīr's differing account of this affair, it
may be surmised that those sending the message were not
treacherous; but the message itself was deceiving inasmuch as
it did not lead Bābur to expect opposition. _Cf._ f. 43 and
note.

[324] Of this nick-name several interpretations are allowed by
the dictionaries.

[325] _See_ Schuyler i, 268 for an account of this beautiful
Highland village.

[326] Here Bābur takes up the thread, dropped on f. 36, of the
affairs of the Khurāsānī mīrzās. He draws on other sources
than the Ḥ.S.; perhaps on his own memory, perhaps on
information given by Khurāsānīs with him in Hindūstān _e.g._
Ḥusain's grandson. _See_ f. 167b. _Cf._ Ḥ.S. ii, 261.

[327] _bāghīshlāb tūr._ _Cf._ f. 34 note to _bāghīsh dā_.

[328] _Bū sozlār aūnūlūng._ Some W.-i-B. MSS., _Farāmosh
bakunīd_ for _nakunīd_, thus making the Mīrzā not acute but
rude, and destroying the point of the story _i.e._ that the
Mīrzā pretended so to have forgotten as to have an empty mind.
Khwānd-amīr states that `Alī-sher prevailed at first; his
tears therefore may have been of joy at the success of his
pacifying mission.

[329] _i.e._ B.Z.'s father, Ḥusain, against Mū`min's father,
B.Z. and Ḥusain's son, Muz̤affar Ḥusain against B.Z.'s son
Mū`min;—a veritable conundrum.

[330] Garzawān lies west of Balkh. Concerning Pul-i-chirāgh
Col. Grodekoff's _Ride to Harāt_ (Marvin p. 103 ff.) gives
pertinent information. It has also a map showing the
Pul-i-chirāgh meadow. The place stands at the mouth of a
triply-bridged defile, but the name appears to mean Gate of
the Lamp (_cf._ Gate of Tīmūr), and not Bridge of the Lamp,
because the Ḥ.S. and also modern maps write _bīl_ (_bel_),
pass, where the Turkī text writes _pul_, bridge, narrows,
pass.

The lamp of the name is one at the shrine of a saint, just at
the mouth of the defile. It was alight when Col. Grodekoff
passed in 1879 and to it, he says, the name is due now—as it
presumably was 400 years ago and earlier.

[331] Khwānd-amīr heard from the Mīrzā on the spot, when later
in his service, that he was let down the precipice by help of
turban-sashes tied together.

[332] _yīkīt yīlāng u yāyāq yālīng_; a jingle made by due
phonetic change of vowels; a play too on _yālāng_, which first
means stripped _i.e._ robbed and next unmailed, perhaps
sometimes bare-bodied in fight.

[333] _qūsh-khāna._ As the place was outside the walls, it may
be a good hawking ground and not a falconry.

[334] The Ḥ.S. mentions (ii, 222) a Sl. Aḥmad of Chār-shaṃba,
a town mentioned _e.g._ by Grodekoff p. 123. It also spoils
Bābur's coincidence by fixing Tuesday, Shab`ān 29th. for the
battle. Perhaps the commencement of the Muḥammadan day at
sunset, allows of both statements.

[335] Elph. MS. f. 30b; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 34 and 217 f. 26b;
Mems. p. 46.

The abruptness of this opening is due to the interposition of
Sl. Ḥusain M.'s affairs between Bābur's statement on f. 41
that he returned from Aūrgūt and this first of 903 AH. that on
return he encamped in Qulba.

[336] _See_ f. 48b.

[337] _i.e._ Chūpān-ātā; _see_ f. 45 and note.

[338] _Aūghlāqchī_, the Grey Wolfer of f. 22.

[339] A sobriquet, the _suppliant_ or perhaps something having
connection with musk. Ḥ.S. ii, 278, son of Ḥ.D.

[340] _i.e._ grandson (of Muḥammad Sīghal). _Cf._ f. 39.

[341] This seeming sobriquet may show the man's trade. _Kāl_
is a sort of biscuit; _qāshūq_ may mean a spoon.

[342] The Ḥ.S. does not ascribe treachery to those inviting
Bābur into Samarkand but attributes the murder of his men to
others who fell on them when the plan of his admission became
known. The choice here of "town-rabble" for retaliatory death
supports the account of Ḥ.S. ii.

[343] "It was the end of September or beginning of October"
(Erskine).

[344] _awī u kīpa yīrlār._ _Awī_ is likely to represent
_kibitkas_. For _kīpa yīr_, _see_ Zenker p. 782.

[345] Interesting reference may be made, amongst the many
books on Samarkand, to Sharafu'd-dīn `Alī _Yazdī's
Z̤afar-nāma_ Bib. Ind. ed. i, 300, 781, 799, 800 and ii, 6,
194, 596 etc.; to Ruy Gonzalves di Clavijo's _Embassy to
Tīmūr_ (Markham) cap. vi and vii; to Ujfalvy's _Turkistan_ ii,
79 and Madame Ujfalvy's _De Paris à Samarcande_ p. 161,—these
two containing a plan of the town; to Schuyler's _Turkistan_;
to Kostenko's _Turkistan Gazetteer_ i, 345; to Réclus, vi, 270
and plan; and to a beautiful work of the St. Petersburg
Archæological Society, _Les Mosquées de Samarcande_, of which
the B.M. has a copy.

[346] This statement is confused in the Elp. and Ḥai. MSS. The
second appears to give, by abjad, lat. 40° 6" and long. 99'.
Mr. Erskine (p. 48) gives lat. 39' 57" and long. 99' 16",
noting that this is according to Ūlūgh Beg's Tables and that
the long. is calculated from Ferro. The Ency. Br. of 1910-11
gives lat. 39' 39" and long. 66' 45".

[347] The enigmatical cognomen, Protected Town, is of early
date; it is used _i.a._ by Ibn Batūta in the 14th. century.
Bābur's tense refers it to the past. The town had frequently
changed hands in historic times before he wrote. The name may
be due to immunity from damage to the buildings in the town.
Even Chīngīz Khān's capture (1222 AD.) left the place
well-preserved and its lands cultivated, but it inflicted
great loss of men. _Cf._ Schuyler i, 236 and his authorities,
especially Bretschneider.

[348] Here is a good example of Bābur's caution in narrative.
He does not affirm that Samarkand became Musalmān, or
(_infra_) that Quṣam ibn `Abbās went, or that Alexander
founded but in each case uses the presumptive past tense,
resp. _būlghān dūr_, _bārghān dūr_, _bīnā qīlghān dūr_, thus
showing that he repeats what may be inferred or presumed and
not what he himself asserts.

[349] _i.e._ of Muḥammad. See Z̤.N. ii, 193.

[350] _i.e._ Fat Village. His text misleading him, Mr. Erskine
makes here the useful irrelevant note that Persians and Arabs
call the place Samar-qand and Turks, Samar-kand, the former
using _qaf_ (q), the latter _kaf_ (k). Both the Elph. and the
Ḥai. MSS. write Samarqand.

For use of the name Fat Village, _see_ Clavijo (Markham p.
170), Simesquinte, and Bretschneider's _Mediæval Geography_
pp. 61, 64, 66 and 163.

[351] _qadam._ Kostenko (i, 344) gives 9 m. as the
circumference of the old walls and 1-2/3m. as that of the
citadel. _See_ Mde. Ujfalvy p. 175 for a picture of the walls.

[352] _Ma`lūm aīmās kīm mūncha paidā būlmīsh būlghāī_; an
idiomatic phrase.

[353] d. 333 AH. (944 AD.). _See_ D'Herbélot art. Mātridī p.
572.

[354] _See_ D'Herbélot art. Aschair p. 124.

[355] Abū `Abdu'l-lāh bin Ismā`īlu'l-jausī b. 194 AH. d. 256
AH. (810-870 AD.). _See_ D'Herbélot art. Bokhārī p. 191, art.
Giorag p. 373, and art. Ṣāḥiḥu'l-bokhārī p. 722. He passed a
short period, only, of his life in Khartank, a suburb of
Samarkand.

[356] _Cf._ f. 3b and n. 1.

[357] This though 2475 ft. above the sea is only some 300 ft.
above Samarkand. It is the Chūpān-ātā (Father of Shepherds) of
maps and on it Tīmūr built a shrine to the local patron of
shepherds. The Zar-afshān, or rather, its Qarā-sū arm, flows
from the east of the Little Hill and turns round it to flow
west. Bābur uses the name _Kohik Water_ loosely; _e.g._ for
the whole Zar-afshān when he speaks (_infra_) of cutting off
the Dar-i-gham canal but for its southern arm only, the
Qarā-sū in several places, and once, for the Dar-i-gham canal.
_See_ f. 49b and Kostenko i. 192.

[358] _rūd._ The Zar-afshān has a very rapid current. _See_
Kostenko i, 196, and for the canal, i, 174. The name
Dar-i-gham is used also for a musical note having charm to
witch away grief; and also for a town noted for its wines.

[359] What this represents can only be guessed; perhaps 150 to
200 miles. Abū'l-fidā (Reinaud ii, 213) quotes Ibn Haukal as
saying that from Bukhārā up to "Bottam" (this seems to be
where the Zar-afshān emerges into the open land) is eight
days' journey through an unbroken tangle of verdure and
gardens.

[360] _See_ Schuyler i, 286 on the apportionment of water to
Samarkand and Bukhārā.

[361] It is still grown in the Samarkand region, and in Mr.
Erskine's time a grape of the same name was cultivated in
Aurangābād of the Deccan.

[362] _i.e._ _Shāhrukhī_, Tīmūr's grandson, through Shāhrukh.
It may be noted here that Bābur never gives Tīmūr any other
title than Beg and that he styles all Tīmūrids, Mīrzā
(Mīr-born).

[363] Mr. Erskine here points out the contradiction between
the statements (i) of Ibn Haukal, writing, in 367 AH. (977
AD.), of Samarkand as having a citadel (_ark_), an outer-fort
(_qūrghān_) and Gates in both circumvallations; and (2) of
Sharafu'd-dīn _Yazdī_ (Z̤.N.) who mentions that when, in
Tīmūr's day, the Getes besieged Samarkand, it had neither
walls nor gates. _See_ Ouseley's Ibn Haukal p. 253; Z̤.N. Bib.
Ind. ed. i, 109 and Pétis de la Croix's Z̤.N. (_Histoire de
Tīmūr Beg_) i, 91.

[364] Here still lies the Ascension Stone, the _Gūk-tāsh_, a
block of greyish white marble. Concerning the date of the
erection of the building and meaning of its name, _see_ _e.g._
Pétis de la Croix's _Histoire de Chīngīz Khān_ p. 171; Mems.
p. 40 note; and Schuyler _s.n._

[365] This seems to be the Bībī Khānīm Mosque. The author of
_Les Mosquées de Samarcande_ states that Tīmūr built Bībī
Khānīm and the Gūr-i-amīr (Amīr's tomb); decorated
Shāh-i-zinda and set up the Chūpān-ātā shrine. _Cf._ f. 46 and
note to Jahāngīr Mīrzā, as to the Gūr-i-amīr.

[366] Cap. II. Quoting from Sale's _Qur'ān_ (i, 24) the verse
is, "And Ibrāhīm and Ismā`īl raised the foundations of the
house, saying, 'Lord! accept it from us, for Thou art he who
hearest and knowest; Lord! make us also resigned to Thee, and
show us Thy holy ceremonies, and be turned to us, for Thou art
easy to be reconciled, and merciful.'"

[367] or, _buland_, Garden of the Height or High Garden. The
Turkī texts have what can be read as _buldī_ but the Z̤.N.
both when describing it (ii, 194) and elsewhere (_e.g._ ii,
596) writes _buland_. _Buldī_ may be a clerical error for
_bulandī_, the height, a name agreeing with the position of
the garden.

[368] In the Heart-expanding Garden, the Spanish Ambassadors
had their first interview with Tīmūr. _See_ Clavijo (Markham
p. 130). Also the Z̤.N. ii, 6 for an account of its
construction.

[369] Judging from the location of the gardens and of Bābur's
camps, this appears to be the Avenue mentioned on f. 39b and
f. 40.

[370] _See_ _infra_ f. 48 and note.

[371] The Plane-tree Garden. This seems to be Clavijo's
_Bayginar_, laid out shortly before he saw it (Markham p.
136).

[372] The citadel of Samarkand stands high; from it the ground
slopes west and south; on these sides therefore gardens
outside the walls would lie markedly below the outer-fort
(_tāsh-qūrghān_). Here as elsewhere the second W.-i-B. reads
_stone_ for _outer_ (_Cf._ index _s.n._ _tāsh_). For the
making of the North garden _see_ Z̤.N. i, 799.

[373] Tīmūr's eldest son, d. 805 AH. (1402 AD.), before his
father, therefore. Bābur's wording suggests that in his day,
the Gūr-i-amīr was known as the Madrāsa. _See_ as to the
buildings Z̤.N. i, 713 and ii, 492, 595, 597, 705; Clavijo
(Markham p. 164 and p. 166); and _Les Mosquées de Samarcande_.

[374] Hindūstān would make a better climax here than Samarkand
does.

[375] These appear to be pictures or ornamentations of carved
wood. Redhouse describes _islīmī_ as a special kind of
ornamentation in curved lines, similar to Chinese methods.

[376] _i.e._ the Black Stone (_ka'ba_) at Makkah to which
Musalmāns turn in prayer.

[377] As ancient observatories were themselves the instruments
of astronomical observation, Bābur's wording is correct.
Aūlūgh Beg's great quadrant was 180 ft. high; Abū-muḥammad
_Khujandī's_ sextant had a radius of 58 ft. Jā'ī Singh made
similar great instruments in Jā'īpūr, Dihlī has others. _Cf._
Greaves Misc. Works i, 50; Mems. p. 51 note; _Āiyīn-i-akbarī_
(Jarrett) ii, 5 and note; Murray's Hand-book to Bengal p. 331;
Indian Gazetteer xiii, 400.

[378] b. 597 AH. d. 672 AH. (1201-1274 AD.). _See_
D'Herbélot's art. Naṣīr-i-dīn p. 662; Abū'l-fidā (Reinaud,
Introduction i, cxxxviii) and Beale's Biographical Dict.
_s.n._

[379] a grandson of Chīngīz Khān, d. 663 AH. (1265 AD.). The
cognomen _Aīl-khānī_ (_Īl-khānī_) may mean Khān of the Tribe.

[380] Ḥarūnu'r-rashīd's second son; d. 218 AH. (833 AD.).

[381] Mr. Erskine notes that this remark would seem to fix the
date at which Bābur wrote it as 934 AH. (1527 AD.), that being
the 1584th. year of the era of Vikramāditya, and therefore at
three years before Bābur's death. (The Vikramāditya era began
57 BC.)

[382] _Cf._ index _s.n._ _tāsh_.

[383] This remark may refer to the 34 miles between the town
and the quarries of its building stone. _See_ f. 49 and note
to Aītmāk Pass.

[384] Steingass, any support for the back in sitting, a low
wall in front of a house. _See_ Vullers p. 148 and
_Burhān-i-qāṯi`_; p. 119. Perhaps a _dado_.

[385] _beg u begāt, bāgh u bāghcha._

[386] Four Gardens, a quadrilateral garden, laid out in four
plots. The use of the name has now been extended for any
well-arranged, large garden, especially one belonging to a
ruler (Erskine).

[387] As two of the trees mentioned here are large, it may be
right to translate _nārwān_, not by pomegranate, but as the
hard-wood elm, Madame Ujfalvy's '_karagatche_' (p. 168 and p.
222). The name _qarā-yīghāch_ (_karagatch_), dark tree, is
given to trees other than this elm on account of their deep
shadow.

[388] Now a common plan indeed! _See_ Schuyler i, 173.

[389] _juwāz-i-kaghazlār_ (_nīng_) _sū'ī_, _i.e._ the water of
the paper-(pulping)-mortars. Owing to the omission from some
MSS. of the word _sū_, water, _juwāz_ has been mistaken for a
kind of paper. _See_ Mems. p. 52 and _Méms_. i, 102; A.Q.R.
July 1910, p. 2, art. Paper-mills of Samarkand (H.B.); and
Madame Ujfalvy p. 188. Kostenko, it is to be noted, does not
include paper in his list (i, 346) of modern manufactures of
Samarkand.

[390] Mine of mud or clay. My husband has given me support for
reading _gil_, and not _gul_, rose;—(1) In two good MSS. of
the W.-i-B. the word is pointed with _kasra_, _i.e._ as for
_gil_, clay; and (2) when describing a feast held in the
garden by Tīmūr, the Z̤.N. says the mud-mine became a
rose-mine, _shuda Kān-i-gil Kān-i-gul_. [Mr. Erskine refers
here to Pétis de la Croix's _Histoire de Tīmūr Beg_ (_i.e._
Z̤.N.) i, 96 and ii, 133 and 421.]

[391] _qūrūgh._ Vullers, classing the word as Arabic, Zenker,
classing it as Eastern Turkī, and Erskine (p. 42 n.) explain
this as land reserved for the summer encampment of princes.
Shaw (Voc. p. 155), deriving it from _qūrūmāq_, to frighten,
explains it as a fenced field of growing grain.

[392] _Cf._ f. 40. There it is located at one _yīghāch_ and
here at 3 _kurohs_ from the town.

[393] _ṯaur._ _Cf._ Zenker _s.n._ I understand it to lie, as
Khān Yūrtī did, in a curve of the river.

[394] 162 m. by rail.

[395] _Cf._ f. 3.

[396] _tīrīsīnī sūīūb._ The verb _sūīmāk_, to despoil, seems
to exclude the common plan of stoning the fruit. _Cf._ f. 3b,
_dānasīnī alīp_, taking out the stones.

[397] _Mīn Samarkandtā aūl (or auwal) aīchkāndā Bukhārā
chāghīrlār nī aīchār aīdīm._ These words have been understood
to refer to Bābur's initial drinking of wine but this reading
is negatived by his statement (f. 189) that he first drank
wine in Harāt in 912 AH. I understand his meaning to be that
the wine he drank in Samarkand was Bukhārā wine. The time
cannot have been earlier than 917 AH. The two words _aūl
aīchkāndā_, I read as parallel to _aūl_ (_bāghrī qarā_) (f.
280) 'that drinking,' 'that bird,' _i.e._ of those other
countries, not of Hindūstān where he wrote.

It may be noted that Bābur's word for wine, _chāghīr_, may not
always represent wine of the grape but may include wine of the
apple and pear (cider and perry), and other fruits. Cider, its
name seeming to be a descendant of _chāghīr_, was introduced
into England by Crusaders, its manufacture having been learned
from Turks in Palestine.

[398] 48 m. 3 fur. by way of the Aītmāk Pass (mod. Takhta
Qarachi), and, Réclus (vi, 256) Buz-gala-khāna, Goat-house.

[399] The name Aītmāk, to build, appears to be due to the
stone quarries on the range. The pass-head is 34 m. from
Samarkand and 3000 ft. above it. _See_ Kostenko ii, 115 and
Schuyler ii, 61 for details of the route.

[400] The description of this hall is difficult to translate.
Clavijo (Markham 124) throws light on the small recesses.
_Cf._ Z̤.N. i, 781 and 300 and Schuyler ii, 68.

[401] The Tāq-i-kisrī, below Bāghdād, is 105 ft. high, 84 ft.
span and 150 ft. in depth (Erskine).

[402] _Cf._ f. 46. Bābur does not mention that Tīmūr's father
was buried at Kesh. Clavijo (Markham p. 123) says it was
Tīmūr's first intention to be buried near his father, in Kesh.

[403] Abū'l-fidā (Reinaud II, ii, 21) says that Nasaf is the
Arabic and Nakhshab the local name for Qarshī. Ibn Haukal
(Ouseley p. 260) writes Nakhshab.

[404] This word has been translated _burial-place_ and
_cimetière_ but Qarshī means castle, or royal-residence. The
Z̤.N. (i, 111) says that Qarshī is an equivalent for Ar.
_qaṣr_, palace, and was so called, from one built there by
Qublāī Khān (d. 1294 AD.). Perhaps Bābur's word is connected
with Gūrkhān, the title of sovereigns in Khutan, and means
great or royal-house, _i.e._ palace.

[405] 94 m. 6-1/2 fur. via Jām (Kostenko i, 115.)

[406] See Appendix B.

[407] some 34 m. (Kostenko i, 196). Schuyler mentions that he
heard in Qarā-kūl a tradition that the district, in bye-gone
days, was fertilized from the Sīr.

[408] _Cf._ f. 45.

[409] By _abjad_ the words _`Abbās kasht_ yield 853. The date
of the murder was Ramẓān 9, 853 AH. (Oct. 27th. 1449 AD.).

[410] This couplet is quoted in the _Rauẓatu'ṣ-ṣafā_ (lith.
ed. vi, f. 234 foot) and in the Ḥ.S. ii, 44. It is said, in
the R.Ṣ. to be by Niẕāmī and to refer to the killing by
Shīrūya of his father, Khusrau Parwīz in 7 AH. (628 AD.). The
Ḥ.S. says that `Abdu'l-laṯīf constantly repeated the couplet,
after he had murdered his father. [See also Daulat Shāh
(Browne p. 356 and p. 366.) H.B.]

[411] By _abjad_, _Bābā Ḥusain kasht_ yields 854. The death
was on Rabi` I, 26, 854 AH. (May 9th. 1450 AD.). See R.Ṣ. vi,
235 for an account of this death.

[412] This overstates the time; dates shew 1 yr. 1 mth. and a
few days.

[413] _i.e._ The Khān of the Mughūls, Bābur's uncle.

[414] Elph. MS. _aūrmaghāīlār_, might not turn; Ḥai. and
Kehr's MSS. (_sar bā bād_) _bīrmāghāīlār_, might not give.
Both metaphors seem drawn from the protective habit of man and
beast of turning the back to a storm-wind.

[415] _i.e._ betwixt two waters, the Miyān-i-dū-āb of India.
Here, it is the most fertile triangle of land in Turkistān
(Réclus, vi, 199), enclosed by the eastern mountains, the
Nārīn and the Qarā-sū; Rabāṯik-aūrchīnī, its alternative name,
means Small Station sub-district. From the uses of _aūrchīn_ I
infer that it describes a district in which there is no
considerable head-quarters fort.

[416] _i.e._ his own, Qūtlūq-nigār Khānīm and hers,
Aīsān-daulat Begīm, with perhaps other widows of his father,
probably Shāh Sulṯān Begīm.

[417] _Cf._ f. 16 for almost verbatim statements.

[418] Blacksmith's Dale. _Ahangarān_ appears corrupted in
modern maps to _Angren_. _See_ Ḥ.S. ii, 293 for Khwānd-amīr's
wording of this episode.

[419] _Cf._ f. 1b and Kostenko i, 101.

[420] _i.e._ Khān Uncle (Mother's brother).

[421] n.w. of the Sang ferry over the Sīr.

[422] perhaps, messenger of good tidings.

[423] This man's family connections are interesting. He was
`Alī-shukr Beg _Bahārlū's_ grandson, nephew therefore of Pāshā
Begīm; through his son, Saif-`alī Beg, he was the grandfather
of Bairām Khān-i-khānān and thus the g.g.f. of `Abdu'r-raḥīm
Mīrzā, the translator of the Second _Wāqi`āt-i-bāburī_. _See_
Firishta lith. ed. p. 250.

[424] Bābur's (step-)grandmother, co-widow with Aīsān-daulat
of Yūnas Khān and mother of Aḥmad and Maḥmud _Chaghatāī_.

[425] Here the narrative picks up the thread of Khusrau Shāh's
affairs, dropped on f. 44.

[426] _mīng tūmān fulūs_, _i.e._ a thousand
sets-of-ten-thousand small copper coins. Mr. Erskine (Mems. p.
61) here has a note on coins. As here the _tūmān_ does not
seem to be a coin but a number, I do not reproduce it,
valuable as it is _per se_.

[427] _ārīqlār_; this the annotator of the Elph. MS. has
changed to _āshlīq_, provisions, corn.

[428] _Samān-chī_ may mean Keeper of the Goods. Tīngrī-bīrdī,
Theodore, is the purely Turkī form of the Khudāī-bīrdī,
already met with several times in the B.N.

[429] Bast (Bost) is on the left bank of the Halmand.

[430] _Cf._ f. 56b.

[431] known as _Kābulī_. He was a son of Abū-sa`īd and thus an
uncle of Bābur. He ruled Kābul and Ghaznī from a date previous
to his father's death in 873 AH. (perhaps from the time `Umar
Shaikh was _not_ sent there, in 870 AH. _See_ f. 6b) to his
death in 907 AH. Bābur was his virtual successor in Kābul, in
910 AH.

[432] Elph. MS. f. 42; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 47b and 217 f. 38;
Mems. p. 63. Bābur here resumes his own story, interrupted on
f. 56.

[433] _aīsh achīlmādī_, a phrase recurring on f. 59b foot. It
appears to imply, of trust in Providence, what the English
"The way was not opened," does. _Cf._ f. 60b for another
example of trust, there clinching discussion whether to go or
not to go to Marghīnān.

[434] _i.e._ _Aḥrārī_. He had been dead some 10 years. The
despoilment of his family is mentioned on f. 23b.

[435] _fatratlār_, here those due to the deaths of Aḥmad and
Maḥmūd with their sequel of unstable government in Samarkand.

[436] _Aūghlāqchī_, the player of the kid-game, the
gray-wolfer. Yār-yīlāq will have gone with the rest of
Samarkand into `Alī's hands in Rajab 903 AH. (March 1498).
Contingent terms between him and Bābur will have been made;
Yūsuf may have recognized some show of right under them, for
allowing Bābur to occupy Yār-yīlāq.

[437] _i.e._ after 933 AH. _Cf._ f. 46b and note concerning
the Bikramāditya era. See index _s.n._ Aḥmad-i-yūsuf and Ḥ.S.
ii, 293.

[438] This plural, unless ironical, cannot be read as
honouring `Alī; Bābur uses the honorific plural most rarely
and specially, _e.g._ for saintly persons, for The Khān and
for elder women-kinsfolk.

[439] _bīr yārīm yīl._ Dates shew this to mean six months. It
appears a parallel expression to Pers. _hasht-yak_,
one-eighth.

[440] Ḥ.S. ii, 293, in place of these two quotations, has a
_misra`_,—_Na rāy ṣafar kardan u na rūy iqāmat_, (Nor resolve
to march, nor face to stay).

[441] _i.e._ in Samarkand.

[442] Point to point, some 145 m. but much further by the
road. Tang-āb seems likely to be one of the head-waters of
Khwāja Bikargān-water. Thence the route would be by
unfrequented hill-tracks, each man leading his second horse.

[443] _tūn yārīmī naqāra waqtīdā._ _Tūn yārīmī_ seems to mean
half-dark, twilight. Here it cannot mean mid-night since this
would imply a halt of twelve hours and Bābur says no halt was
made. The drum next following mid-day is the one beaten at
sunset.

[444] The voluntary prayer, offered when the sun has well
risen, fits the context.

[445] I understand that the obeisance was made in the
Gate-house, between the inner and outer doors.

[446] This seeming sobriquet may be due to eloquence or to
good looks.

[447] _qarā tīyāq._ _Cf._ f. 63 where black bludgeons are used
by a red rabble.

[448] He was head-man of his clan and again with Shaibānī in
909 AH. (Sh. N. Vambéry, p. 272). Erskine (p. 67) notes that
the Manghīts are the modern Nogais.

[449] _i.e._ in order to allow for the here very swift
current. The Ḥ.S. varying a good deal in details from the B.N.
gives the useful information that Aūzūn Ḥasan's men knew
nothing of the coming of the Tāshkīnt Mughūls.

[450] _Cf._ f. 4b and App. A. as to the position of Akhsī.

[451] _bārīnī qīrdīlār._ After this statement the five
exceptions are unexpected; Bābur's wording is somewhat
confused here.

[452] _i.e._ in Hindūstān.

[453] Taṃbal would be the competitor for the second place.

[454] 47 m. 4-1/2 fur.

[455] Bābur had been about two lunar years absent from Andijān
but his loss of rule was of under 16 months.

[456] A scribe's note entered here on the margin of the Ḥai.
MS. is to the effect that certain words are not in the noble
archetype (_nashka sharīf_); this supports other circumstances
which make for the opinion that this Codex is a direct copy of
Bābur's own MS. _See_ Index s.n. Ḥai. MS. and JRAS 1906, p.
87.

[457] _Musalmān_ here seems to indicate mental contrast with
Pagan practices or neglect of Musalmān observances amongst
Mughūls.

[458] _i.e._ of his advisors and himself.

[459] _Cf._ f. 34.

[460] _circa_ 933 AH. All the revolts chronicled by Bābur as
made against himself were under Mughūl leadership. Long Ḥasan,
Taṃbal and `Alī-dost were all Mughūls. The worst was that of
914 AH. (1518 AD.) in which Qulī _Chūnāq_ disgraced himself
(T.R. p. 357).

[461] _Chūnāq_ may indicate the loss of one ear.

[462] _Būqāq_, amongst other meanings, has that of _one who
lies in ambush_.

[463] This remark has interest because it shews that (as Bābur
planned to write more than is now with the B.N. MSS.) the
first gap in the book (914 AH. to 925 AH.) is accidental. His
own last illness is the probable cause of this gap. _Cf._ JRAS
1905, p. 744. Two other passages referring to unchronicled
matters are one about the Bāgh-i-ṣafā (f. 224), and one about
Sl. `Alī T̤aghāī (f. 242).

[464] I surmise Aīlāīsh to be a local name of the Qarā-daryā
affluent of the Sīr.

[465] _aīkī aūch naubat chāpqūlāb bāsh chīqārghalī qūīmās._ I
cannot feel so sure as Mr. E. and M. de C. were that the man's
head held fast, especially as for it to fall would make the
better story.

[466] Tūqā appears to have been the son of a T̤aghāī, perhaps
of Sherīm; his name may imply blood-relationship.

[467] For the verb _awīmāq_, to trepan, _see_ f. 67 note 5.

[468] The Fr. map of 1904 shews a hill suiting Bābur's
location of this Hill of Pleasure.

[469] A place near Kābul bears the same name; in both the name
is explained by a legend that there Earth opened a refuge for
forty menaced daughters.

[470] Elph. MS. f. 47b; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 53 and 217 f. 43;
Mems. p. 70.

[471] From Andijān to Aūsh is a little over 33 miles. Taṃbal's
road was east of Bābur's and placed him between Andijān and
Aūzkīnt where was the force protecting his family.

[472] mod. Mazy, on the main Aūsh-Kāshghar road.

[473] _āb-duzd_; de C. i, 144, _prise d'eau_.

[474] This simile seems the fruit of experience in Hindūstān.
_See_ f. 333, concerning Chānderi.

[475] These two Mughūls rebelled in 914 AH. with Sl. Qulī
_Chūnāq_ (T.R. _s.n._).

[476] _awīdī._ The head of Captain Dow, fractured at Chunār by
a stone flung at it, was trepanned (_Saiyār-i-muta`akhirīn_,
p. 577 and Irvine l .c. p. 283). Yār-`alī was alive in 910 AH.
He seems to be the father of the great Bairām Khān-i-khānān of
Akbar's reign.

[477] _chasht-gāh_; midway between sunrise and noon.

[478] _ṯaurī_; because providing prisoners for exchange.

[479] _shakh tūtūlūr īdī_, perhaps a palisade.

[480] _i.e._ from Ḥiṣār where he had placed him in 903 AH.

[481] _qūba yūzlūq_ (f. 6b and note 4). The Turkmān features
would be a maternal inheritance.

[482] He is "Saifī Maulānā `Arūzī" of Rieu's Pers. Cat. p.
525. _Cf._ Ḥ.S. ii, 341. His book, _`Arūz-i-saifī_ has been
translated by Blochmann and by Ranking.

[483] _namāz aūtār īdī._ I understand some irony from this (de
Meynard's Dict. _s.n._ _aūtmāq_).

[484] The _maṯla`_ of poems serve as an index of first lines.

[485] _Cf._ f. 30.

[486] _Cf._ f. 37b.

[487] _i.e._ scout and in times of peace, huntsman. On the
margin of the Elph. Codex here stands a note, mutilated in
rebinding;—_Sl. Aḥmad pidr-i-Qūch Beg ast * * *
pidr-i-Sher-afgan u Sher-afgan * * * u Sl. Ḥusain Khān * * *
Qūch Beg ast. Hamesha * * * dar khāna Shaham Khān * * *_.

[488] _pītīldī_; W.-i-B. _navishta shud_, words indicating the
use by Bābur of a written record.

[489] _Cf._ f. 6b and note and f. 17 and note.

[490] _tūlūk_; _i.e._ other food than grain. Fruit, fresh or
preserved, being a principal constituent of food in Central
Asia, _tūlūk_ will include several, but chiefly melons. "Les
melons constituent presque seuls vers le fin d'été, la
nourriture des classes pauvres" (Th. Radloff. l.c. p. 343).

[491] _Cf._ f. 6b and note.

[492] _tūlkī_ var. _tūlkū_, the yellow fox. Following this
word the Ḥai. MS. has _u dar kamīn dūr_ instead of _u rangīn
dūr_.

[493] _bī ḥadd_; with which I.O. 215 agrees but I.O. 217 adds
_farbih_, fat, which is right in fact (f. 2b) but less
pertinent here than an unlimited quantity.

[494] Here a pun on _`ajab_ may be read.

[495] _Cf._ f. 15, note to T̤aghāī.

[496] Apparently not the usual Kīndīr-līk pass but one n.w. of
Kāsān.

[497] A ride of at least 40 miles, followed by one of 20 to
Kāsān.

[498] _Cf._ f. 72 and f. 72b. Tīlba would seem to have left
Taṃbal.

[499] _Taṃbalnīng qarāsī._

[500] _i.e._ the Other (Mid-afternoon) Prayer.

[501] _ātīnīng būīnīnī qātīb._ _Qātmāq_ has also the
here-appropriate meaning of _to stiffen_.

[502] _aīlīk qūshmāq_, _i.e._ Bābur's men with the Kāsān
garrison. But the two W.-i-B. write merely _dast burd_ and
_dast kardan_.

[503] The meaning of _Ghazna_ here is uncertain. The Second
W.-i-B. renders it by ar. _qaryat_ but up to this point Bābur
has not used _qaryat_ for _village_. Ghazna-namangān cannot be
modern Namangān. It was 2 m. from Archīān where Taṃbal was,
and Bābur went to Bīshkhārān to be between Taṃbal and Machamī,
coming from the south. Archīān and Ghazna-namangān seem both
to have been n. or n.w. of Bīshkārān (see maps).

It may be mentioned that at Archīān, in 909 AH. the two
Chaghatāī Khāns and Bābur were defeated by Shaibānī.

[504] _bīzlār._ The double plural is rare with Bābur; he
writes _bīz_, we, when action is taken in common; he rarely
uses _mīn_, I, with autocratic force; his phrasing is largely
impersonal, _e.g._ with rare exceptions, he writes the
impersonal passive verb.

[505] _bāshlīghlār._ Teufel was of opinion that this word is
not used as a noun in the B.N. In this he is mistaken; it is
so used frequently, as here, in apposition. _See_ ZDMG,
xxxvii, art. Bābur und Abū`l-faẓl.

[506] _Cf._ f. 54 foot.

[507] _Cf._ f. 20. She may have come from Samarkand and `Alī's
household or from Kesh and the Tarkhān households.

[508] _Cf._ f. 26 l. 2 for the same phrase.

[509] He is the author of the _Shaibānī-nāma_.

[510] _dāng_ and _fils_ (_infra_) are small copper coins.

[511] _Cf._ f. 25 l. 1 and note 1.

[512] Probably the poet again; he had left Harāt and was in
Samarkand (Sh. N. Vambéry, p. 34 l. 14).

[513] From what follows, this Mughūl advance seems a sequel to
a Tarkhān invitation.

[514] By omitting the word _Mīr_ the Turkī text has caused
confusion between this father and son (Index _s.nn._).

[515] _bīz khūd kharāb bū mu`āmla aīdūk._ These words have
been understood earlier, as referring to the abnormal state of
Bābur's mind described under Sec. _r_. They better suit the
affairs of Samarkand because Bābur is able to resolve on
action and also because he here writes _bīz_, we, and not
_mīn_, I, as in Sec. _r_.

[516] For _būlghār_, rendezvous, _see_ also f. 78 l. 2 fr. ft.

[517] 25 m. only; the halts were due probably to belated
arrivals.

[518] Some of his ties would be those of old acquaintance in
Ḥiṣār with `Alī's father's begs, now with him in Samarkand.

[519] Point to point, some 90 m. but further by road.

[520] _Bū waqi` būlghāch_, manifestly ironical.

[521] Sangzār to Aūrā-tīpā, by way of the hills, some 50
miles.

[522] The Sh. N. Vambéry, p. 60, confirms this.

[523] _Cf._ f. 74b.

[524] Macham and Awīghūr, presumably.

[525] _gūzlār tūz tūtī_, _i.e._ he was blinded for some
treachery to his hosts.

[526] Muḥ. Ṣāliḥ's well-informed account of this episode has
much interest, filling out and, as by Shaibānī's Boswell,
balancing Bābur's. Bābur is obscure about what country was to
be given to `Alī. Pāyanda-ḥasan paraphrases his brief
words;—Shaibānī was to be as a father to `Alī and when he had
taken `Alī's father's _wilāyāt_, he was to give a country to
`Alī. It has been thought that the gift to `Alī was to follow
Shaibānī's recovery of his own ancestral camping-ground
(_yūrt_) but this is negatived, I think, by the word,
_wilāyāt_, cultivated land.

[527] Elp. MS. f. 57b; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 63b and I.O. 217 f.
52; Mems. p. 82.

Two contemporary works here supplement the B.N.; (1) the
(_Tawārikh-i-guzīda_) _Naṣrat-nāma_, dated 908 AH. (B.M. Turkī
Or. 3222) of which Berezin's _Shaibāni-nāma_ is an abridgment;
(2) Muḥ. Ṣāliḥ Mīrzā's _Shaibānī-nāma_ (Vambéry trs. cap. xix
_et seq._). The Ḥ.S. (Bomb. ed. p. 302, and Tehran ed. p. 384)
is also useful.

[528] _i.e._ on his right. The Ḥ.S. ii, 302 represents that
`Alī was well-received. After Shaibāq had had Zuhra's
overtures, he sent an envoy to `Alī and Yaḥya; the first was
not won over but the second fell in with his mother's scheme.
This difference of view explains why `Alī slipped away while
Yaḥya was engaged in the Friday Mosque. It seems likely that
mother and son alike expected their Aūzbeg blood to stand them
in good stead with Shaibāq.

[529] He tried vainly to get the town defended. "Would to God
Bābur Mīrzā were here!" he is reported as saying, by Muḥ.
Ṣāliḥ.

[530] Perhaps it is for the play of words on `Alī and `Alī's
life (_jān_) that this man makes his sole appearance here.

[531] _i.e._ rich man or merchant, but _Bī_ (_infra_) is an
equivalent of Beg.

[532] Muḥ. Ṣāliḥ, invoking curses on such a mother, mentions
that Zuhra was given to a person of her own sort.

[533] The Sh. N. and _Naṣrat-nāma_ attempt to lift the blame
of `Alī's death from Shaibāq; the second saying that he fell
into the Kohik-water when drunk.

[534] Harāt might be his destination but the Ḥ.S. names Makka.
Some dismissals towards Khurāsān may imply pilgrimage to
Meshhed.

[535] Used also by Bābur's daughter, Gul-badan (l.c. f. 31).

[536] Cut off by alien lands and weary travel.

[537] The Pers. annotator of the Elph. Codex has changed Alāī
to _wīlāyat_, and _dābān_ (pass) to _yān_, side. For the
difficult route _see_ Schuyler, i, 275, Kostenko, i, 129 and
Rickmers, JRGS. 1907, art. Fan Valley.

[538] Amongst Turks and Mughūls, gifts were made by nines.

[539] Ḥiṣār was his earlier home.

[540] Many of these will have been climbed in order to get
over places impassable at the river's level.

[541] Schuyler quotes a legend of the lake. He and Kostenko
make it larger.

[542] The second occasion was when he crossed from Sūkh for
Kābul in 910 AH. (fol. 120).

[543] This name appears to indicate a Command of 10,000
(Bretschneider's _Mediæval Researches_, i, 112).

[544] It seems likely that the cloth was soiled. _Cf._ f. 25
and Hughes Dict. of Islām _s.n._ Eating.

[545] As, of the quoted speech, one word only, of three, is
Turkī, others may have been dreamed. Shaikh Maṣlaḥat's tomb is
in Khujand where Bābur had found refuge in 903 AH.; it had
been circumambulated by Tīmūr in 790 AH. (1390 AD.) and is
still honoured.

This account of a dream compares well for naturalness with
that in the seemingly-spurious passage, entered with the Ḥai.
MS. on f. 118. For examination of the passage _see_ JRAS, Jan.
1911, and App. D.

[546] He was made a Tarkhān by diploma of Shaibānī (Ḥ.S. ii,
306, l. 2).

[547] Here the Ḥai. MS. begins to use the word _Shaibāq_ in
place of its previously uniform _Shaibānī_. As has been noted
(f. 5b n. 2), the Elph. MS. writes _Shaibāq_. It may be
therefore that a scribe has changed the earlier part of the
Ḥai. MS. and that Bābur wrote _Shaibāq_. From this point my
text will follow the double authority of the Elph. and Ḥai.
MSS.

[548] In 875 AH. (1470 AD.). Ḥusain was then 32 years old.
Bābur might have compared his taking of Samarkand with Tīmūr's
capture of Qarshī, also with 240 followers (Z̤.N. i, 127).
Firishta (lith. ed. p. 196) ascribes his omission to do so to
reluctance to rank himself with his great ancestor.

[549] This arrival shews that Shaibānī expected to stay in
Samarkand. He had been occupying Turkistān under The Chaghatāī
Khān.