Chapter XXXI: Section III: Hindūstān (5)

Upon that day of battle sank and rose
Blood to the Fish and dust-clouds to the Moon,
While through the horse-hoofs on that spacious plain,
[Sidenote: Fol. 323b.]
One Earth flew up to make another Heaven.[2100]

At the moment when the holy warriors were heedlessly flinging away their lives, they heard a secret voice say, _Be not dismayed, neither be grieved, for, if ye believe, ye shall be exalted above the unbelievers_,[2101] and from the infallible Informer heard the joyful words, _Assistance is from God, and a speedy victory! And do thou bear glad tidings to true believers._[2102] Then they fought with such delight that the plaudits of the saints of the Holy Assembly reached them and the angels from near the Throne, fluttered round their heads like moths. Between the first and second Prayers, there was such blaze of combat that the flames thereof raised standards above the heavens, and the right and left of the army of Islām rolled back the left and right of the doomed infidels in one mass upon their centre.

When signs were manifest of the victory of the Strivers and of the up-rearing of the standards of Islām, those accursed infidels and wicked unbelievers remained for one hour confounded. At length, their hearts abandoning life, they fell upon the right and left of our centre. Their attack on the left was the more vigorous and there they approached furthest, but the holy warriors, their minds set on the reward, planted shoots (_nihāl_) of arrows in the field of the breast of each one of them, and, such being their gloomy fate, overthrew them. In this state of affairs, the breezes of victory and fortune blew over the meadow of our [Sidenote: Fol. 324.] happy Nawāb, and brought the good news, _Verily we have granted thee a manifest victory_.[2103] And Victory the beautiful woman (_shāhid_) whose world-adornment of waving tresses was embellished by _God will aid you with a mighty aid_,[2104] bestowed on us the good fortune that had been hidden behind a veil, and made it a reality. The absurd (_bāṯil_) Hindūs, knowing their position perilous, _dispersed like carded wool before the wind_, and _like moths scattered abroad_.[2105] Many fell dead on the field of battle; others, desisting from fighting, fled to the desert of exile and became the food of crows and kites. Mounds were made of the bodies of the slain, pillars of their heads.

(_j. Hindū chiefs killed in the battle._)

Ḥasan Khān of Mīwāt was enrolled in the list of the dead by the force of a matchlock (_ẓarb-i-tufak_); most of those headstrong chiefs of tribes were slain likewise, and ended their days by arrow and matchlock (_tīr u tufak_). Of their number was Rāwal Ūdī Sīngh of Bāgar,[2106] ruler (_wālī_) of the Dungarpūr country, who had 12,000 horse, Rāī Chandrabān _Chūhān_ who had 4,000 horse, Bhūpat Rāo son of that Ṣalāḥu'd-dīn already mentioned, who was lord of Chandīrī and had 6,000 horse, Mānik-chand _Chūhān_ and Dilpat Rāo who had each 4,000 horse, Kankū (or Gangū) and Karm Sīngh and Dankūsī(?)[2107] who had each 3,000 horse, and a number of others, each one of whom was leader of a great [Sidenote: Fol. 324b.] command, a splendid and magnificent chieftain. All these trod the road to Hell, removing from this house of clay to the pit of perdition. The enemy's country (_dāru'l-ḥarb_) was full, as Hell is full, of wounded who had died on the road. The lowest pit was gorged with miscreants who had surrendered their souls to the lord of Hell. In whatever direction one from the army of Islām hastened, he found everywhere a self-willed one dead; whatever march the illustrious camp made in the wake of the fugitives, it found no foot-space without its prostrate foe.

All the Hindūs slain, abject (_khwār_, var. _zār_) and mean,
By matchlock-stones, like the Elephants' lords,[2108]
Many hills of their bodies were seen,
And from each hill a fount of running blood.
Dreading the arrows of (our) splendid ranks,
Passed[2109] they in flight to each waste and hill.

They turn their backs. The command of God is to be performed. Now praise be to God, All-hearing and All-wise, for victory is from God alone, the Mighty, the Wise.[2110] Written Jumāda II. 25th 933 (AH.-March 29th 1527 A.D.).[2111]

MINOR SEQUELS OF VICTORY.

(_a. Bābur assumes the title of Ghāzī._)

After this success _Ghāzī_ (Victor in a Holy-war) was written amongst the royal titles.

Below the titles (_ṯughrā_)[2112] entered on the _Fatḥ-nāma_, I wrote the following quatrain:—[2113]

For Islām's sake, I wandered in the wilds,
Prepared for war with pagans and Hindūs,
Resolved myself to meet the martyr's death. [Sidenote: Fol. 325.]
Thanks be to God! a _ghāzī_ I became.

(_b. Chronograms of the victory._)

Shaikh Zain had found (_tāpīb aīdī_) the words _Fatḥ-i-pādshāḥ-i-islām_[2114] (Victory of the Pādshāh of the Faith) to be a chronogram of the victory. Mīr Gesū, one of the people come from Kābul, had also found these same words to be a chronogram, had composed them in a quatrain and sent this to me. It was a coincidence that Shaikh Zain and Mīr Gesū should bring forward precisely the same words in the quatrains they composed to embellish their discoveries.[2115] Once before when Shaikh Zain found the date of the victory at Dībālpūr in the words _Wasaṯ-i-shahr Rabī`u'l-awwal_[2116] (Middle of the month Rabī` I.), Mīr Gesū had found it in the very same words.

HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.

(_a. After the victory._)

The foes beaten, we hurried them off, dismounting one after another. The Pagan's encirclement[2117] may have been 2 _kurohs_ from our camp (_aūrdū_); when we reached his camp (_aūrdū_), we sent Muḥammadī, `Abdu'l-`azīz, `Alī Khān and some others in pursuit of him. There was a little slackness;[2118] I ought to have gone myself, and not have left the matter to what I expected from other people. When I had gone as much as a _kuroh_ (2 m.) beyond the Pagan's camp, I turned back because it was late in the day; I came to our camp at the Bed-time Prayer.

With what ill-omened words Muḥammad Sharīf the astrologer had fretted me! Yet he came at once to congratulate me! I emptied my inwards[2119] in abuse of him, but, spite of his being heathenish, ill-omened of speech, extremely self-satisfied, and a most disagreeable person, I bestowed a _lak_ upon him because there had been deserving service from him in former times, and, [Sidenote: Fol. 325b.] after saying he was not to stay in my dominions, I gave him leave to go.

(_b. Suppression of a rebellion._)

(_March 17th_) We remained next day (_Jumāda II. 14th_) on that same ground. Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ and Shaikh Gūran and `Abdu'l-malik[2120] the armourer were sent off with a dense (_qālīn_) army against Ilīās Khān who, having rebelled in Between-the-two-waters (Ganges and Jumna), had taken Kūl (Koel) and made Kīchīk `Alī prisoner.[2121] He could not fight when they came up; his force scattered in all directions; he himself was taken a few days later and brought into Āgra where I had him flayed alive.

(_c. A trophy of victory._)

An order was given to set up a pillar of pagan heads on the infant-hill (_koh-bacha_) between which and our camp the battle had been fought.

(_d. Bīāna visited._)

(_March 20th_) Marching on from that ground, and after halting on two nights, we reached Bīāna (_Sunday_, _Jumāda II. 17th_). Countless numbers of the bodies of pagans and apostates[2122] who had fallen in their flight, lay on the road as far as Bīāna, indeed as far as Alūr and Mīwāt.[2123]

(_e. Discussion of plans._)

On our return to camp, I summoned the Turk amīrs and the amīrs of Hind to a consultation about moving into the Pagan (Sangā)'s country; the plan was given up because of the little water and much heat on the road.

(_f. Mīwāt._)

Near Dihlī lies the Mīwāt country which yields revenue of 3 or 4 _krūrs_.[2124] Ḥasan Khān _Mīwātī_[2125] and his ancestors one after another had ruled it with absolute sway for a hundred years or two. They must have made[2126] imperfect submission to the Dihlī Sulṯāns; the Sulṯāns of Hind,[2127] whether because their [Sidenote: Fol. 326.] own dominions were wide, or because their opportunity was narrow, or because of the Mīwāt hill-country,[2128] did not turn in the Mīwāt direction, did not establish order in it, but just put up with this amount of (imperfect) submission. For our own part, we did after the fashion of earlier Sulṯāns; having conquered Hind, we shewed favour to Ḥasan Khān, but that thankless and heathenish apostate disregarded our kindness and benefits, was not grateful for favour and promotion, but became the mover of all disturbance and the cause of all misdoing.

When, as has been mentioned, we abandoned the plan (against Rānā Sangā), we moved to subdue Mīwāt. Having made 4 night-halts on the way, we dismounted on the bank of the Mānas-nī[2129] 6 _kurohs_ (12 m.) from Alūr, the present seat of government in Mīwāt. Ḥasan Khān and his forefathers must have had their seat[2130] in Tijāra, but when I turned towards Hindūstan, beat Pahār (or Bihār) Khān and took Lāhor and Dībālpūr (930 AH.-1524 AD.), he bethought himself betimes and busied himself for a residence (_`imārat_) in Fort Alūr (Alwar).

His trusted man, Karm-chand by name, who had come from him to me in Āgra when his son (Nāhar _i.e._ Tiger) was with me there,[2131] came now from that son's presence in Alūr and asked [Sidenote: Fol. 326b.] for peace. `Abdu'r-raḥīm _shaghāwal_ went with him to Alūr, conveying letters of royal favour, and returned bringing Nāhar Khān who was restored to favour and received _parganas_ worth several _laks_ for his support.

(_g. Rewards to officers._)

Thinking, "What good work Khusrau did in the battle!" I named him for Alūr and gave him 50 _laks_ for his support, but unluckily for himself, he put on airs and did not accept this. Later on it [_khẉud_, itself] came to be known that Chīn-tīmūr must have done[2132] that work; guerdon was made him for his renown(?);[2133] Tijāra-town, the seat of government in Mīwāt, was bestowed on him together with an allowance of 50 _laks_ for his support.

Alūr and an allowance of 15 _laks_ was bestowed on Tardīka (or, Tardī _yakka_) who in the flanking-party of the right-hand (_qūl_) had done better than the rest. The contents of the Alūr treasury were bestowed on Humāyūn.

(_h. Alwar visited._)

(_April 13th_) Marching from that camp on Wednesday the 1st of the month of Rajab, we came to within 2 _kurohs_ (4 m.) of Alūr. I went to see the fort, there spent the night, and next day went back to camp.

(_i. Leave given to various followers._)

When the oath before-mentioned[2134] was given to great and small before the Holy-battle with Rānā Sangā, it had been mentioned[2135] that there would be nothing to hinder leave after [Sidenote: Fol. 327.] this victory, and that leave would be given to anyone wishing to go away (from Hindūstān). Most of Humāyūn's men were from Badakhshān or elsewhere on that side (of Hindū-kūsh); they had never before been of an army led out for even a month or two; there had been weakness amongst them before the fight; on these accounts and also because Kābul was empty of troops, it was now decided to give Humāyūn leave for Kābul.

(_April 11th_) Leaving the matter at this, we marched from Alūr on Thursday the 9th of Rajab, did 4 or 5 _kurohs_ (8-10 m.) and dismounted on the bank of the Mānas-water.

Mahdī Khwāja also had many discomforts; he too was given leave for Kābul. The military-collectorate of Bīāna [he held] was bestowed on Dost Lord-of-the-gate, and, as previously Etāwa had been named for Mahdī Khwāja,[2136] Mahdī Khwāja's son Ja`far Khwāja was sent there in his father's place when (later) Quṯb Khān abandoned it and went off.[2137]

(_j. Despatch of the Letter-of-victory._)

Because of the leave given to Humāyūn, two or three days were spent on this ground. From it Mūmin-i-`alī the messenger (_tawāchī_) was sent off for Kābul with the _Fatḥ-nāma_.

(_k. Excursions and return to Āgra._)

Praise had been heard of the Fīrūzpūr-spring and of the great lake of Kūtila.[2138] Leaving the camp on that same ground, I rode out on Sunday (_Rajab 12th-April 14th_) both to visit [Sidenote: Fol. 327b.] these places and to set Humāyūn on his way. After visiting Fīrūzpūr and its spring on that same day, _ma'jūn_ was eaten. In the valley where the spring rises, oleanders (_kanīr_) were in bloom; the place is not without charm but is over-praised. I ordered a reservoir of hewn stone, 10 by 10[2139] to be made where the water widened, spent the night in that valley, next day rode on and visited the Kūtila lake. It is surrounded by mountain-skirts. The Mānas-nī is heard-say to go into it.[2140] It is a very large lake, from its one side the other side is not well seen. In the middle of it is rising ground. At its sides are many small boats, by going off in which the villagers living near it are said to escape from any tumult or disturbance. Even on our arrival a few people went in them to the middle of the lake.

On our way back from the lake, we dismounted in Humāyūn's camp. There we rested and ate food, and after having put robes of honour on him and his begs, bade him farewell at the Bed-time Prayer, and rode on. We slept for a little at some place on the road, at shoot of day passed through the _pargana_ of Kharī, again slept a little, and at length got to our camp which had dismounted at Toda-(bhim).[2141] After leaving Toda, we dismounted at Sūnkār; there Ḥasan Khān _Mīwātī's_ son [Sidenote: Fol. 328.] Nāhar Khān escaped from `Abdu'r-raḥīm's charge.

Going on from that place, we halted one night, then dismounted at a spring situated on the bill of a mountain between Busāwar and Chausa[2142] (or Jūsa); there awnings were set up and we committed the sin of _ma'jūn_. When the army had passed by this spring, Tardī Beg _khāksār_ had praised it; he (or we) had come and seen it from on horse-back (_sar-asbgi_) and passed on. It is a perfect spring. In Hindūstān where there are never running-waters,[2143] people seek out the springs themselves. The rare springs that are found, come oozing drop by drop (_āb-zih_) out of the ground, not bubbling up like springs of those lands.[2144] From this spring comes about a half-mill-water. It bubbles up on the hill-skirt; meadows lie round it; it is very beautiful. I ordered an octagonal reservoir of hewn stone made above[2145] it. While we were at the border of the spring, under the soothing influence of _ma'jūn_, Tardī Beg, contending for its surpassing beauty, said again and again, (_Persian_) "Since I am celebrating the beauty of the place,[2146] a name ought to be settled for it". `Abdu'l-lāh said, "It must be called the Royal-spring approved of by Tardī Beg." This saying caused much joke and laughter.

Dost Lord-of-the-gate coming up from Bīāna, waited on me at this spring-head. Leaving this place, we visited Bīāna again, [Sidenote: Fol. 328b.] went on to Sīkrī, dismounted there at the side of a garden which had been ordered made, stayed two days supervising the garden, and on Thursday the 23rd of Rajab (_April 25th_), reached Āgra.

(_l. Chandwār and Rāprī regained._)

During recent disturbances, the enemy, as has been mentioned,[2147] had possessed themselves of Chandwār[2148] and Rāprī. Against those places we now sent Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_, Qūj Beg's (brother) Tardī Beg, `Abdu'l-malik the armourer, and Ḥasan Khān with his Daryā-khānīs. When they were near Chandwār, Quṯb Khān's people in it got out and away. Our men laid hands on it, and passed on to Rāprī. Here Ḥusain Khān _Nūḥānī's_ people came to the lane-end[2149] thinking to fight a little, could not stand the attack of our men, and took to flight. Ḥusain Khān himself with a few followers went into the Jūn-river (Jumna) on an elephant and was drowned. Quṯb Khān, for his part, abandoned Etāwa on hearing these news, fled with a few and got away. Etāwa having been named for Mahdī Khwāja, his son Ja`far Khwāja was sent there in his place.[2150]

(_m. Apportionment of fiefs._)

When Rānā Sangā sallied out against us, most Hindūstānīs and Afghāns, as has been mentioned,[2151] turned round against us and took possession of their _parganas_ and districts.[2152]

Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_ who had abandoned Qanūj and come [Sidenote: Fol. 329.] to me, would not agree to go there again, whether from fear or for his reputation's sake; he therefore exchanged the 30 _laks_ of Qanūj for the 15 of Sihrind, and Qanūj was bestowed with an allowance of 30 _laks_ on Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā. Badāūn[2153] was given to Qāsim-i-ḥusain Sulṯān and he was sent against Bīban who had laid siege to Luknūr[2154] during the disturbance with Rānā Sangā, together with Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, and, of Turk amīrs, Bābā Qashqa's Malik Qāsim with his elder and younger brethren and his Mughūls, and Abū'l-muḥammad the lance-player, and Mu'yad with his father's Daryā-khānīs and those of Ḥusain Khān _Daryā-khānī_ and the retainers of Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_, and again, of amīrs of Hind, `Alī Khān _Farmūlī_ and Malik Dād _Kararānī_ and Shaikh Muḥammad of Shaikh _Bhakhārī_(?) and Tātār Khān Khān-i-jahān.

At the time this army was crossing the Gang-river (Ganges), Bīban, hearing about it, fled, abandoning his baggage. Our army followed him to Khairābād,[2155] stayed there a few days and then turned back.

(_n. Appointments and dispersion for the Rains._)

After the treasure had been shared out,[2156] Rānā Sangā's great affair intervened before districts and _parganas_ were apportioned. During the respite now from Holy-war against the Pagan (Sangā), this apportionment was made. As the Rains were near, it was settled for every-one to go to his _pargana_, get equipment [Sidenote: Fol. 329b.] ready, and be present when the Rains were over.

(_o. Misconduct of Humāyūn._)

Meantime news came that Humāyūn had gone into Dihlī, there opened several treasure-houses and, without permission, taken possession of their contents. I had never looked for such a thing from him; it grieved me very much; I wrote and sent off to him very severe reproaches.[2157]

(_p. An embassy to `Irāq._)

Khwājagī Asad who had already gone as envoy to `Irāq and returned with Sulaimān _Turkmān_,[2158] was again joined with him and on the 15th of Sha`bān (_May 17th_) sent with befitting gifts to Shāh-zāda T̤ahmāsp.

(_q. Tardī Beg khāksār resigns service._)

I had brought Tardī Beg out from the darwīsh-life and made a soldier of him; for how many years had he served me! Now his desire for the darwīsh-life was overmastering and he asked for leave. It was given and he was sent as an envoy to Kāmrān conveying 3 _laks_ from the Treasury for him.[2159]

(_r. Lines addressed to deserting friends._)

A little fragment[2160] had been composed suiting the state of those who had gone away during the past year; I now addressed it to Mullā `Alī Khān and sent it to him by Tardī Beg. It is as follows:—[2161]

Ah you who have gone from this country of Hind,
[Sidenote: Fol. 330.] Aware for yourselves of its woe and its pain,
With longing desire for Kābul's fine air,
You went hot-foot forth out of Hind.
The pleasure you looked for you will have found there
With sociable ease and charm and delight;
As for us, God be thanked! we still are alive,
In spite of much pain and unending distress;
Pleasures of sense and bodily toil
Have been passed-by by you, passed-by too by us.

(_s. Of the Ramẓān Feast._)

Ramẓān was spent this year with ablution and _tarāwiḥ_[2162] in the Garden-of-eight-paradises. Since my 11th year I had not kept the Ramẓān Feast for two successive years in the same place; last year I had kept it in Āgra; this year, saying, "Don't break the rule!" I went on the last day of the month to keep it in Sīkrī. Tents were set up on a stone platform made on the n.e. side of the Garden-of-victory which is now being laid out at Sīkrī, and in them the Feast was held.[2163]

(_t. Playing cards._)

The night we left Āgra Mīr `Alī the armourer was sent to Shāh Ḥasan (_Arghūn_) in Tatta to take him playing-cards [_ganjīfa_] he much liked and had asked for.[2164]

(_u. Illness and a tour._)

(_August 3rd_) On Sunday the 5th of Ẕū'l-qa`da I fell ill; the illness lasted 17 days.

(_August 24th_) On Friday the 24th of the same month we set out to visit Dūlpūr. That night I slept at a place half-way; [Sidenote: Fol. 330b.] reached Sikandar's dam[2165] at dawn, and dismounted there.

At the end of the hill below the dam the rock is of building-stone. I had Ustād Shāh Muḥammad the stone-cutter brought and gave him an order that if a house could be cut all in one piece in that rock, it was to be done, but that if the rock were too low for a residence (_`imārat_), it was to be levelled and have a reservoir, all in one piece, cut out of it.

From Dūlpūr we went on to visit Bārī. Next morning (_August 26th_) I rode out from Bārī through the hills between it and the Chaṃbal-river in order to view the river. This done I went back to Bārī. In these hills we saw the ebony-tree, the fruit of which people call _tindū_. It is said that there are white ebony-trees also and that most ebony-trees in these hills are of this kind.[2166] On leaving Bārī we went to Sīkrī; we reached Āgra on the 29th of the same month (_August 28th_).

(_v. Doubts about Shaikh Bāyazīd Farmūlī._)

As in these days people were telling wild news about Shaikh Bāyazīd, Sl. Qulī _Turk_ was sent to him to give him tryst[2167] in 20 days.

(_w. Religious and metrical exercises._)

(_August 28th_) On Friday the 2nd of Ẕū'l-ḥijja I began what one is made to read 41 times.[2168]

In these same days I cut up [_taqṯi`_] the following couplet of mine into 504 measures[2169]:—

"Shall I tell of her eye or her brow, her fire or her speech?
Shall I tell of her stature or cheek, of her hair or her waist?"

On this account a treatise[2170] was arranged.

(_x. Return of illness._)

[Sidenote: Fol. 331.] On this day (_i.e._ 2nd Ẕū'l-ḥijja) I fell ill again; the illness lasted nine days.

(_y. Start for Saṃbal._)

(_Sep. 24th_) On Thursday the 29th of Ẕū'l-ḥijja we rode out for an excursion to Kūl and Saṃbal.

934 AH.-SEP. 27TH 1527 TO SEP. 15TH 1528 AD.[2171]

(_a. Visit to Kūl (Aligarh) and Saṃbal._)

(_Sep. 27th_) On Saturday the 1st of Muḥarram we dismounted in Kūl (Koel). Humāyūn had left Darwīsh(-i-`alī) and Yūsuf-i-`alī[2172] in Saṃbal; they crossed one river,[2173] fought Quṯb _Sīrwānī_[2174] and a party of rājas, beat them well and killed a mass of men. They sent a few heads and an elephant into Kūl while we were there. After we had gone about Kūl for two days, we dismounted at Shaikh Gūran's house by his invitation, where he entertained us hospitably and laid an offering before us.

(_Sep. 30th-Muḥ. 4th_) Riding on from that place, we dismounted at Aūtrūlī (Atrauli).[2175]

(_Oct. 1st-Muḥ. 5th_) On Wednesday we crossed the river Gang (Ganges) and spent the night in villages of Saṃbal.

(_Oct. 2nd-Muḥ. 6th_) On Thursday we dismounted in Saṃbal. After going about in it for two days, we left on Saturday.

(_Oct. 5th-Muḥ. 9th_) On Sunday we dismounted in Sikandara[2176]

at the house of Rāo _Sīrwānī_ who set food before us and served us. When we rode out at dawn, I made some pretext to leave the rest, and galloped on alone to within a _kuroh_ of Āgra where they overtook me. At the Mid-day Prayer we dismounted in Āgra.

(_b. Illness of Bābur._)

(_Oct. 12th_) On Sunday the 16th of Muḥarram I had fever and ague. This returned again and again during the next 25 or 26 days. I drank operative medicine and at last relief came. I suffered much from thirst and want of sleep.

[Sidenote: Fol. 331b.] While I was ill, I composed a quatrain or two; here is one of them:—[2177]

Fever grows strong in my body by day,
Sleep quits my eyes as night comes on;
Like to my pain and my patience the pair,
For while that goes waxing, this wanes.

(_c. Arrival of kinswomen._)

(_Nov. 23rd_) On Saturday the 28th of Ṣafar there arrived two of the paternal-aunt begīms, Fakhr-i-jahān Begīm and Khadīja-sulṯān Begīm.[2178] I went to above Sikandarābād to wait on them.[2179]

(_d. Concerning a mortar._)

(_Nov. 24th-Ṣafar 29th_) On Sunday Ustād `Alī-qulī discharged a stone from a large mortar; the stone went far but the mortar broke in pieces, one of which, knocking down a party of men, killed eight.

(_e. Visit to Sīkrī._)

(_Dec. 1st_) On Monday the 7th of the first Rabī` I rode out to visit Sīkrī. The octagonal platform ordered made in the middle of the lake was ready; we went over by boat, had an awning set up on it and elected for _ma'jūn_.

(_f. Holy-war against Chandīrī._)

(_Dec. 9th_) After returning from Sīkrī we started on Monday night the 14th of the first Rabī`,[2180] with the intention of making Holy-war against Chandīrī, did as much as 3 _kurohs_ (6 m.) and dismounted in Jalīsīr.[2181] After staying there two days for people to equip and array, we marched on Thursday (_Dec. 12th-Rabī` I. 17th_) and dismounted at Anwār. I left Anwār by boat, and disembarked beyond Chandwār.[2182]

(_Dec. 23rd_) Advancing march by march, we dismounted at the Kanār-passage[2183] on Monday the 28th.

(_Dec. 26th_) On Thursday the 2nd of the latter Rabī` I crossed the river; there was 4 or 5 days delay on one bank or the other before the army got across. On those days we went more than [Sidenote: Fol. 332.] once on board a boat and ate _ma'jūn_. The junction of the river Chaṃbal is between one and two _kurohs_ (2-4 m.) above the Kanār-passage; on Friday I went into a boat on the Chaṃbal, passed the junction and so to camp.

(_g. Troops sent against Shaikh Bāyazīd Farmūlī._)

Though there had been no clear proof of Shaikh Bāyazīd's hostility, yet his misconduct and action made it certain that he had hostile intentions. On account of this Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ was detached from the army and sent to bring together from Qanūj Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā and the sulṯāns and amīrs of that neighbourhood, such as Qāsim-i-ḥusain Sulṯān, Bī-khūb (or, Nī-khūb) Sulṯān, Malik Qāsim, Kūkī, Abū'l-muḥammad the lancer, and Minūchihr Khān with his elder and younger brethren and Daryā-khānīs, so that they might move against the hostile Afghāns. They were to invite Shaikh Bāyazīd to go with them; if he came frankly, they were to take him along; if not, were to drive him off. Muḥammad `Alī asking for a few elephants, ten were given him. After he had leave to set off, Bābā Chuhra (the Brave) was sent to and ordered to join him.

(_h. Incidents of the journey to Chandīrī._)

From Kanār one _kuroh_ (2 m.) was done by boat.

(_Jan. 1st 1528 AD._) On Wednesday the 8th of the latter Rabī` we dismounted within a _kuroh_ of Kālpī. Bābā Sl. came to wait on me in this camp; he is a son of Khalīl Sl. who is a younger brother of the full-blood of Sl. Sa`īd Khān. Last [Sidenote: Fol. 332b.] year he fled from his elder brother[2184] but, repenting himself, went back from the Andar-āb border; when he neared Kāshghar, The Khān (Sa`īd) sent Ḥaidar M. to meet him and take him back.

(_Jan. 2nd-Rabī` II. 9th_) Next day we dismounted at `Ālam Khān's house in Kālpī where he set Hindūstānī food before us and made an offering.

(_Jan. 6th_) On Monday the 13th of the month we marched from Kālpī.

(_Jan. 10th-Rabī` II. 17th_) On Friday we dismounted at Īrij.[2185]

(_Jan. 11th_) On Saturday we dismounted at Bāndīr.[2186]

(_Jan. 12th_) On Sunday the 19th of the month Chīn-tīmūr Sl. was put at the head of 6 or 7000 men and sent ahead against Chandīrī. With him went the begs Bāqī _mīng-bāshī_ (head of a thousand), Qūj Beg's (brother) Tardī Beg, `Āshiq the taster, Mullā Apāq, Muḥsin[2187] _Dūldāī_ and, of the Hindūstānī begs, Shaikh Gūran.

(_Jan 17th_) On Friday the 24th of the month we dismounted near Kachwa. After encouraging its people, it was bestowed on the son of Badru'd-dīn.[2188]

Kachwa[2189] is a shut-in place, having lowish hills all round it. A dam has been thrown across between hills on the south-east of it, and thus a large lake made, perhaps 5 or 6 _kurohs_ (10-12 m.) round. This lake encloses Kachwa on three sides; on the north-west a space of ground is kept dry;[2190] here, therefore is its Gate. On the lake are a great many very small boats, able to hold 3 or 4 persons; in these the inhabitants go out on the lake, if they have to flee. There are two other lakes before Kachwa is [Sidenote: Fol. 333.] reached, smaller than its own and, like that, made by throwing a dam across between hills.

(_Jan. 18th_) We waited a day in Kachwa in order to appoint active overseers and a mass of spadesmen to level the road and cut jungle down, so that the carts and mortar[2191] might pass along it easily. Between Kachwa and Chandīrī the country is jungly.

(_Jan. 19th-Rabī` II. 26th_) After leaving Kachwa we halted one night, passed the Burhānpūr-water (Bhurānpūr)[2192] and dismounted within 3 _kurohs_ (6 m.) of Chandīrī.

(_i. Chandīrī and its capture._)

The citadel of Chandīrī stands on a hill; below it are the town (_shahr_) and outer-fort (_tāsh-qūrghān_), and below these is the level road along which carts pass.[2193] When we left Burhānpūr (_Jan. 10th_) we marched for a _kuroh_ below Chandīrī for the convenience of the carts.[2194]

(_Jan. 21st_) After one night's halt we dismounted beside Bahjat Khān's tank[2195] on the top of its dam, on Tuesday the 28th of the month.

(_Jan. 22nd-Rabī` II. 29th_) Riding out at dawn, we assigned post after post (_būljār_, _būljār_),[2196] round the walled town (_qūrghān_) to centre, right, and left. Ustād `Alī-qulī chose, for his stone-discharge, ground that had no fall[2197]; overseers and spadesmen were told off to raise a place (_m:ljār_) for the mortar to rest on, and the whole army was ordered to get ready appliances for taking a fort, mantelets, ladders[2198] and ... -mantelets (_tūra_).[2199]

Formerly Chandīrī will have belonged to the Sulṯāns of Mandāū (Mandū). When Sl. Nāṣiru'd-dīn passed away,[2200] one [Sidenote: Fol. 333b.] of his sons Sl. Maḥmūd who is now holding Mandū, took possession of it and its neighbouring parts, and another son called Muḥammad Shāh laid hands on Chandīrī and put it under Sl. Sikandar _(Lūdī)'s_ protection, who, in his turn, took Muḥammad Shāh's side and sent him large forces. Muḥammad Shāh survived Sl. Sikandar and died in Sl. Ibrāhīm's time, leaving a very young son called Aḥmad Shāh whom Sl. Ibrāhīm drove out and replaced by a man of his own. At the time Rānā Sangā led out an army against Sl. Ibrāhīm and Ibrāhīm's begs turned against him at Dūlpūr, Chandīrī fell into the Rānā's hands and by him was given to Medinī [Mindnī] Rāo[2201] the greatly-trusted pagan who was now in it with 4 or 5000 other pagans.

As it was understood there was friendship between Medinī Rāo and Ārāīsh Khān, the latter was sent with Shaikh Gūran to speak to Medinī Rāo with favour and kindness, and promise Shamsābād[2202] in exchange for Chandīrī. One or two of his trusted men got out(?).[2203] No adjustment of matters was reached, it is not known whether because Medinī Rāo did not trust what was said, or whether because he was buoyed up by delusion about the strength of the fort.

(_Jan. 28th_) At dawn on Tuesday the 6th of the first Jumāda we marched from Bahjat Khān's tank intending to assault Chandīrī. We dismounted at the side of the middle-tank near [Sidenote: Fol. 334.] the fort.

(_j. Bad news._)

On this same morning after reaching that ground, Khalīfa brought a letter or two of which the purport was that the troops appointed for the East[2204] had fought without consideration, been beaten, abandoned Laknau, and gone to Qanūj. Seeing that Khalīfa was much perturbed and alarmed by these news, I said,[2205] (_Persian_) "There is no ground for perturbation or alarm; nothing comes to pass but what is predestined of God. As this task (Chandīrī) is ahead of us, not a breath must be drawn about what has been told us. Tomorrow we will assault the fort; that done, we shall see what comes."

(_k. Siege of Chandīrī, resumed._)

The enemy must have strengthened just the citadel, and have posted men by twos and threes in the outer-fort for prudence' sake. That night our men went up from all round; those few in the outer-fort did not fight; they fled into the citadel.

(_Jan. 29th_) At dawn on Wednesday the 7th of the first Jumāda, we ordered our men to arm, go to their posts, provoke to fight, and attack each from his place when I rode out with drum and standard.

I myself, dismissing drum and standard till the fighting should grow hot, went to amuse myself by watching Ustād `Alī-qulī's stone-discharge.[2206] Nothing was effected by it because his ground had no fall (_yāghdā_) and because the fort-walls, being entirely [Sidenote: Fol. 334b.] of stone, were extremely strong.

That the citadel of Chandīrī stands on a hill has been said already. Down one side of this hill runs a double-walled road (_dū-tahī_) to water.[2207] This is the one place for attack; it had been assigned as the post of the right and left hands and royal corps of the centre.[2208] Hurled though assault was from every side, the greatest force was here brought to bear. Our braves did not turn back, however much the pagans threw down stones and flung flaming fire upon them. At length Shāhīm the centurion[2209] got up where the _dū-tahī_ wall touches the wall of the outer fort; braves swarmed up in other places; the _dū-tahī_ was taken.

Not even as much as this did the pagans fight in the citadel; when a number of our men swarmed up, they fled in haste.[2210] In a little while they came out again, quite naked, and renewed the fight; they put many of our men to flight; they made them fly (_āuchūrdīlār_) over the ramparts; some they cut down and killed. Why they had gone so suddenly off the walls seems to have been that they had taken the resolve of those who give up a place as lost; they put all their ladies and beauties (_ṣūratīlār_) to death, then, looking themselves to die, came naked out to fight. Our men attacking, each one from his post, drove [Sidenote: Fol. 335.] them from the walls whereupon 2 or 300 of them entered Medinī Rāo's house and there almost all killed one another in this way:—one having taken stand with a sword, the rest eagerly stretched out the neck for his blow.[2211] Thus went the greater number to hell.

By God's grace this renowned fort was captured in 2 or 3 _garīs_[2212] (_cir._ an hour), without drum and standard,[2213] with no hard fighting done. A pillar of pagan-heads was ordered set up on a hill north-west of Chandīrī. A chronogram of this victory having been found in the words _Fatḥ-i-dāru'l-ḥarb_[2214] (Conquest of a hostile seat), I thus composed them:—

Was for awhile the station Chandīrī
Pagan-full, the seat of hostile force;
By fighting, I vanquished its fort,
The date was _Fatḥ-i-dāru'l-ḥarb_.

(_l. Further description of Chandīrī._)

Chandīrī is situated (in) rather good country,[2215] having much running-water round about it. Its citadel is on a hill and inside it has a tank cut out of the solid rock. There is another large tank[2216] at the end of the _dū-tahī_ by assaulting which the fort was taken. All houses in Chandīrī, whether of high or low, are built of stone, those of chiefs being laboriously carved;[2217] those of the lower classes are also of stone but are not carved. They are covered in [Sidenote: Fol. 335b.] with stone-slabs instead of with earthen tiles. In front of the fort are three large tanks made by former governors who threw dams across and made tanks round about it; their ground lies high.[2218] It has a small river (_daryācha_), Betwa[2219] by name, which may be some 3 _kurohs_ (6 m.) from Chandīrī itself; its water is noted in Hindūstān as excellent and pleasant drinking. It is a perfect little river (_daryā-ghīna_). In its bed lie piece after piece of sloping rock (_qīālār_)[2220] fit for making houses.[2221] Chandīrī is 90 _kurohs_ (180 m.) by road to the south of Āgra. In Chandīrī the altitude of the Pole-star (?) is 25 degrees.[2222]

(_m. Enforced change of campaign._)

(_Jan. 30th-Jumāda I. 8th_) At dawn on Thursday we went round the fort and dismounted beside Mallū Khān's tank.[2223]

We had come to Chandīrī meaning, after taking it, to move against Rāīsīng, Bhīlsān, and Sārangpūr, pagan lands dependent on the pagan Ṣalāḥu'd-dīn, and, these taken, to move on Rānā Sangā in Chītūr. But as that bad news had come, the begs were summoned, matters were discussed, and decision made that the proper course was first to see to the rebellion of those malignants. Chandīrī was given to the Aḥmad Shāh already mentioned, a grandson of Sl. Nāṣiru'd-dīn; 50 _laks_ from it were made _khalṣa_;[2224] Mullā Apāq was entrusted with its military-collectorate, and left to reinforce Aḥmad Shāh with from 2 to 3000 Turks and Hindūstānīs.

[Sidenote: Fol. 336.] (_Feb. 2nd_) This work finished, we marched from Mallū Khān's tank on Sunday the 11th of the first Jumāda, with the intention of return (north), and dismounted on the bank of the Burhānpūr-water.

(_Feb. 9th_) On Sunday again, Yakka Khwāja and Ja`far Khwāja were sent from Bāndīr to fetch boats from Kālpī to the Kanār-passage.

(_Feb. 22nd_) On Saturday the 24th of the month we dismounted at the Kanār-passage, and ordered the army to begin to cross.

(_n. News of the rebels._)

News came in these days that the expeditionary force[2225] had abandoned Qanūj also and come to Rāprī, and that a strong body of the enemy had assaulted and taken Shamsābād although Abū'l-muḥammad the lancer must have strengthened it.[2226] There was delay of 3 or 4 days on one side or other of the river before the army got across. Once over, we moved march by march towards Qanūj, sending scouting braves (_qāzāq yīgītlār_) ahead to get news of our opponents. Two or three marches from Qanūj, news was brought that Ma`rūf's son had fled on seeing the dark mass of the news-gatherers, and got away. Bīban, Bāyazīd and Ma`rūf, on hearing news of us, crossed Gang (Ganges) and seated themselves on its eastern bank opposite Qanūj, thinking to prevent our passage.

(_o. A bridge made over the Ganges._)

(_Feb. 27th_) On Thursday the 6th of the latter Jumāda we passed Qanūj and dismounted on the western bank of Gang. Some of the braves went up and down the river and took boats [Sidenote: Fol. 336b.] by force,[2227] bringing in 30 or 40, large or small. Mīr Muḥammad the raftsman was sent to find a place convenient for making a bridge and to collect requisites for making it. He came back approving of a place about a _kuroh_ (2 m.) below the camp. Energetic overseers were told off for the work. Ustād `Alī-qulī placed the mortar for his stone-discharge near where the bridge was to be and shewed himself active in discharging it. Muṣṯafa _Rūmī_ had the culverin-carts crossed over to an island below the place for the bridge, and from that island began a culverin-discharge. Excellent matchlock fire was made from a post[2228] raised above the bridge. Malik Qāsim _Mughūl_ and a very few men went across the river once or twice and fought excellently (_yakhshīlār aūrūshtīlār_). With equal boldness Bābā Sl. and Darwīsh Sl. also crossed, but went with the insufficient number of from 10 to 15 men; they went after the Evening Prayer and came back without fighting, with nothing done; they were much blamed for this crossing of theirs. At last Malik Qāsim, grown bold, attacked the enemy's camp and, by shooting arrows into it, drew him out (?);[2229] he came with a mass of men and an elephant, fell on Malik Qāsim and hurried him off. Malik Qāsim got into a boat, but before it could put off, the elephant [Sidenote: Fol. 337.] came up and swamped it. In that encounter Malik Qāsim died.

In the days before the bridge was finished Ustād `Alī-qulī did good things in stone-discharge (_yakhshīlār tāsh aītī_), on the first day discharging 8 stones, on the second 16, and going on equally well for 3 or 4 days. These stones he discharged from the Ghāzī-mortar which is so-called because it was used in the battle with Rānā Sangā the pagan. There had been another and larger mortar which burst after discharging one stone.[2230] The matchlockmen made a mass (_qālīn_) of discharges, bringing down many men and horses; they shot also slave-workmen running scared away (?) and men and horses passing-by.[2231]

(_March 11th_) On Wednesday the 19th of the latter Jumāda the bridge being almost finished, we marched to its head. The Afghāns must have ridiculed the bridge-making as being far from completion.[2232]

(_March 12th_) The bridge being ready on Thursday, a small body of foot-soldiers and Lāhorīs went over. Fighting as small followed.

(_p. Encounter with the Afghāns._)

(_March 13th_) On Friday the royal corps, and the right and left hands of the centre crossed on foot. The whole body of Afghāns, armed, mounted, and having elephants with them, attacked us. They hurried off our men of the left hand, but our centre itself (_i.e._ the royal corps) and the right hand stood [Sidenote: Fol. 337b.] firm, fought, and forced the enemy to retire. Two men from these divisions had galloped ahead of the rest; one was dismounted and taken; the horse of the other was struck again and again, had had enough,[2233] turned round and when amongst our men, fell down. On that day 7 or 8 heads were brought in; many of the enemy had arrow or matchlock wounds. Fighting went on till the Other Prayer. That night all who had gone across were made to return; if (more) had gone over on that Saturday's eve,[2234] most of the enemy would probably have fallen into our hands, but this was in my mind:—Last year we marched out of Sīkrī to fight Rānā Sangā on Tuesday, New-year's-day, and crushed that rebel on Saturday; this year we had marched to crush these rebels on Wednesday, New-year's-day,[2235] and it would be one of singular things, if we beat them on Sunday. So thinking, we did not make the rest of the army cross. The enemy did not come to fight on Saturday, but stood arrayed a long way off.

(_Sunday March 15th-Jumāda II. 23rd_) On this day the carts were taken over, and at this same dawn the army was ordered to cross. At beat of drum news came from our scouts that the enemy had fled. Chīn-tīmūr Sl. was ordered to lead his army in pursuit and the following leaders also were made pursuers who should move with the Sulṯān and not go beyond his word:—Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_, Ḥusamu'd-dīn `Alī (son) of Khalīfa, Muḥibb-i-`alī (son) of Khalīfa, Kūkī (son) of Bābā Qashqa, Dost-i-muḥammad (son) of Bābā Qashqa, Bāqī of [Sidenote: Fol. 338.] Tāshkīnt, and Red Walī. I crossed at the Sunnat Prayer. The camels were ordered to be taken over at a passage seen lower down. That Sunday we dismounted on the bank of standing-water within a _kuroh_ of Bangarmāwū.[2236] Those appointed to pursue the Afghāns were not doing it well; they had dismounted in Bangarmāwū and were scurrying off at the Mid-day Prayer of this same Sunday.

(_March 16th-Jumāda II. 24th_) At dawn we dismounted on the bank of a lake belonging to Bangarmāwū.

(_q. Arrival of a Chaghatāī cousin._)

On this same day (_March 16th_) Tūkhtā-būghā Sl. a son of my mother's brother (_dādā_) the Younger Khān (_Aḥmad Chaghatāī_) came and waited on me.

(_March 21st_) On Saturday the 29th of the latter Jumāda I visited Laknau, crossed the Gūī-water[2237] and dismounted. This day I bathed in the Gūī-water. Whether it was from water getting into my ear, or whether it was from the effect of the climate, is not known, but my right ear was obstructed and for a few days there was much pain.[2238]

(_r. The campaign continued._)

One or two marches from Aūd (Oudh) some-one came from Chīn-tīmūr Sl. to say, "The enemy is seated on the far side of the river Sīrd[a?];[2239] let His Majesty send help." We detached a reinforcement of 1000 braves under Qarācha.

(_March 28th_) On Saturday the 7th of Rajab we dismounted [Sidenote: Fol. 338b.] 2 or 3 _kurohs_ from Aūd above the junction of the Gagar (Gogra) and Sīrd[a]. Till today Shaikh Bāyazīd will have been on the other side of the Sīrd[a] opposite Aūd, sending letters to the Sulṯān and discussing with him, but the Sulṯān getting to know his deceitfulness, sent word to Qarācha at the Mid-day Prayer and made ready to cross the river. On Qarācha's joining him, they crossed at once to where were some 50 horsemen with 3 or 4 elephants. These men could make no stand; they fled; a few having been dismounted, the heads cut off were sent in.

Following the Sulṯān there crossed over Bī-khūb (var. Nī-khūb) Sl. and Tardī Beg (the brother) of Qūj Beg, and Bābā Chuhra (the Brave), and Bāqī _shaghāwal_. Those who had crossed first and gone on, pursued Shaikh Bāyazīd till the Evening Prayer, but he flung himself into the jungle and escaped. Chīn-tīmūr dismounted late on the bank of standing-water, rode on at midnight after the rebel, went as much as 40 _kurohs_ (80 m.), and came to where Shaikh Bāyazīd's family and relations (_nisba_?) had been; they however must have fled. He sent gallopers off in all directions from that place; Bāqī _shaghāwal_ and a few braves drove the enemy like sheep before them, overtook the family and brought in some Afghān prisoners.

We stayed a few days on that ground (near Aūd) in order to settle the affairs of Aūd. People praised the land lying along the Sīrd[a] 7 or 8 _kurohs_ (14-16 m.) above Aūd, saying it was hunting-ground. Mīr Muḥammad the raftsman was sent out and returned after looking at the crossings over the Gagar-water (Gogra) and the Sīrd[a]-water (Chauka?).

[Sidenote: Fol. 339.] (_April 2nd_) On Thursday the 12th of the month I rode out intending to hunt.[2240]

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.

Here, in all known texts of the _Bābur-nāma_ there is a break of the narrative between April 2nd and Sep. 18th 1528 AD.-Jumāda II. 12th 934 AH. and Muḥarram 3rd 935 AH., which, whether intentional or accidental, is unexplained by Bābur's personal circumstances. It is likely to be due to a loss of pages from Bābur's autograph manuscript, happening at some time preceding the making of either of the Persian translations of his writings and of the Elphinstone and Ḥaidarābād transcripts. Though such a loss might have occurred easily during the storm chronicled on f. 376_b_, it seems likely that Bābur would then have become aware of it and have made it good. A more probable explanation of the loss is the danger run by Humāyūn's library during his exile from rule in Hindūstān, at which same time may well have occurred the seeming loss of the record of 936 and 937 AH.

(_a. Transactions of the period of the lacuna._)

Mr. Erskine notes (_Mems._ p. 381 n.) that he found the gap in all MSS. he saw and that historians of Hindūstān throw no light upon the transactions of the period. Much can be gleaned however as to Bābur's occupations during the 5-1/2 months of the _lacuna_ from his chronicle of 935 AH. which makes several references to occurrences of "last year" and also allows several inferences to be drawn. From this source it becomes known that the Afghān campaign the record of which is broken by the gap, was carried on and that in its course Bābur was at Jūn-pūr (f. 365), Chausa (f. 365_b_) and Baksara (f. 366-366_b_); that he swam the Ganges (f. 366_b_), bestowed Sarūn on a Farmūlī Shaikh-zāda (f. 374_b_ and f. 377), negociated with Rānā Sangā's son Bikramājīt (f. 342_b_), ordered a Chār-bāgh laid out (f. 340), and was ill for 40 days (f. 346_b_). It may be inferred too that he visited Dūlpūr (f. 353_b_) recalled `Askarī (f. 339), sent Khwāja Dost-i-khāwand on family affairs to Kābul (f. 345_b_), and was much pre-occupied by the disturbed state of Kābul (_see_ his letters to Humāyūn and Khwāja Kālan written in 935 AH.).[2241]

It is not easy to follow the dates of events in 935 AH. because in many instances only the day of the week or a "next day" is entered. I am far from sure that one passage at least now found _s.a._ 935 AH. does not belong to 934 AH. It is not in the Ḥai. Codex (where its place would have been on f. 363_b_), and, so far as I can see, does not fit with the dates of 935 AH. It will be considered with least trouble with its context and my notes (_q.v._ f. 363_b_ and ff. 366-366_b_).

(_b. Remarks on the lacuna._)

One interesting biographical topic is likely to have found mention in the missing record, _viz._ the family difficulties which led to `Askarī's supersession by Kāmrān in the government of Multān (f. 359).

Another is the light an account of the second illness of 934 AH. might have thrown on a considerable part of the Collection of verses already written in Hindūstān and now known to us as the _Rāmpūr Dīwān_. The _Bābur-nāma_ allows the dates of much of its contents to be known, but there remain poems which seem prompted by the self-examination of some illness not found in the _B.N._ It contains the metrical version of Khwāja `Ubaidu'l-lāh's _Wālidiyyah_ of which Bābur writes on f. 346 and it is dated Monday Rabī` II. 15th 935 AH. (Dec. 29th 1528 AD.). I surmise that the reflective verses following the _Wālidiyyah_ belong to the 40 days' illness of 934 AH. _i.e._ were composed in the period of the _lacuna_. The Collection, as it is in the "Rāmpūr Dīwān", went to a friend who was probably Khwāja Kalān; it may have been the only such collection made by Bābur. No other copy of it has so far been found. It has the character of an individual gift with verses specially addressed to its recipient. Any light upon it which may have vanished with pages of 934 AH. is an appreciable loss.

935 AH.-SEP. 15TH 1528 TO SEP. 5TH 1529 AD.[2242]

(_a. Arrivals at Court._)

(_Sep. 18th_) On Friday the 3rd[2243] of Muḥarram, `Askarī whom I had summoned for the good of Multān[2244] before I moved out for Chandīrī, waited on me in the private-house.[2245]

(_Sep. 19th_) Next day waited on me the historian Khwānd-amīr, Maulānā Shihāb[2246] the enigmatist, and Mīr Ibrāhīm the harper a relation of Yūnas-i-`alī, who had all come out of Herī long before, wishing to wait on me.[2247]

(_b. Bābur starts for Gūālīār._)[2248]

(_Sep. 20th_) With the intention of visiting Gūālīār which in books they write Gālīūr,[2249] I crossed the Jūn at the Other Prayer of Sunday the 5th of the month, went into the fort of Āgra to bid farewell to Fakhr-i-jahān Begīm and Khadīja-sulṯān Begīm who were to start for Kābul in a few days, and got to horse. Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā asked for leave and stayed behind in Āgra. That night we did 3 or 4 _kurohs_ (6-8 m.) of the road, dismounted near a large lake (_kūl_) and there slept.

(_Sep. 21st_) We got through the Prayer somewhat before time (_Muḥ. 6th_) and rode on, nooned[2250] on the bank of the Gamb[h]īr-water[2251], and went on shortly after the Mid-day Prayer. On the way we ate[2252] powders mixed with the flour of parched [Sidenote: Fol. 339b.] grain,[2253] Mullā Rafī` having prepared them for raising the spirits. They were found very distasteful and unsavoury. Near the Other Prayer we dismounted a _kuroh_ (2 m.) west of Dūlpūr, at a place where a garden and house had been ordered made.[2254]

(_c. Work in Dūlpūr (Dhūlpūr)._)