Chapter XXXII: Section III: Hindūstān (6)

That place is at the end of a beaked hill,[2255] its beak being of solid red building-stone (_`imārat-tāsh_). I had ordered the (beak of the) hill cut down (dressed down?) to the ground-level and that if there remained a sufficient height, a house was to be cut out in it, if not, it was to be levelled and a tank (_ḥauẓ_) cut out in its top. As it was not found high enough for a house, Ūstād Shāh Muḥammad the stone-cutter was ordered to level it and cut out an octagonal, roofed tank. North of this tank the ground is thick with trees, mangoes, _jāman_ (_Eugenia jambolana_), all sorts of trees; amongst them I had ordered a well made, 10 by 10; it was almost ready; its water goes to the afore-named tank. To the north of this tank Sl. Sikandar's dam is flung across (the valley); on it houses have been built, and above it the waters of the Rains gather into a great lake. On the east of this lake is a garden; I ordered a seat and four-pillared platform (_tālār_) to be cut out in the solid rock on that same side, and a mosque [Sidenote: Fol. 340.] built on the western one.

(_Sept. 22nd and 23rd—Muḥ. 7th and 8th_) On account of these various works, we stayed in Dūlpūr on Tuesday and Wednesday.

(_d. Journey to Gūālīār resumed._)

(_Sep. 24th_) On Thursday we rode on, crossed the Chaṃbal-river and made the Mid-day Prayer on its bank, between the two Prayers (the Mid-day and the Afternoon) bestirred ourselves to leave that place, passed the Kawārī and dismounted. The Kawārī-water being high through rain, we crossed it by boat, making the horses swim over.

(_Sep. 25th_) Next day, Friday which was 'Āshūr (_Muḥ. 10th_), we rode on, took our nooning at a village on the road, and at the Bed-time Prayer dismounted a _kuroh_ north of Gūālīār, in a Chār-bāgh ordered made last year.[2256]

(_Sep. 26th_) Riding on next day after the Mid-day Prayer, we visited the low hills to the north of Gūālīār, and the Praying-place, went into the fort[2257] through the Gate called Hātī-pūl which joins Mān-sing's buildings (_`imārāt_[2258]), and dismounted, close to the Other Prayer, at those (_`imāratlār_)[2259] of Rāja Bikramājīt in which Raḥīm-dād[2260] had settled himself.

To-night I elected to take opium because of ear-ache; another reason was the shining of the moon.[2261]

(_e. Visit to the Rājas' palaces._)

(_Sep. 27th_) Opium sickness gave me much discomfort next day (_Muḥ. 12th_); I vomited a good deal. Sickness notwithstanding, I visited the buildings (_`imāratlār_) of Mān-sing and [Sidenote: Fol. 340b.] Bikramājīt thoroughly. They are wonderful buildings, entirely of hewn stone, in heavy and unsymmetrical blocks however.[2262] Of all the Rājas' buildings Mān-sing's is the best and loftiest.[2263] It is more elaborately worked on its eastern face than on the others. This face may be 40 to 50 _qārī_ (yards) high,[2264] and is entirely of hewn stone, whitened with plaster.[2265] In parts it is four storeys high; the lower two are very dark; we went through them with candles.[2266] On one (or, every) side of this building are five cupolas[2267] having between each two of them a smaller one, square after the fashion of Hindūstān. On the larger ones are fastened sheets of gilded copper. On the outside of the walls is painted-tile work, the semblance of plantain-trees being shewn all round with green tiles. In a bastion of the eastern front is the Hātī-pūl,[2268] _hātī_ being what these people call an elephant, _pūl_, a gate. A sculptured image of an elephant with two drivers (_fīl-bān_)[2269] stands at the out-going (_chīqīsh_) of this Gate; it is exactly like an elephant; from it the gate is called Hātī-pūl. A window in the [Sidenote: Fol. 341.] lowest storey where the building has four, looks towards this elephant and gives a near view of it.[2270] The cupolas which have been mentioned above are themselves the topmost stage (_murtaba_) of the building;[2271] the sitting-rooms are on the second storey (_ṯabaqat_), in a hollow even;[2272] they are rather airless places although Hindūstānī pains have been taken with them.[2273] The buildings of Mān-sing's son Bikramājīt are in a central position (_aūrta dā_) on the north side of the fort.[2274] The son's buildings do not match the father's. He has made a great dome, very dark but growing lighter if one stays awhile in it.[2275] Under it is a smaller building into which no light comes from any side. When Raḥīm-dād settled down in Bikramājīt's buildings, he made a rather small hall [_kīchīkrāq tālārghīna_] on the top of this dome.[2276] From Bikramājīt's buildings a road has been made to his father's, a road such that nothing is seen of it from outside and nothing known of it inside, a quite enclosed road.[2277]

After visiting these buildings, we rode to a college Raḥīm-dād [Sidenote: Fol. 341b.] had made by the side of a large tank, there enjoyed a flower-garden[2278] he had laid out, and went late to where the camp was in the Chārbāgh.

(_f. Raḥīm-dād's flower-garden._)

Raḥīm-dād has planted a great numbers of flowers in his garden (_bāghcha_), many being beautiful red oleanders. In these places the oleander-flower is peach,[2279] those of Gūālīār are beautiful, deep red. I took some of them to Āgra and had them planted in gardens there. On the south of the garden is a large lake[2280] where the waters of the Rains gather; on the west of it is a lofty idol-house,[2281] side by side with which Sl. Shihābu'd-dīn Aīltmīsh (Altamsh) made a Friday mosque; this is a very lofty building (_`imārat_), the highest in the fort; it is seen, with the fort, from the Dūlpūr-hill (_cir._ 30 m. away). People say the stone for it was cut out and brought from the large lake above-mentioned. Raḥīm-dād has made a wooden (_yīghāch_) _tālār_ in his garden, and porches at the gates, which, after the Hindūstānī fashion, are somewhat low and shapeless.

(_g. The Urwāh-valley._)

(_Sep. 28th_) Next day (_Muḥ. 13th_) at the Mid-day Prayer we rode out to visit places in Gūālīār we had not yet seen. We saw the _`imārat_ called Bādalgar[2282] which is part of Mān-sing's fort (_qila`_), went through the Hātī-pūl and across the fort to a place called Urwā (Urwāh), which is a valley-bottom (_qūl_) on its western side. Though Urwā is outside the fort-wall running along the top of the hill, it has two stages (_murtaba_) of high wall at its mouth. The higher of these walls is some 30 or 40 _qārī_ (yards) high; this is the longer one; at each end it joins [Sidenote: Fol. 342.] the wall of the fort. The second wall curves in and joins the middle part of the first; it is the lower and shorter of the two. This curve of wall will have been made for a water-thief;[2283] within it is a stepped well (_wā'īn_) in which water is reached by 10 or 15 steps. Above the Gate leading from the valley to this walled-well the name of Sl. Shihābu'd-dīn Aīltmīsh (Altamsh) is inscribed, with the date 630 (AH.-1233 AD.). Below this outer wall and outside the fort there is a large lake which seems to dwindle (at times) till no lake remains; from it water goes to the water-thief. There are two other lakes inside Urwā the water of which those who live in the fort prefer to all other.

Three sides of Urwā are solid rock, not the red rock of Bīāna but one paler in colour. On these sides people have cut out idol-statues, large and small, one large statue on the south side being perhaps 20 _qārī_ (yds.) high.[2284] These idols are shewn quite naked without covering for the privities. Along the sides of [Sidenote: Fol. 342b.] the two Urwā lakes 20 or 30 wells have been dug, with water from which useful vegetables (_sabzī kārlīklār_), flowers and trees are grown. Urwā is not a bad place; it is shut in (T. _tūr_); the idols are its defect; I, for my part, ordered them destroyed.[2285]

Going out of Urwā into the fort again, we enjoyed the window[2286] of the Sultānī-pūl which must have been closed through the pagan time till now, went to Raḥīm-dād's flower-garden at the Evening Prayer, there dismounted and there slept.

(_h. A son of Rānā Sangā negociates with Bābur._)

(_Sep. 29th_) On Tuesday the 14th of the month came people from Rānā Sangā's second son, Bikramājīt by name, who with his mother Padmāwatī was in the fort of Rantanbūr. Before I rode out for Gūālīār,[2287] others had come from his great and trusted Hindū, Asūk by name, to indicate Bikramājīt's submission and obeisance and ask a subsistence-allowance of 70 _laks_ for him; it had been settled at that time that _parganas_ to the amount he asked should be bestowed on him, his men were given leave to go, with tryst for Gūālīār which we were about to visit. They came into Gūālīār somewhat after the trysting-day. The Hindū Asūk[2288] is said to be a near relation of Bikramājīt's mother Padmāwatī; he, for his part, set these particulars forth father-like [Sidenote: Fol. 343.] and son-like;[2289] they, for theirs, concurring with him, agreed to wish me well and serve me. At the time when Sl. Maḥmūd (_Khīljī_) was beaten by Rānā Sangā and fell into pagan captivity (925 AH.-1519 AD.) he possessed a famous crown-cap (_tāj-kula_) and golden belt, accepting which Sangā let him go free. That crown-cap and golden belt must have become Bikramājīt's; his elder brother Ratan-sī, now Rānā of Chītūr in his father's place, had asked for them but Bikramājīt had not given them up,[2290] and now made the men he sent to me, speak to me about them, and ask for Bīāna in place of Rantanbūr. We led them away from the Bīāna question and promised Shamsābād in exchange for Rantanbūr. To-day (_Muḥ. 14th_) they were given a nine days' tryst for Bīāna, were dressed in robes of honour, and allowed to go.

(_i. Hindū temples visited._)

We rode from the flower-garden to visit the idol-houses of Gūālīār. Some are two, and some are three storeys high, each storey rather low, in the ancient fashion. On their stone plinths (_izāra_) are sculptured images. Some idol-houses, College-fashion, have a portico, large high cupolas[2291] and _madrāsa_-like cells, each topped by a slender stone cupola.[2292] In the lower cells are idols carved in the rock. [Sidenote: Fol. 343b.]

After enjoying the sight of these buildings (_`imāratlār_) we left the fort by the south Gate,[2293] made an excursion to the south, and went (north) to the Chār-bāgh Raḥim-dād had made over-against the Hātī-pūl.[2294] He had prepared a feast of cooked-meat (_āsh_) for us and, after setting excellent food before us, made offering of a mass of goods and coin worth 4 _laks._ From his Chār-bāgh I rode to my own.

(_j. Excursion to a waterfall._)

(_Sep. 30th._) On Wednesday the 15th of the month I went to see a waterfall 6 _kurohs_ (12 m.) to the south-east of Gūālīār. Less than that must have been ridden;[2295] close to the Mid-day Prayer we reached a fall where sufficient water for one mill was coming down a slope (_qīā_) an _arghamchī_[2296] high. Below the fall there is a large lake; above it the water comes flowing through solid rock; there is solid rock also below the fall. A lake forms wherever the water falls. On the banks of the water lie piece after piece of rock as if for seats, but the water is said not always to be there. We sat down above the fall and ate _ma`jūn_, went up-stream to visit its source (_badayat_), returned, got out on higher ground, and stayed while musicians played and reciters [Sidenote: Fol. 344.] repeated things (_nīma aītīlār_). The Ebony-tree which Hindīs call _tindū_, was pointed out to those who had not seen it before. We went down the hill and, between the Evening and Bed-time Prayers, rode away, slept at a place reached near the second watch (midnight), and with the on-coming of the first watch of day (6 a.m. _Muḥ. 16th-Oct. 1st_) reached the Chār-bāgh and dismounted.

(_k. Ṣalāḥu'd-dīn's birth-place._)[2297]

(_Oct. 2nd_) On Friday the 17th of the month, I visited the garden of lemons and pumeloes (_sadā-fal_) in a valley-bottom amongst the hills above a village called Sūkhjana (?)[2298] which is Ṣalāḥu'd-dīn's birth-place. Returning to the Chār-bāgh, I dismounted there in the first watch.[2299]

(_l. Incidents of the march from Gūālīār._)

(_Oct. 4th_) On Sunday the 19th of the month, we rode before dawn from the Chār-bāgh, crossed the Kawārī-water and took our nooning (_tūshlāndūk_). After the Mid-day Prayer we rode on, at sunset passed the Chaṃbal-water, between the Evening and Bed-time Prayers entered Dulpūr-fort, there, by lamp-light, visited a Hot-bath which Abū'l-fatḥ had made, rode on, and dismounted at the dam-head where the new Chār-bāgh is in making.

(_Oct. 5th_) Having stayed the night there, at dawn (_Monday 20th_) I visited what places had been ordered made.[2300] The face (_yūz_) of the roofed-tank, ordered cut in the solid rock, was not being got up quite straight; more stone-cutters were sent for who were to make the tank-bottom level, pour in water, and, by help of the water, to get the sides to one height. They got the face up straight just before the Other Prayer, were then ordered to fill the tank with water, by help of the water made the sides [Sidenote: Fol. 344b.] match, then busied themselves to smooth them. I ordered a water-chamber (_āb-khāna_) made at a place where it would be cut in the solid rock; inside it was to be a small tank also cut in the solid rock.

(_Here the record of 6 days is wanting._)[2301]

(_Oct. 12th_?) To-day, Monday (_27th_?), there was a _ma`jūn_ party. (_Oct. 13th_) On Tuesday I was still in that same place. (_Oct. 14th_) On the night of Wednesday,[2302] after opening the mouth and eating something[2303] we rode for Sīkrī. Near the second watch (midnight), we dismounted somewhere and slept; I myself could not sleep on account of pain in my ear, whether caused by cold, as is likely, I do not know. At the top of the dawn, we bestirred ourselves from that place, and in the first watch dismounted at the garden now in making at Sīkrī. The garden-wall and well-buildings were not getting on to my satisfaction; the overseers therefore were threatened and punished. We rode on from Sīkrī between the Other and Evening Prayers, passed through Marhākūr, dismounted somewhere and slept.

(_Oct. 15th_) Riding on (_Thursday 30th_), we got into Āgra during the first watch (6-9 a.m.). In the fort I saw the honoured Khadīja-sulṯān Begīm who had stayed behind for several reasons when Fakhr-i-jahān Begīm started for Kābul. Crossing Jūn (Jumna), I went to the Garden-of-eight paradises.[2304]

(_m. Arrival of kinswomen._)

(_Oct. 17th_) On Saturday the 3rd of Ṣafar, between the Other and Evening Prayers, I went to see three of the great-aunt begīms,[2305] Gauhar-shād Begīm, Badī`u'l-jamāl Begīm, and Āq Begīm, with also, of lesser begīms,[2306] Sl. Maṣ`ūd Mīrzā's daughter Khān-zāda Begīm, and Sulṯān-bakht Begīm's daughter, and my _yīnkā chīcha's_ grand-daughter, that is to say, Zaināb-sulṯān Begīm.[2307] They had come past Tūta and dismounted at a small [Sidenote: Fol. 345.] standing-water (_qarā sū_) on the edge of the suburbs. I came back direct by boat.

(_n. Despatch of an envoy to receive charge of Ranthaṃbhor._)

(_Oct. 19th_) On Monday the 5th of the month of Ṣafar, Hāmūsī son of Dīwa, an old Hindū servant from Bhīra, was joined with Bikramājīt's former[2308] and later envoys in order that pact and agreement for the surrender of Ranthanbūr and for the conditions of Bikramājīt's service might be made in their own (hindū) way and custom. Before our man returned, he was to see, and learn, and make sure of matters; this done, if that person (_i.e._ Bikramājīt) stood fast to his spoken word, I, for my part, promised that, God bringing it aright, I would set him in his father's place as Rānā of Chitūr.[2309]

(_Here the record of 3 days is wanting._)

(_o. A levy on stipendiaries._)

(_Oct. 22nd_) By this time the treasure of Iskandar and Ibrāhīm in Dihlī and Āgra was at an end. Royal orders were given therefore, on Thursday the 8th of Ṣafar, that each stipendiary (_wajhdār_) should drop into the Dīwān, 30 in every 100 of his allowance, to be used for war-material and appliances, for equipment, for powder, and for the pay of gunners and matchlockmen.

(_p. Royal letters sent into Khurāsān._)

(_Oct. 24th_) On Saturday the 10th of the month, Pay-master Sl. Muḥammad's foot-man Shāh Qāsim who once before had taken letters of encouragement to kinsfolk in Khurāsān,[2310] was sent to Herī with other letters to the purport that, through God's grace, our hearts were at ease in Hindūstān about the rebels and [Sidenote: Fol. 345b.] pagans of east and west; and that, God bringing it aright, we should use every means and assuredly in the coming spring should touch the goal of our desire.[2311] On the margin of a royal letter sent to Ahmad _Afshār_ (_Turk_) a summons to Farīdūn the _qabūz_-player was written with my own hand.

(_Here the record of 11 days is wanting._)

In today's forenoon (_Tuesday 20th_?) I made a beginning of eating quicksilver.[2312]

(_q. News from Kābul and Khurāsān._)[2313]

(_Nov. 4th_) On Wednesday the 21st of the month (_Ṣafar_) a Hindūstānī foot-man (_pīāda_) brought dutiful letters (_`arẓ-dāshtlār_) from Kāmrān and Khwāja Dost-i-khāwand. The Khwāja had reached Kābul on the 10th of Ẕū'l-ḥijja[2314] and will have been anxious to go on[2315] to Humāyūn's presence, but there comes to him a man from Kāmrān, saying, "Let the honoured Khwāja come (to see me); let him deliver whatever royal orders there may be; let him go on to Humāyūn when matters have been talked over."[2316] Kāmrān will have gone into Kābul on the 17th of Ẕū'l-ḥijja (_Sep. 2nd_), will have talked with the Khwāja and, on the 28th of the same month, will have let him go on for Fort Victory (_Qila'-i-ẕafar_).

There was this excellent news in the dutiful letters received:—that Shāh-zāda T̤ahmāsp, resolute to put down the Aūzbeg,[2317] had overcome and killed Rīnīsh (var. Zīnīsh) _Aūzbeg_ in Dāmghān and made a general massacre of his people; that 'Ubaid Khān, getting sure news about the _Qīzīl-bāsh_ (Red-head) had risen from round Herī, gone to Merv, called up to him there all the sulṯāns of Samarkand and those parts, and that all the sulṯāns of Mā warā'u'n-nahr had gone to help him.[2318]

[Sidenote: Fol. 346.] This same foot-man brought the further news that Humāyūn was said to have had a son by the daughter of Yādgār T̤aghāī, and that Kāmrān was said to be marrying in Kābul, taking the daughter of his mother's brother Sl. `Alī Mīrzā (_Begchīk_).[2319]

(_r. Honours for an artificer._)[2320]

On this same day Sayyid Daknī of Shīrāz the diviner (_ghaiba-gar_?) was made to wear a dress of honour, given presents, and ordered to finish the arched(?) well (_khwāralīq-chāh_) as he best knew how.

(_s. The Wālidiyyah-risāla (Parental-tract)._)

(_Nov. 6th_) On Friday the 23rd of the month[2321] such heat[2322] appeared in my body that with difficulty I got through the Congregational Prayer in the Mosque, and with much trouble through the Mid-day Prayer, in the book-room, after due time, and little by little. Thereafter[2323] having had fever, I trembled less on Sunday (_Nov. 28th_). During the night of Tuesday[2324] the 27th of the month Ṣafar, it occurred to me to versify (_naẕm qīlmāq_)

the _Wālidiyyah-risāla_ of his Reverence Khwāja 'Ubaidu'l-lāh.[2325] I laid it to heart that if I, going to the soul of his Reverence[2326] for protection, were freed from this disease, it would be a sign that my poem was accepted, just as the author of the _Qaṣīdatu'l-būrda_[2327] was freed from the affliction of paralysis when his poem [Sidenote: Fol. 346b.] had been accepted. To this end I began to versify the tract, using the metre[2328] of Maulānā 'Abdu´r-raḥīm _Jāmī's Subḥatu'l-abrār_ (Rosary of the Righteous). Thirteen couplets were made in that same night. I tasked myself not to make fewer than 10 a day; in the end one day had been omitted. While last year every time such illness had happened, it had persisted at least a month or 40 days,[2329] this year, by God's grace and his Reverence's favour, I was free, except for a little depression (_afsurda_), on Thursday the 29th of the month (_Nov. 12th_). The end of versifying the contents of the tract was reached on Saturday the 8th of the first Rabī' (_Nov. 20th_). One day 52 couplets had been made.[2330]

(_t. Troops warned for service._)

(_Nov. 11th_) On Wednesday the 28th of the month royal orders were sent on all sides for the armies, saying, "God bringing it about, at an early opportunity my army will be got to horse. Let all come soon, equipped for service."

(_Here the record of 9 days is wanting._)[2331]

(_u. Messengers from Humāyūn._)

(_Nov. 21st_) On Sunday the 9th of the first Rabī`, Beg Muḥammad _ta`alluqchī_[2332] came, who had been sent last year (934 AH.) at the end of Muḥarram to take a dress of honour and a horse to Humāyūn.[2333]

(_Nov. 22nd_) On Monday the 10th of the month there came from Humāyūn's presence Wais _Lāgharī's_ (son) Beg-gīna (Little Beg) and Bīān Shaikh, one of Humāyūn's servants who had come as the messenger of the good tidings of the birth of Humāyūn's son whose name he gave as Al-amān. Shaikh Abū'l-wajd found _Shăh sa`ādatmand_[2334] to be the date of his birth. [Sidenote: Fol. 347.]

(_v. Rapid travel._)

Bīān Shaikh set out long after Beg-gīna. He parted from Humāyūn on Friday the 9th of Ṣafar (_Oct. 23rd_) at a place below Kishm called Dū-shaṃba (Monday); he came into Āgra on Monday the 10th of the first Rabī` (_Nov. 23rd_). He came very quickly! Another time he actually came from Qila`-i-ẕafar to Qandahār in 11 days.[2335]

(_w. News of T̤ahmāsp's victory over the Aūzbegs._)

Bīān Shaikh brought news about Shāh-zāda T̤ahmāsp's advancing out of `Irāq and defeating the Aūzbeg.[2336] Here are his particulars:—Shāh-zāda T̤ahmāsp, having come out of `Irāq with 40,000 men arrayed in Rūmī fashion of matchlock and cart,[2337] advances with great speed, takes Basṯām, slaughters Rīnīsh (var. Zīnīsh) _Aūzbeg_ and his men in Dāmghān, and from there passes right swiftly on.[2338] Kīpīk Bī's son Qaṃbar-i-`alī Beg is beaten by one of the _Qīzīl-bāsh_ (Red-head)'s men, and with his few followers goes to `Ubaid Khān's presence. `Ubaid Khān finds it undesirable to stay near Herī, hurriedly sends off gallopers to all the sulṯāns of Balkh, Ḥiṣār, Samarkand, and Tāshkend (Tāshkīnt) and goes himself to Merv. Sīūnjak Sl.'s younger son Bārāq Sl. from Tāshkend, Kūchūm Khān, with (his sons) Abū-sa`īd Sl. and Pūlad Sl., and Jānī Beg Sl. with his sons, from [Sidenote: Fol. 347b.] Samarkand and Mīān-kāl, Mahdī Sl.'s and Ḥamza Sl.'s sons from Ḥiṣār, Kītīn-qarā Sl. from Balkh, all these sulṯāns assemble right swiftly in Merv. To them their informers (_tīl-chī_) take news that Shāh-zāda, after saying, "`Ubaid Khān is seated near Herī with few men only," had been advancing swiftly with his 40,000 men, but that when he heard of this assembly (_i.e._ in Merv), he made a ditch in the meadow of Rādagān[2339] and seated himself there.[2340] Here-upon the Aūzbegs, with entire disregard of their opponents,[2341] left their counsels at this:—"Let all of us sulṯāns and khāns seat ourselves in Mashhad;[2342] let a few of us be told off with 20,000 men to go close to the Qīzīl-bāsh camp[2343] and not let them put head out; let us order magicians[2344] to work their magic directly Scorpio appears;[2345] by this stratagem the enemy will be enfeebled, and we shall overcome." So said, they march from Merv. Shāh-zāda gets out of Mashhad.[2346] He confronts them near Jām-and-Khirgird.[2347] There defeat befalls the Aūzbeg side.[2348] A mass of sulṯāns are overcome and slaughtered.

In one letter it (_khūd_) was written, "It is not known for certain [Sidenote: Fol. 348.] that any sulṯān except Kūchūm Khān has escaped; not a man who went with the army has come back up to now." The sulṯāns who were in Ḥiṣār abandoned it. Ibrāhīm _Jānī's_ son Chalma, whose real name is Ismā`īl, must be in the fort.[2349]

(_x. Letters written by Bābur._)

(_Nov. 27th and 28th_) This same Bīān Shaikh was sent quite quickly back with letters. for Humāyūn and Kāmrān. These and other writings being ready by Friday the 14th of the month (_Nov. 27th_) were entrusted to him, his leave was given, and on Saturday the 15th he got well out of Āgra.

COPY OF A LETTER TO HUMĀYŪN.[2350]

"The first matter, after saying, 'Salutation' to Humāyūn whom I am longing to see, is this:—

"Exact particulars of the state of affairs on that side and on this[2351] have been made known by the letters and dutiful representations brought on Monday the 10th of the first Rabī` by Beg-gīna and Bīān Shaikh.

(_Turkī_) Thank God! a son is born to thee!
A son to thee, to me a heart-enslaver (_dil-bandī_).

"May the Most High ever allot to thee and to me tidings as joyful! So may it be, O Lord of the two worlds!"

"Thou sayest thou hast called him Al-amān; God bless and prosper this! Thou writest it so thyself (_i.e._ Al-amān), but hast over-looked that common people mostly say _alāmā_ or _aīlāmān_.[2352] [Sidenote: Fol. 348b.] Besides that, this _Al_ is rare in names.[2353] May God bless and prosper him in name and person; may He grant us to keep Al-amān (peace) for many years and many decades of years![2354] May He now order our affairs by His own mercy and favour; not in many decades comes such a chance as this!"[2355]

"Again:—On Tuesday the 11th of the month (_Nov. 23rd_) came the false rumour that the Balkhīs had invited and were fetching Qurbān[2356] into Balkh."

"Again:—Kāmrān and the Kābul begs have orders to join thee; this done, move on Ḥiṣār, Samarkand, Herī or to whatever side favours fortune. Mayst thou, by God's grace, crush foes and take lands to the joy of friends and the down-casting of adversaries! Thank God! now is your time to risk life and slash swords.[2357] Neglect not the work chance has brought; slothful life in retirement befits not sovereign rule:—

(_Persian_) He grips the world who hastens;
Empire yokes not with delay;
All else, confronting marriage, stops,
Save only sovereignty.[2358]

"If through God's grace, the Balkh and Ḥiṣār countries be won and held, put men of thine in Ḥiṣār, Kāmrān's men in Balkh. Should Samarkand also be won, there make thy seat. Ḥiṣār, [Sidenote: Fol. 349.] God willing, I shall make a crown-domain. Should Kāmrān regard Balkh as small, represent the matter to me; please God! I will make its defects good at once out of those other countries."

"Again:—As thou knowest, the rule has always been that when thou hadst six parts, Kāmrān had five; this having been constant, make no change."

"Again:—Live well with thy younger brother. Elders must bear the burden![2359] I have the hope that thou, for thy part, wilt keep on good terms with him; he, who has grown up an active and excellent youth, should not fail, for his part, in loyal duty to thee."[2360]

"Again:—Words from thee are somewhat few; no person has [Sidenote: Fol. 349b.] come from thee for two or three years past; the man I sent to thee (Beg Muḥammad _ta`alluqchī_) came back in something over a year; is this not so?"

"Again:—As for the "retirement", "retirement", spoken of in thy letters,—retirement is a fault for sovereignty; as the honoured (Sa`dī) says:—[2361]

(_Persian_) If thy foot be fettered, choose to be resigned;
If thou ride alone, take thou thine own head.

"No bondage equals that of sovereignty; retirement matches not with rule."

"Again:—Thou hast written me a letter, as I ordered thee to do; but why not have read it over? If thou hadst thought of reading it, thou couldst not have done it, and, unable thyself to read it, wouldst certainly have made alteration in it. Though by taking trouble it can be read, it is very puzzling, and who ever saw an enigma in prose?[2362] Thy spelling, though not bad, is not quite correct; thou writest _iltafāt_ with _ṯā_ (_iltafāṯ_) and _qūlinj_ with _yā_ (_qīlinj_?).[2363] Although thy letter can be read if every sort of pains be taken, yet it cannot be quite understood because of that obscure wording of thine. Thy remissness in letter-writing seems to be due to the thing which makes thee obscure, that is to say, to elaboration. In future write without elaboration; use plain, clear words. So will thy trouble and thy reader's be less."

"Again:—Thou art now to go on a great business;[2364] take counsel with prudent and experienced begs, and act as they say. If thou seek to pleasure me, give up sitting alone and avoiding society. Summon thy younger brother and the begs twice daily to thy presence, not leaving their coming to choice; be the business what it may, take counsel and settle every word and act in agreement with those well-wishers."

"Again:—Khwāja Kalān has long had with me the house-friend's intimacy; have thou as much and even more with him. [Sidenote: Fol. 350.] If, God willing, the work becomes less in those parts, so that thou wilt not need Kāmrān, let him leave disciplined men in Balkh and come to my presence."

"Again:—Seeing that there have been such victories, and such conquests, since Kābul has been held, I take it to be well-omened; I have made it a crown-domain; let no one of you covet it."

"Again:—Thou hast done well (_yakhshī qīlīb sīn_); thou hast won the heart of Sl. Wais;[2365] get him to thy presence; act by his counsel, for he knows business."

"Until there is a good muster of the army, do not move out."

"Bīān Shaikh is well-apprized of word-of-mouth matters, and will inform thee of them. These things said, I salute thee and am longing to see thee."—

The above was written on Thursday the 13th of the first Rabi` (_Nov. 26th_). To the same purport and with my own hand, I wrote also to Kāmrān and Khwāja Kalān, and sent off the letters (by Bīān Shaikh).

(_Here the record fails from Rabī` 15th to 19th._)

(_y. Plans of campaign._)

(_Dec. 2nd_) On Wednesday the 19th of the month (_Rabī` I._) the mīrzās, sulṯāns, Turk and Hind amīrs were summoned for counsel, and left the matter at this:—That this year the army must move in some direction; that `Askarī should go in advance towards the East, be joined by the sulṯāns and amīrs from beyond Gang (Ganges), and march in whatever direction favoured fortune. These particulars having been written down, Ghīāṣu'd-dīn the [Sidenote: Fol. 350b.] armourer was given rendezvous for 16 days,[2366] and sent galloping off, on Saturday the 22nd of the month, to the amīrs of the East headed by Sl. Junaid _Barlās_. His word-of-mouth message was, that `Askarī was being sent on before the fighting apparatus, culverin, cart and matchlock, was ready; that it was the royal order for the sulṯāns and amīrs of the far side of Gang to muster in `Askarī's presence, and, after consultation with well-wishers on that side, to move in whatever direction, God willing! might favour fortune; that if there should be work needing me, please God! I would get to horse as soon as the person gone with the (16 days) tryst (_mī`ād_) had returned; that explicit representation should be made as to whether the Bengali (Nas̤rat Shāh) were friendly and single-minded; that, if nothing needed my presence in those parts, I should not make stay, but should move elsewhere at once;[2367] and that after consulting with well-wishers, they were to take `Askarī with them, and, God willing! settle matters on that side.

(_Here the record of 5 days is wanting._)

(_z. `Askarī receives the insignia and rank of a royal commander._)

(_Dec. 12th_) On Saturday the 29th of the first Rabī`, `Askarī was made to put on a jewelled dagger and belt, and a royal dress of honour, was presented with flag, horse-tail standard, [Sidenote: Fol. 351.] drum, a set (6-8) of _tīpūchāq_ (horses), 10 elephants, a string of camels, one of mules, royal plenishing, and royal utensils. Moreover he was ordered to take his seat at the head of a _Dīwān_. On his mullā and two guardians were bestowed jackets having buttons[2368]; on his other servants, three sets of nine coats.

(_aa. Bābur visits one of his officers._)

(_Dec. 13th_) On Sunday the last day of the month (_Rabī` I. 30th_)[2369] I went to Sl. Muḥammad _Bakhshī's_ house. After spreading a carpet, he brought gifts. His offering in money and goods was more than 2 _laks_.[2370] When food and offering had been set out, we went into another room where sitting, we ate _ma`jūn_. We came away at the 3rd watch (midnight?), crossed the water, and went to the private house.

(_bb. The Āgra-Kābul road measured._)

(_Dec. 17th_) On Thursday the 4th of the latter Rabī`, it was settled that Chīqmāq Beg with Shāhī _ṯamghāchī's_[2371] clerkship, should measure the road between Āgra and Kābul. At every 9th _kuroh_ (_cir._ 18m.), a tower was to be erected 12 _qārīs_ high[2372] and having a _chār-dara_[2373] on the top; at every 18th _kuroh_ (_cir._ 36m.),[2374] 6 post-horses were to be kept fastened; and arrangement was to be made for the payment of post-masters and grooms, and for horse-corn. The order was, "If the place where the horses are fastened up,[2375] be near a crown-domain, let those there provide for the matters mentioned; if not, let the cost be charged on the beg in whose _pargana_ the post-house may be." Chīqmāq Beg got out of Āgra with Shāhī on that same day.

[Sidenote: Fol. 351b.] (_Author's note on the kuroh._) These
_kurohs_ were established in relation to the _mīl_, in the way
mentioned in the _Mubīn_:—[2376]

(_Turkī_) Four thousand paces (_qadam_) are one _mīl_;
Know that Hind people call this a _kuroh_;
The pace (_qadam_) they say is a _qārī_ and a half (36 in.);
Know that each _qārī_ (24 in.) is six hand-breadths
(_tūtām_)
That each _tūtām_ is four fingers (_aīlīk_),
Each _aīlīk_, six barley-corns. Know this
knowledge.[2377]

The measuring-cord (_ṯanāb_)[2378] was fixed at 40 _qārī_,
each being the one-and-a-half _qārī_ mentioned above, that is
to say, each is 9 hand-breadths.

(_cc. A feast._)

(_Dec. 18th_) On Saturday the 6th of the month (Rabī` II.) there was a feast[2379] at which were present Qīzīl-bāsh (Red-head), and Aūzbeg, and Hindū envoys.[2380] The Qīzīl-bāsh envoys sat under an awning placed some 70-80 _qārīs_[2381] on my right, of the begs Yūnas-i-`alī being ordered to sit with them. On my left the Aūzbeg envoys sat in the same way, of the begs `Abdu'l-lāh being ordered to sit with them. I sat on the north side of a newly-erected octagonal pavilion (_tālār_) covered in with _khas_[2382]. Five or six _qārīs_ on my right sat Tūkhtā-būgha Sl. and `Askarī, with Khwāja `Abdu'sh-shahīd and Khwāja Kalān, descendants of his Reverence the Khwāja,[2383] and Khwāja Chishtī (var. Ḥusainī), and Khalīfa, together with the _ḥāfiẕes_ and _mullās_ dependent on the Khwājas who had come from Samarkand. Five or six _qārīs_ on my left sat Muḥammad-i-zamān M. and Tāng-ātmīsh Sl.[2384] [Sidenote: Fol. 352.] and Sayyid Rafī`, Sayyid Rūmī, Shaikh Abū'l-fatḥ, Shaikh Jamālī, Shaikh Shihābu'd-dīn _`Arab_ and Sayyid Daknī (var.Zaknī, Ruknī). Before food all the sulṯāns, khāns, grandees, and amīrs brought gifts[2385] of red, of white, of black,[2386] of cloth and various other goods. They poured the red and white on a carpet I had ordered spread, and side by side with the gold and silver piled plenishing, white cotton piece-cloth and purses (_badra_) of money. While the gifts were being brought and before food, fierce camels and fierce elephants[2387] were set to fight on an island opposite,[2388] so too a few rams; thereafter wrestlers grappled. After the chief of the food had been set out, Khwāja `Abdu'sh-shahīd and Khwāja Kalān were made to put on surtouts (_jabbah_) of fine muslin,[2389] spotted with gold-embroidery, and suitable dresses of honour, and those headed by Mullā Farrūkh and _Ḥāfiẕ_[2390] had jackets put on them. On Kūchūm Khān's envoy[2391] and on Ḥasan _Chalabi's_ younger brother[2392] were bestowed silken head-wear (_bāshlīq_) and gold-embroidered surtouts of fine muslin, with suitable dresses of honour. Gold-embroidered jackets and silk coats were presented to the envoys of Abū-sa`īd Sl. (_Aūzbeg_), of Mihr-bān Khānīm and her son Pulād Sl., and of Shāh Ḥasan [Sidenote: Fol. 352b.] (_Arghūn_). The two Khwājas and the two chief envoys, that is to say Kūchūm Khān's retainer and Ḥasan _Chalabī's_ younger brother, were presented with a silver stone's weight of gold and a gold stone's weight of silver.

(_Author's note on the Turkī stone-weight._) The gold stone
(_tāsh_) is 500 _mis̤qāls_, that is to say, one Kābul _sīr_;
the silver stone is 250 _mis̤qāls_, that is to say, half a
Kābul _sīr_.[2393]

To Khwāja Mīr Sulṯān and his sons, to Ḥāfiẕ of Tāshkīnt, to Mullā Farrūkh at the head of the Khwājas' servants, and also to other envoys, silver and gold were given with a quiver.[2394] Yādgār-i-nāṣir[2395] was presented with a dagger and belt. On Mīr Muḥammad the raftsman who was deserving of reward for the excellent bridge he had made over the river Gang (Ganges),[2396] a dagger was bestowed, so too on the matchlockmen Champion [_pahlawān_] Ḥājī Muḥammad and Champion Buhlūl and on Walī the cheeta-keeper (_pārschī_); one was given to Ustād `Alī's son also. Gold and silver were presented to Sayyid Daud _Garmsīrī_. Jackets having buttons,[2397] and silk dresses of honour were presented to the servants of my daughter Ma`ṣūma[2398] and my son Hind-āl. Again:—presents of jackets and silk dresses of honour, of gold and silver, of plenishing and various goods were given to those from Andijān, and to those who had come from Sūkh and Hushīār, the places whither we had gone landless and homeless.[2399] Gifts of the same kind were given to the servants of Qurbān and Shaikhī and the peasants of Kāhmard.[2400] [Sidenote: Fol. 353.]

After food had been sent out, Hindūstānī players were ordered to come and show their tricks. Lūlīs came.[2401] Hindūstānī performers shew several feats not shewn by (Tramontane) ones. One is this:—They arrange seven rings, one on the forehead, two on the knees, two of the remaining four on fingers, two on toes, and in an instant set them turning rapidly. Another is this:—Imitating the port of the peacock, they place one hand on the ground, raise up the other and both legs, and then in an instant make rings on the uplifted hand and feet revolve rapidly. Another is this:—In those (Tramontane) countries two people grip one another and turn two somersaults, but Hindūstānī _lūlīs_, clinging together, go turning over three or four times. Another is this:—a _lūlī_ sets the end of a 12 or 14 foot pole on his middle and holds it upright while another climbs up it and does his [Sidenote: Fol. 353b.] tricks up there. Another is this:—A small _lūlī_ gets upon a big one's head, and stands there upright while the big one moves quickly from side to side shewing his tricks, the little one shewing his on the big one's head, quite upright and without tottering. Many dancing-girls came also and danced.

A mass of red, white, and black was scattered (_sāchīldī_) on which followed amazing noise and pushing. Between the Evening and Bed-time Prayers I made five or six special people sit in my presence for over one watch. At the second watch of the day (9 a.m., _Sunday, Rabi` II. 7th_) having sat in a boat, I went to the Eight-Paradises.

(_dd. `Askarī starts eastwards._)

(_Dec. 20th_) On Monday (_8th_) `Askarī who had got (his army) out (of Āgra) for the expedition, came to the Hot-bath, took leave of me and marched for the East.

(_ee. A visit to Dhūlpūr._)

(_Dec. 21st_) On Tuesday (_Rabī` II. 9th_) I went to see the buildings for a reservoir and well at Dūlpūr.[2402] I rode from the (Āgra) garden at one watch (_pahr_) and one _garī_ (9.22 a.m.), and I entered the Dūlpūr garden when 5 _garīs_ of the 1st night-watch (_pās_)[2403] had gone (7.40 p.m.).[2404]

(_Dec. 23rd_) On Thursday the 11th day of the month the stone-well (_sangīn-chāh_), the 26 rock-spouts (_tāsh-tār-nau_) and rock-pillars (_tāsh-sitūn_), and the water-courses (_ārīqlār_) cut on the solid slope (_yak pāra qīā_) were all ready.[2405] At the 3rd watch (_pahr_) of this same day preparation for drawing water from the well was made. On account of a smell (_aīd_) in the water, it was ordered, for prudence' sake, that they should turn the well-wheel without rest for 15 days-and-nights, and so draw off the water. Gifts were made to the stone-cutters, and labourers, [Sidenote: Fol. 354.] and the whole body of workmen in the way customary for master-workmen and wage-earners of Āgra.

(_Dec. 24th_) We rode from Dūlpūr while one _garī_ of the 1st watch (_pahr_) of Friday remained (_cir._ 8.40 a.m.), and we crossed the river (Jumna) before the Sun had set.

(_Here the record of 3 days is wanting._)[2406]

(_ff. A Persian account of the battle of Jām._)

(_Dec. 28th_) On Tuesday the 16th of the month (_Rabī` II._) came one of Dīv Sl.'s[2407] servants, a man who had been in the fight between the Qīzīl-bāsh and Aūzbeg, and who thus described it:—The battle between the Aūzbegs and Turkmāns[2408] took place on `Āshūr-day (_Muḥ. 10th_) near Jām-and-Khirgird.[2409] They fought from the first dawn till the Mid-day Prayer. The Aūzbegs were 300,000; the Turkmāns may have been (as is said?) 40 to 50,000; he said that he himself estimated their dark mass at 100,000; on the other hand, the Aūzbegs said they themselves were 100,000. The Qīzīl-bāsh leader (_ādam_) fought after arraying cart, culverin and matchlockmen in the Rūmī fashion, and after protecting himself.[2410] Shāh-zāda[2411] and Jūha Sl. stood behind the carts with 20,000 good braves. The rest of the begs were posted right and left beyond the carts. [Sidenote: Fol. 354b.] These the Aūzbeg beat at once on coming up, dismounted and overcame many, making all scurry off. He then wheeled to the (Qīzīl-bāsh) rear and took loot in camel and baggage. At length those behind the carts loosed the chains and came out. Here also the fight was hard. Thrice they flung the Aūzbeg back; by God's grace they beat him. Nine sulṯāns, with Kūchūm Khān, `Ubaid Khān and Abū-sa`īd Sl. at their head, were captured; one, Abū-sa`īd Sl. is said to be alive; the rest have gone to death.[2412] `Ubaid Khān's body was found, but not his head. Of Aūzbegs 50,000, and of Turkmāns 20,000 were slain.[2413]

(_Here matter seems to have been lost._)[2414]

(_gg. Plan of campaign._)

(_Dec. 30th_) On this same day (Thursday _Rabī` II. 18th_) came Ghīāṣu'd-dīn the armourer[2415] who had gone to Jūna-pūr (Jūnpūr) with tryst of 16 days,[2416] but, as Sl. Junaid and the rest had led out their army for Kharīd,[2417] he (Ghīāṣu'd-dīn) was not able to be back at the time fixed.[2418] Sl. Junaid said, by word-of-mouth, "Thank God! through His grace, no work worth the Pādshāh's attention has shewn itself in these parts; if the honoured Mīrzā (`Askarī) come, and if the sulṯāns, khāns and amīrs here-abouts be ordered to move in his steps, there is hope that everything in these parts will be arranged with ease." Though such was Sl. [Sidenote: Fol. 355.] Junaid's answer,yet, as people were saying that Mullā Muḥammad Maẕhab, who had been sent as envoy to Bengal after the Holy-battle with Sangā the Pagan,[2419] would arrive today or tomorrow, his news also was awaited.

(_Dec. 31st_) On Friday the 19th of the month I had eaten ma`jūn and was sitting with a special few in the private house, when Mullā Maẕhab who had arrived late, that is to say, in the night of Saturday,[2420] came and waited on me. By asking one particular after another, we got to know that the attitude of the Bengalī[2421] was understood to be loyal and single-minded.

(_Jan. 2nd_) On Sunday (_Rabī` II. 21st_), I summoned the Turk and Hind amīrs to the private house, when counsel was taken and the following matters were brought forward:—As the Bengalī (Naṣrat Shāh) has sent us an envoy[2422] and is said to be loyal and single-minded, to go to Bengal itself would be improper; if the move be not on Bengal, no other place on that side has treasure helpful for the army; several places to the west are both rich and near,

(_Turkī_) Abounding wealth, a pagan people, a short road;
Far though the East lie, this is near.

At length the matter found settlement at this:—As our westward road is short, it will be all one if we delay a few days, so that our minds may be at ease about the East. Again Ghīāṣu'd-dīn [Sidenote: Fol. 355b.] the armourer was made to gallop off, with tryst of 20 days,[2423] to convey written orders to the eastern amīrs for all the sulṯāns, khāns, and amīrs who had assembled in `Askarī's presence, to move against those rebels.[2424] The orders delivered, he was to return by the trysted day with what ever news there might be.

(_hh. Balūchī incursions._)

In these days Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh made dutiful representation that again Balūchīs had come and overrun several places. Chīn-tīmūr Sl. was appointed for the business; he was to gather to his presence the amīrs from beyond Sihrind and Samāna and with them, equipped for 6 months, to proceed against the Balūchīs; namely, such amīrs as `Ādil Sulṯān, Sl. Muḥ. _Dūldāī_, Khusrau Kūkūldāsh, Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_, `Abdu'l-`azīz the Master-of-the-horse, Sayyid `Alī, Walī Qīzil, Qarācha, Halāhil, `Āshiq the House-steward, Shaikh `Alī, Kitta (_Beg Kuhbur_), Gujūr Khān, Ḥasan `Alī _Sīwādī_. These were to present themselves at the Sulṯān's call and muster and not to transgress his word by road or in halt.[2425] The messenger[2426] appointed to carry these orders was `Abdu'l-ghaffār; he was to deliver them first to Chīn-tīmūr Sl., [Sidenote: Fol. 356.] then to go on and shew them to the afore-named begs who were to present themselves with their troops at whatever place the Sulṯān gave rendezvous (_būljār_);[2427] `Abdu'l-ghaffār himself was to remain with the army and was to make dutiful representation of slackness or carelessness if shewn by any person soever; this done, we should remove the offender from the circle of the approved (_muwajjah-jīrgāsī_) and from his country or _pargana_. These orders having been entrusted to `Abdu'l-ghaffār, words-of-mouth were made known to him and he was given leave to go.

(_The last explicit date is a week back._)

(_ii. News of the loss of Bihār reaches Dhūlpūr._)

(_Jan. 9th_) On the eve of Sunday the 28th of the month (_Rabi` II._) we crossed the Jūn (Jumna) at the 6th _garī_ of the 3rd watch (2.15 a.m.) and started for the Lotus-garden of Dūlpūr. The 3rd watch was near[2428] (Sunday mid-day) when we reached it. Places were assigned on the border of the garden, where begs and the household might build or make camping-grounds for themselves.

(_Jan. 13th_) On Thursday the 3rd of the first Jumāda, a place was fixed in the s.e. of the garden for a Hot-bath; the ground was to be levelled; I ordered a plinth(?) (_kursī_) erected on the levelled ground, and a Bath to be arranged, in one room of which was to be a reservoir 10 X 10.

On this same day Khalīfa sent from Āgra dutiful letters of Qāẓī Jīā and Bīr-sing Deo, saying it had been heard said that Iskandar's son Maḥmūd (_Lūdī_) had taken Bihār (town). This news decided for getting the army to horse.

(_Jan. 14th_) On Friday (_Jumāda I. 4th_), we rode out from the Lotus-garden at the 6th _garī_ (8.15 a.m.); at the Evening Prayer we reached Āgra. We met Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā on the road who would have gone to Dūlpūr, Chīn-tīmūr also who must have been coming into Agra.[2429]

(_Jan. 15th_) On Saturday (_5th_) the counselling begs having been summoned, it was settled to ride eastwards on Thursday the 10th of the month (_Jan. 21st_).

(_jj. News of Badakhshān._)

On this same Saturday letters came from Kābul with news [Sidenote: Fol. 356b.] that Humāyūn, having mustered the army on that side (Tramontana), and joined Sl. Wais to himself, had set out with 40,000 men for Samarkand;[2430] on this Sl. Wais' younger brother Shāh-qūlī goes and enters Ḥiṣār, Tarsūn Muḥammad leaves Tirmiẕ, takes Qabādīān and asks for help; Humāyūn sends Tūlik Kūkūldāsh and Mīr Khẉurd[2431] with many of his men and what Mughūls there were, then follows himself.[2432]

(_Here 4 days record is wanting._)

(_kk. Bābur starts for the East._)

(_Jan. 20th_) On Thursday the 10th of the first Jumāda, I set [Sidenote: Fol. 357.] out for the East after the 3rd _garī_ (_cir._ 7.10 a.m.), crossed Jūn by boat a little above Jalīsīr, and went to the Gold-scattering-garden.[2433] It was ordered that the standard (_tūgh_), drum, stable and all the army-folk should remain on the other side of the water, opposite to the garden, and that persons coming for an interview[2434] should cross by boat.

(_ll. Arrivals._)

(_Jan. 22nd_) On Saturday (_12th_) Ismā`īl Mītā, the Bengal envoy brought the Bengalī's offering (Naṣrat Shāh's), and waited on me in Hindūstān fashion, advancing to within an arrow's flight, making his reverence, and retiring. They then put on him the due dress of honour (_khi`lat_) which people call * * * *[2435], and brought him before me. He knelt thrice in our fashion, advanced, handed Naṣrat Shāh's letter, set before me the offering he had brought, and retired.

(_Jan. 24th_) On Monday (_14th_) the honoured Khwāja `Abdu'l-ḥaqq having arrived, I crossed the water by boat, went to his tents and waited on him.[2436]

(_Jan. 25th_) On Tuesday (_15th_) Ḥasan _Chalabī_ arrived and waited on me.[2437]

(_mm. Incidents of the eastward march._)

On account of our aims (_chāpdūq_) for the army,[2438] some days were spent in the Chār-bāgh.

(_Jan. 27th_) On Thursday the 17th of the month, that ground was left after the 3rd _garī_ (7.10 a.m.), I going by boat. It was dismounted 7 _kurohs_ (14 m.) from Āgra, at the village of Anwār.[2439]

(_Jan. 30th_) On Sunday (_Jumāda I. 20th_), the Aūzbeg envoys were given their leave. To Kūchūm Khān's envoy Amīn Mīrzā were presented a dagger with belt, cloth of gold,[2440] and 70,000 _tankas_.[2441] Abū-sa`īd's servant Mullā T̤aghāī and the servants of [Sidenote: Fol. 357b.] Mihr-bān Khānim and her son Pūlād Sl. were made to put on dresses of honour with gold-embroidered jackets, and were presented also with money in accordance with their station.

(_Jan. 31st_?) Next morning[2442] (_Monday 21st_?) leave was given to Khwāja `Abdu'l-ḥaqq for stay in Āgra and to Khwāja Yaḥyā's grandson Khwāja Kalān for Samarkand, who had come by way of a mission from Aūzbeg khāns and sulṯāns.[2443]

In congratulation on the birth of Humāyūn's son and Kāmrān's marriage, Mullā Tabrīzī and Mīrzā Beg T̤aghāī[2444] were sent with gifts (_sāchāq_) to each Mīrzā of 10,000 _shāhrukhīs_, a coat I had worn, and a belt with clasps. Through Mullā Bihishtī were sent to Hind-āl an inlaid dagger with belt, an inlaid ink-stand, a stool worked in mother-o'pearl, a tunic and a girdle,[2445] together with the alphabet of the Bāburī script and fragments (_qiṯa`lār_) written in that script. To Humāyūn were sent the translation (_tarjuma_) and verses made in Hindūstān.[2446] To Hind-āl and Khwāja Kalān also the translation and verses were sent. They were sent too to Kāmrān, through Mīrzā Beg T̤aghāī, together with head-lines (_sar-khaṯ_) in the Bāburī script.[2447]

(_Feb. 1st_) On Tuesday, after writing letters to be taken by those going to Kābul, the buildings in hand at Āgra and Dūlpūr [Sidenote: Fol. 358.] were recalled to mind, and entrusted to the charge of Mullā Qāsim, Ustād Shāh Muḥammad the stone-cutter, Mīrak, Mīr Ghīāṣ, Mīr Sang-tarāsh (stone-cutter) and Shāh Bābā the spadesman. Their leave was then given them.

(_Feb. 2nd_) The first watch (6 a.m.) was near[2448] when we rode out from Anwār (_Wednesday, Jumāda I. 23rd_); in the end,[2449] we dismounted, at the Mid-day Prayer, in the village of Ābāpūr, one _kuroh_ (2 m.) from Chandawār.[2450]

(_Feb. 3rd_) On the eve of Thursday (_24th_)[2451] `Abdu'l-malūk the armourer[2452] was joined with Ḥasan _Chalabī_ and sent as envoy to the Shāh[2453]; and Chāpūq[2454] was joined with the Aūzbeg envoys and sent to the Aūzbeg khāns and sulṯāns.

We moved from Ābāpūr while 4 _garīs_ of the night remained (4.30 a.m.). After passing Chandawār at the top of the dawn, I got into a boat. I landed in front of Rāprī and at the Bed-time Prayer got to the camp which was at Fatḥpūr.[2455]

(_Feb. 4th and 5th_) Having stayed one day (_Friday_) at Fatḥpūr, we got to horse on Saturday (_26th_) after making ablution (_waẓū_) at dawn. We went through the Morning Prayer in assembly near Rāprī, Maulānā Muḥammad of Fārāb being the leader (_imām_). At sun-rise I got into a boat below the great crook[2456] of Rāprī.

Today I put together a line-marker (_misṯar_) of eleven lines[2457] in order to write the mixed hands of the translation.[2458] Today the words of the honoured man-of-God admonished my heart.[2459]