Chapter XLI: Section III: Hindūstān (15)

[825] Some Musalmāns fast through the months of Rajab, Sha`bān
and Ramẓān; Muḥammadans fast only by day; the night is often
given to feasting (Erskine).

[826] The Garden; the tombs of more eminent Muṣalmāns are
generally in gardens (Erskine). See Vigne's illustrations, pp.
133, 266.

[827] _i.e._ the year now in writing. The account of the
expedition, Bābur's first into Hindūstān, begins on f. 145.

[828] _i.e._ the countries groupable as Khurāsān.

[829] For picture and account of the dam, _see_ Vigne, pp.
138, 202.

[830] f. 295b.

[831] The legend is told in numerous books with varying
location of the spring. One narrator, Zakarīyā _Qazwīnī_,
reverses the parts, making Jāī-pāl employ the ruse; hence
Leyden's note (Mems. p. 150; E. and D.'s _History of India_
ii, 20, 182 and iv, 162; for historical information, R.'s
_Notes_ p. 320). The date of the events is shortly after 378
AH.-988 AD.

[832] R.'s _Notes_ _s.n._ Zurmut.

[833] The question of the origin of the Farmūlī has been
written of by several writers; perhaps they were Turks of
Persia, Turks and Tājīks.

[834] This completes the list of the 14 _tūmāns_ of Kābul,
_viz._ Nīngnahār, `Alī-shang, Alangār, Mandrāwar,
Kūnār-with-Nūr-gal, Nijr-aū, Panjhīr, Ghūr-bund, Koh-dāman
(with Kohistān?), Luhūgur (of the Kābul _tūmān_), Ghaznī,
Zurmut, Farmūl and Bangash.

[835] Between Nijr-aū and Tag-aū (Masson, iii, 165). Mr.
Erskine notes that Bābur reckoned it in the hot climate but
that the change of climate takes place further east, between
`Alī-shang and Aūzbīn (_i.e._ the valley next eastwards from
Tag-aū).

[836] _būghūzlārīghā furṣat būlmās_; _i.e._ to kill them in
the lawful manner, while pronouncing the _Bi'smi'llāh_.

[837] This completes the _bulūks_ of Kābul _viz._ Badr-aū
(Tag-aū), Nūr-valley, Chaghān-sarāī, Kāma and Ālā-sāī.

[838] The _rūpī_ being equal to 2-1/2 _shāhrukhīs_, the
_shāhrukhī_ may be taken at 10_d._ thus making the total
revenue only £33,333 6_s._ 8_d._ See _Āyīn-i-akbarī_ ii, 169
(Erskine).

[839] _sic_ in all B. N. MSS. Most maps print Khost. Muḥ.
Ṣāliḥ says of Khwāst, "Who sees it, would call it a Hell"
(Vambéry, p. 361).

[840] Bābur's statement about this fodder is not easy to
translate; he must have seen grass grow in tufts, and must
have known the Persian word _būta_ (bush). Perhaps _kāh_
should be read to mean plant, not grass. Would Wood's _bootr_
fit in, a small furze bush, very plentiful near Bāmiān?
(Wood's Report VI, p. 23; and for regional grasses,
Aitchison's _Botany of the Afghān Delimitation Commission_, p.
122.)

[841] _nāzū_, perhaps _cupressus torulosa_ (Brandis, p.693).

[842] f. 276.

[843] A laborious geographical note of Mr. Erskine's is here
regretfully left behind, as now needless (Mems. p. 152).

[844] Here, mainly wild-sheep and wild-goats, including
_mār-khẉār_.

[845] Perhaps, no conifers; perhaps none of those of the
contrasted hill-tract.

[846] While here _dasht_ (plain) represents the eastern skirt
of the Mehtar Sulaimān range, _dūkī_ or _dūgī_ (desert) seems
to stand for the hill tracts on the west of it, and not, as on
f. 152, for the place there specified.

[847] Mems. p. 152, "A narrow place is large to the
narrow-minded"; _Méms._ i, 311, "Ce qui n'est pas trop large,
ne reste pas vide." Literally, "So long as heights are not
equal, there is no vis-a-vis," or, if _tāng_ be read for
_tīng_, "No dawn, no noon," _i.e._ no effect without a cause.

[848] I have not lighted on this name in botanical books or
explained by dictionaries. Perhaps it is a Cis-oxanian name
for the _sax-aol_ of Transoxania. As its uses are enumerated
by some travellers, it might be _Haloxylon ammodendron_,
_ta-ghas etc._ and _sax-aol_ (Aitchison, p. 102).

[849] f. 135b note to Ghūr-bund.

[850] I understand that wild-goats, wild-sheep and deer
(_āhū_) were not localized, but that the dun-sheep migrated
through. Antelope (_āhū_) was scarce in Elphinstone's time.

[851] _qīzīl kīyik_ which, taken with its alternative name,
_arqārghalcha_, allows it to be the dun-sheep of Wood's
_Journey_ p. 241. From its second name it may be _Ovis amnon_
(_Raos_), or _O. argalī_.

[852] _tusqāwal_, var. _tutqāwal_, _tus̱aqāwal_ and
_tūshqāwal_, a word which has given trouble to scribes and
translators. As a sporting-term it is equivalent to
_shikār-i-nihilam_; in one or other of its forms I find it
explained as _Weg-hüter_, _Fahnen-hüter_, _Zahl-meister_,
_Schlucht_, _Gefahrlicher-weg_ and _Schmaler-weg_. It recurs
in the B.N. on f. 197b l. 5 and l. 6 and there might mean
either a narrow road or a _Weg-hüter_. If its Turkī root be
_tūs_, the act of stopping, all the above meanings can follow,
but there may be two separate roots, the second, _tūsh_, the
act of descent (JRAS 1900 p. 137, H. Beveridge's art. _On the
word nihilam_).

[853] _qūshlīk_, _aītlīk_. Elphinstone writes (i, 191) of the
excellent greyhounds and hawking birds of the region; here the
bird may be the _charkh_, which works with the dogs, fastening
on the head of the game (Von Schwarz, p. 117, for the same use
of eagles).

[854] An antelope resembling the usual one of Hindūstān is
common south of Ghaznī (Vigne, p. 110); what is not found may
be some classes of wild-sheep, frequent further north, at
higher elevation, and in places more familiar to Bābur.

[855] The Parwān or Hindū-kush pass, concerning the winds of
which _see_ f. 128.

[856] _tūrnā u qarqara_; the second of which is the Hindī
_būglā_, heron, _egret ardea gazetta_, the furnisher of the
aigrette of commerce.

[857] The _aūqār_ is _ardea cinerea_, the grey heron; the
_qarqara_ is _ardea gazetta_, the egret. _Qūṯān_ is explained
in the Elph. Codex (f. 110) by _khawāsil_, goldfinch, but the
context concerns large birds; Scully (Shaw's Voc.) has
_qodan_, water-hen, which suits better.

[858] _giz_, the short-flight arrow.

[859] a small, round-headed nail with which a whip-handle is
decorated (Vambéry). Such a stud would keep the cord from
slipping through the fingers and would not check the
arrow-release.

[860] It has been understood (Mems. p. 158 and _Méms._ i, 313)
that the arrow was flung by hand but if this were so,
something heavier than the _giz_ would carry the cord better,
since it certainly would be difficult to direct a missile so
light as an arrow without the added energy of the bow. The
arrow itself will often have found its billet in the
closely-flying flock; the cord would retrieve the bird. The
verb used in the text is _aītmāq_, the one common to express
the discharge of arrows _etc._

[861] For Tīmūrids who may have immigrated the fowlers _see_
Raverty's _Notes_ p. 579 and his Appendix p. 22.

[862] _milwāh_; this has been read by all earlier translators,
and also by the Persian annotator of the Elph. Codex, to mean
_shākh_, bough. For decoy-ducks _see_ Bellew's _Notes on
Afghānistān_ p. 404.

[863] _qūlān qūyirūghī._ Amongst the many plants used to drug
fish I have not found this one mentioned. _Khār-zāhra_ and
_khār-fāq_ approach it in verbal meaning; the first describes
colocynth, the second, wild rue. See Watts' _Economic Products
of India_ iii, 366 and Bellew's _Notes_ pp. 182, 471 and 478.

[864] Much trouble would have been spared to himself and his
translators, if Bābur had known a lobster-pot.

[865] The fish, it is to be inferred, came down the fall into
the pond.

[866] Burnes and Vigne describe a fall 20 miles from Kābul, at
"Tangī Gharoi", [below where the Tag-aū joins the
Bārān-water,] to which in their day, Kābulīs went out for the
amusement of catching fish as they try to leap up the fall.
Were these migrants seeking upper waters or were they captives
in a fish-pond?

[867] Elph. MS. f. 111; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 116b and 217 f.
97b; Mems. p. 155; _Méms._ i, 318.

[868] _mihmān-beglār_, an expression first used by Bābur here,
and due, presumably, to accessions from Khusrau Shāh's
following. A parallel case is given in Max Müller's _Science
of Language_ i, 348 ed. 1871, "Turkmān tribes ... call
themselves, not subjects, but guests of the Uzbeg Khāns."

[869] _tiyūl-dīk_ in all the Turkī MSS. Ilminsky, de
Courteille and Zenker, _yitūl-dīk_, Turkī, a fief.

[870] _Wilāyat khūd hech bīrīlmādī_; W.-i-B. 215 f. 116b,
_Wilāyat dāda na shuda_ and 217 f. 97b, _Wilāyat khūd hech
dāda na shud_. By this I understand that he kept the lands of
Kābul itself in his own hands. He mentions (f. 350) and
Gul-badan mentions (H.N. f. 40b) his resolve so to keep Kābul.
I think he kept not only the fort but all lands constituting
the Kābul _tūmān_ (f. 135b and note).

[871] _Saifī dūr, qalamī aīmās_, _i.e._ tax is taken by force,
not paid on a written assessment.

[872] _khar-wār_, about 700 lbs Averdupois (Erskine). Cf.
_Āyīn-i-akbarī_ (Jarrett, ii, 394).

[873] Niẕāmu'd-dīn Aḥmad and Badāyūnī both mention this script
and say that in it Bābur transcribed a copy of the Qorān for
presentation to Makka. Badāyūnī says it was unknown in his
day, the reign of Akbar (_T̤abaqāt-i-akbarī_, lith. ed. p.
193, and _Muntakhabu't-tawārīkh_ Bib. Ind. ed. iii, 273).

[874] Bābur's route, taken with one given by Raverty (_Notes_
p. 691), allows these Hazāras, about whose location Mr.
Erskine was uncertain, to be located between the Takht-pass
(Arghandī-Maidān-Unai road), on their east, and the Sang-lākh
mountains, on their west.

[875] The Takht-pass, one on which from times immemorial, toll
(_nirkh_) has been taken.

[876] _khāṯir-khwāh chāpīlmādī_, which perhaps implies mutual
discontent, Bābur's with his gains, the Hazāras' with their
losses. As the second Persian translation omits the negative,
the Memoirs does the same.

[877] Bhīra being in Shāhpūr, this Khān's _daryā_ will be the
Jehlam.

[878] Bābur uses Persian _dasht_ and Hindī _dūkī_, plain and
hill, for the tracts east and west of Mehtar Sulaimān. The
first, _dasht_, stands for Dāman (skirt) and Dara-i-jāt, the
second, _dūkī_, indefinitely for the broken lands west of the
main range, but also, in one instance for the Dūkī [Dūgī]
district of Qandahār, as will be noted.

[879] f. 132. The Jagdālīk-pass for centuries has separated
the districts of Kābul and Nīngnahār. Forster (_Travels_ ii,
68), making the journey the reverse way, was sensible of the
climatic change some 3m. east of Gandamak. Cf. Wood's _Report_
I. p. 6.

[880] These are they whose families Nāṣir Mīrzā shepherded out
of Kābul later (f. 154, f. 155).

[881] Bird's-dome, opposite the mouth of the Kūnār-water
(_S.A. War_, Map p. 64).

[882] This word is variously pointed and is uncertain. Mr.
Erskine adopted "Pekhi", but, on the whole, it may be best to
read, here and on f. 146, Ar. _fajj_ or pers. _paj_, mountain
or pass. To do so shews the guide to be one located in the
Khaibar-pass, a _Fajjī_ or _Pajī_.

[883] mod. Jām-rūd (Jām-torrent), presumably.

[884] G. of I. xx, 125 and Cunningham's _Ancient History_ i,
80. Bābur saw the place in 925 AH. (f. 232b).

[885] Cunningham, p. 29. Four ancient sites, not far removed
from one another, bear this name, Bīgrām, _viz._ those near
Hūpīān, Kābul, Jalālābād and Pashāwar.

[886] Cunningham, i, 79.

[887] Perhaps a native of Kamarī on the Indus, but _kamarī_ is
a word of diverse application (index _s.n._).

[888] The annals of this campaign to the eastward shew that
Bābur was little of a free agent; that many acts of his own
were merciful; that he sets down the barbarity of others as it
was, according to his plan of writing (f. 86); and that he had
with him undisciplined robbers of Khusrau Shāh's former
following. He cannot be taken as having power to command or
control the acts of those, his guest-begs and their following,
who dictated his movements in this disastrous journey, one
worse than a defeat, says Ḥaidar Mīrzā.

[889] For the route here _see_ Masson, i, 117 and Colquhoun's
_With the Kuram Field-force_ p. 48.

[890] The Ḥai. MS. writes this Dilah-zāk.

[891] _i.e._ raised a force in Bābur's name. He took advantage
of this _farmān_ in 911 AH. to kill Bāqī _Chagkānīānī_ (f.
159b-160).

[892] Of the Yūsuf-zāī and Ranjīt-sīngh, Masson says, (i, 141)
"The miserable, hunted wretches threw themselves on the
ground, and placing a blade or tuft of grass in their mouths,
cried out, "I am your cow." This act and explanation, which
would have saved them from an orthodox Hindū, had no effect
with the infuriated Sikhs." This form of supplication is at
least as old as the days of Firdausī (Erskine, p. 159 n.). The
_Bahār-i-`ajam_ is quoted by Vullers as saying that in India,
suppliants take straw in the mouth to indicate that they are
blanched and yellow from fear.

[893] This barbarous custom has always prevailed amongst the
Tartar conquerors of Asia (Erskine). For examples under Timūr
_see_ Raverty's _Notes_ p. 137.

[894] For a good description of the road from Kohāt to Thāl
_see_ Bellew's _Mission_ p. 104.

[895] F. 88b has the same phrase about the doubtful courage of
one Sayyidī Qarā.

[896] Not to the mod. town of Bannū, [that having been begun
only in 1848 AD.] but wherever their wrong road brought them
out into the Bannū amphitheatre. The Survey Map of 1868, No.
15, shews the physical features of the wrong route.

[897] Perhaps he connived at recovery of cattle by those
raided already.

[898] Tāq is the Tank of Maps; Bāzār was s.w. of it. Tank for
Tāq looks to be a variant due to nasal utterance (Vigne, p.
77, p. 203 and Map; and, as bearing on the nasal, _in loco_,
Appendix E).

[899] If return had been made after over-running Bannū, it
would have been made by the Tochī-valley and so through
Farmūl; if after over-running the Plain, Bābur's details shew
that the westward turn was meant to be by the Gūmāl-valley and
one of two routes out of it, still to Farmūl; but the extended
march southward to near Dara-i-Ghazī Khān made the westward
turn be taken through the valley opening at Sakhī-sawār.

[900] This will mean, none of the artificial runlets familiar
where Bābur had lived before getting to know Hindūstān.

[901] _sauda-āt_, perhaps, pack-ponies, perhaps, bred for sale
and not for own use. Burnes observes that in 1837 Lūhānī
merchants carried precisely the same articles of trade as in
Bābur's day, 332 years earlier (_Report_ IX p. 99).

[902] Mr. Erskine thought it probable that the first of these
routes went through Kanigūram, and the second through the
Ghwālirī-pass and along the Gūmāl. _Birk_, fastness, would
seem an appropriate name for Kanigūram, but, if Bābur meant to
go to Ghaznī, he would be off the ordinary Gūmāl-Ghaznī route
in going through Farmūl (Aūrgūn). Raverty's _Notes_ give much
useful detail about these routes, drawn from native sources.
For Barak (Birk) _see_ _Notes_ pp. 88, 89; Vigne, p. 102.

[903] From this it would seem that the alternative roads were
approached by one in common.

[904] _tūmshūq_, a bird's bill, used here, as in Selsey-bill,
for the naze (nose), or snout, the last spur, of a range.

[905] Here these words may be common nouns.

[906] Nū-roz, the feast of the old Persian New-year (Erskine);
it is the day on which the Sun enters Aries.

[907] In the [Turkī] Elph. and Ḥai. MSS. and in some Persian
ones, there is a space left here as though to indicate a known
omission.

[908] _kamarī_, sometimes a cattle-enclosure, which may serve
as a _sangur_. The word may stand in one place of its
_Bābur-nāma_ uses for Gum-rāhī (R.'s _Notes_ _s.n._
Gum-rāhān).

[909] Index _s.n._

[910] Vigne, p. 241.

[911] This name can be translated "He turns not back" or "He
stops not".

[912] _i.e._ five from Bīlah.

[913] Raverty gives the saint's name as Pīr Kānūn (Ar.
_kānūn_, listened to). It is the well-known Sakhī-sarwār,
honoured hy Hindūs and Muḥammadans. (G. of I., xxi, 390; R.'s
_Notes_ p. 11 and p. 12 and JASB 1855; Calcutta Review 1875,
Macauliffe's art. _On the fair at Sakhi-sarwar_; Leech's
_Report_ VII, for the route; _Khazīnatu 'l-asfiyā_ iv, 245.)

[914] This seems to be the sub-district of Qandahār, Dūkī or
Dūgī.

[915] _khar-gāh_, a folding tent on lattice frame-work,
perhaps a _khibitka_.

[916] It may be more correct to write Kāh-mard, as the Ḥai.
MS. does and to understand in the name a reference to the
grass(_kāh_)-yielding capacity of the place.

[917] f. 121.

[918] This may mean, what irrigation has not used.

[919] Mr. Erskine notes that the description would lead us to
imagine a flock of flamingoes. Masson found the lake filled
with red-legged, white fowl (i, 262); these and also what
Bābur saw, may have been the China-goose which has body and
neck white, head and tail russet (Bellew's _Mission_ p. 402).
Broadfoot seems to have visited the lake when migrants were
few, and through this to have been led to adverse comment on
Bābur's accuracy (p. 350).

[920] The usual dryness of the bed may have resulted from the
irrigation of much land some 12 miles from Ghaznī.

[921] This is the Luhūgur (Logar) water, knee-deep in winter
at the ford but spreading in flood with the spring-rains.
Bābur, not being able to cross it for the direct roads into
Kābul, kept on along its left bank, crossing it eventually at
the Kamarī of maps, s.e. of Kābul.

[922] This disastrous expedition, full of privation and loss,
had occupied some four months (T.R. p. 201).

[923] f. 145b.

[924] f. 133b and Appendix F.

[925] They were located in Mandrāwar in 926 AH. (f. 251).

[926] This was done, manifestly, with the design of drawing
after the families their fighting men, then away with Bābur.

[927] f. 163. Shaibāq Khān besieged Chīn Ṣufī, Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā's man in Khwārizm (T. R. p. 204; _Shaibānī-nāma_,
Vambéry, Table of Contents and note 89).

[928] Survey Map 1889, Sadda. The Rāgh-water flows n.w. into
the Oxus (Amū).

[929] _birk_, a mountain stronghold; cf. f. 149b note to Birk
(Barak).

[930] They were thus driven on from the Bārān-water (f. 154b).

[931] f. 126b.

[932] Ḥiṣār, presumably.

[933] Here "His Honour" translates Bābur's clearly ironical
honorific plural.

[934] These two sulṯāns, almost always mentioned in alliance,
may be Tīmūrids by maternal descent (Index _s.nn._). So far I
have found no direct statement of their parentage. My husband
has shewn me what may be one indication of it, _viz._ that two
of the uncles of Shaibāq Khān (whose kinsmen the sulṯāns seem
to be), Qūj-kūnjī and Sīūnjak, were sons of a daughter of the
Tīmūrid Aūlūgh Beg _Samarkandī_ (Ḥ.S. ii, 318). _See_
Vambéry's _Bukhārā_ p. 248 note.

[935] For the deaths of Taṃbal and Maḥmūd, mentioned in the
above summary of Shaibāq Khān's actions, _see_ the
_Shaibānī-nāma_, Vambéry, p. 323.

[936] Ḥ.S. ii, 323, for Khusrau Shāh's character and death.

[937] f. 124.

[938] Khwāja-of-the-rhubarb, presumably a shrine near
rhubarb-grounds (f. 129b).

[939] _yakshī bārdīlār_, lit. went well, a common expression
in the _Bābur-nāma_, of which the reverse statement is
_yamānlīk bīla bārdī_ (f. 163). Some Persian MSS. make the
Mughūls disloyal but this is not only in opposition to the
Turkī text, it is a redundant statement since if disloyal,
they are included in Bābur's previous statement, as being
Khusrau Shāh's retainers. What might call for comment in
Mughūls would be loyalty to Bābur.

[940] Elph. MS. f. 121b: W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 126 and 217 f.
106b; Mems. p. 169.

[941] _tāgh-dāmanasī_, presumably the Koh-dāman, and the
garden will thus be the one of f. 136b.

[942] If these heirs were descendants of Aūlūgh Beg M. one
would be at hand in `Abdu'r-razzāq, then a boy, and another, a
daughter, was the wife of Muqīm _Arghūn_. As Mr. Erskine
notes, Musalmāns are most scrupulous not to bury their dead in
ground gained by violence or wrong.

[943] The news of Aḥmad's death was belated; he died some 13
months earlier, in the end of 909 AH. and in Eastern
Turkistān. Perhaps details now arrived.

[944] _i.e._ the fortieth day of mourning, when alms are
given.

[945] Of those arriving, the first would find her
step-daughter dead, the second her sister, the third, his late
wife's sister (T. R. p. 196).

[946] This will be the earthquake felt in Agra on Ṣafar 3rd
911 AH. (July 5th 1505 AD. Erskine's _History of India_ i, 229
note). Cf. Elliot and Dowson, iv, 465 and v, 99.

[947] Raverty's _Notes_ p. 690.

[948] _bīr kitta tāsh ātīmī_; var. _bāsh ātīmī_. If _tāsh_ be
right, the reference will probably be to the throw of a
catapult.

[949] Here almost certainly, a drummer, because there were two
tambours and because also Bābur uses _`aūdī_ & _ghachakī_ for
the other meanings of _ṯambourchi_, lutanist and guitarist.
The word has found its way, as _tambourgi_, into Childe
Harold's Pilgrimage (Canto ii, lxxii. H. B.).

[950] Kābul-Ghaznī road (R.'s _Notes_ index _s.n._).

[951] var. Yārī. Tāzī is on the Ghaznī-Qalāt-i-ghilzāī road
(R.'s _Notes_, Appendix p. 46).

[952] _i.e._ in Kābul and in the Trans-Himalayan country.

[953] These will be those against Bābur's suzerainty done by
their defence of Qalāt for Muqīm.

[954] _tabaqa_, dynasty. By using this word Bābur shews
recognition of high birth. It is noticeable that he usually
writes of an Arghūn chief either simply as "Beg" or without a
title. This does not appear to imply admission of equality,
since he styles even his brothers and sisters Mīrzā and Begīm;
nor does it shew familiarity of intercourse, since none seems
to have existed between him and Ẕū'n-nūn or Muqīm. That he did
not admit equality is shewn on f. 208. The T.R. styles
Ẕū'n-nūn "Mīrzā", a title by which, as also by Shāh, his
descendants are found styled (A.-i-a. Blochmann, _s.n._).

[955] Turkī _khachar_ is a camel or mule used for carrying
personal effects. The word has been read by some scribes as
_khanjar_, dagger.

[956] In 910 AH. he had induced Bābur to come to Kābul instead
of going into Khurāsān (Ḥ.S. iii, 319); in the same year he
dictated the march to Kohāt, and the rest of that disastrous
travel. His real name was not Bāqī but Muḥammad Bāqir (Ḥ.S.
iii, 311).

[957] These transit or custom duties are so called because the
dutiable articles are stamped with a _ṯamghā_, a wooden stamp.

[958] Perhaps this word is an equivalent of Persian _goshī_, a
tax on cattle and beasts of burden.

[959] Bāqī was one only and not the head of the Lords of the
Gate.

[960] The choice of the number nine, links on presumably to
the mystic value attached to it _e.g._ Tarkhāns had nine
privileges; gifts were made by nines.

[961] It is near Ḥasan-abdāl (A.-i-A. Jarrett, ii, 324).

[962] For the _farmān_, f. 146b; for Gujūrs, G. of I.

[963] var. Khwesh. Its water flows into the Ghūr-bund stream;
it seems to be the Dara-i-Turkmān of Stanford and the Survey
Maps both of which mark Janglīk. For Hazāra turbulence, f.
135b and note.

[964] The repetition of _aūq_ in this sentence can hardly be
accidental.

[965] _ṯaur_ [_dara_], which I take to be Turkī, round,
complete.

[966] Three MSS. of the Turkī text write _bīr sīmīzlūq tīwah_;
but the two Persian translations have _yak shuturlūq farbīh_,
a _shuturlūq_ being a baggage-camel with little hair
(Erskine).

[967] _brochettes_, meat cut into large mouthfuls, spitted and
roasted.

[968] Perhaps he was officially an announcer; the word means
also bearer of good news.

[969] _yīlāng_, without mail, as in the common phrase _yīgīt
yīlāng_, a bare brave.

[970] _aūpchīn_, of horse and man (f. 113b and note).

[971] Manifestly Bābur means that he twice actually helped to
collect the booty.

[972] This is that part of a horse covered by the two
side-pieces of a Turkī saddle, from which the side-arch
springs on either side (Shaw).

[973] _Bārān-nīng ayāghī._ Except the river I have found
nothing called Bārān; the village marked Baian on the French
Map would suit the position; it is n.e. of Chār-yak-kār (f.
184b note).

[974] _i.e._ prepared to fight.

[975] For the Hazāra (Turkī, Mīng) on the Mīrzā's road _see_
Raverty's routes from Ghaznī to the north. An account given by
the _Tārīkh-i-rashīdī_ (p. 196) of Jahāngīr's doings is
confused; its parenthetical "(at the same time)" can hardly be
correct. Jahāngīr left Ghaznī now, (911 AH.), as Bābur left
Kābul in 912 AH. without knowledge of Ḥusain's death (911
AH.). Bābur had heard it (f. 183b) before Jahāngīr joined him
(912 AH.); after their meeting they went on together to Herī.
The petition of which the T. R. speaks as made by Jahāngīr to
Bābur, that he might go into Khurāsān and help the Bāī-qarā
Mīrzās must have been made after the meeting of the two at
Ṣaf-hill (f. 184b).

[976] The plurals _they_ and _their_ of the preceding sentence
stand no doubt for the Mīrzā, Yūsuf and Buhlūl who all had
such punishment due as would lead them to hear threat in
Qāsim's words now when all were within Bābur's pounce.

[977] These are the _aīmāqs_ from which the fighting-men went
east with Bābur in 910 AH. and the families in which Nāṣir
shepherded across Hindu-kush (f. 154 and f. 155).

[978] _yamānlīk bīla bārdī_; cf. f. 156b and n. for its
opposite, _yakhshī bārdīlār_; and T. R. p. 196.

[979] One might be of mail, the other of wadded cloth.

[980] Chīn Ṣūfī was Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā's_ man (T.R. p. 204). His
arduous defence, faithfulness and abandonment recall the
instance of a later time when also a long road stretched
between the man and the help that failed him. But the Mīrzā
was old, his military strength was, admittedly, sapped by
ease; hence his elder Khartum, his neglect of his Gordon.

It should be noted that no mention of the page's fatal arrow
is made by the _Shaibānī-nāma_ (Vambéry, p. 442), or by the
_Tārīkh-i-rashīdī_ (p. 204). Chīn Ṣūfī's death was on the 21st
of the Second Rabī 911 AH. (Aug. 22nd 1505 AD.).

[981] This may be the "Baboulei" of the French Map of 1904, on
the Herī-Kushk-Marūchāq road.

[982] Elph. MS. f. 127; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 132 and 217 f.
111b; Mems. p. 175; _Méms._ i, 364.

That Bābur should have given his laborious account of the
Court of Herī seems due both to loyalty to a great Tīmūrid,
seated in Tīmūr Beg's place (f. 122b), and to his own
interest, as a man-of-letters and connoisseur in excellence,
in that ruler's galaxy of talent. His account here opening is
not complete; its sources are various; they include the
_Ḥabību's-siyār_ and what he will have learned himself in Herī
or from members of the Bāī-qarā family, knowledgeable women
some of them, who were with him in Hindūstān. The narrow scope
of my notes shews that they attempt no more than to indicate
further sources of information and to clear up a few
obscurities.

[983] Tīmūr's youngest son, d. 850 AH. (1446 AD.). Cf. Ḥ.S.
iii, 203. The use in this sentence of Amīr and not Beg as
Tīmūr's title is, up to this point, unique in the
_Bābur-nāma_; it may be a scribe's error.

[984] Fīrūza's paternal line of descent was as
follows:—Fīrūza, daughter of Sl. Ḥusain _Qānjūt_, son of Ākā
Begīm, daughter of Tīmūr. Her maternal descent was:—Fīrūza, d.
of Qūtlūq-sulṯān Begīm, d. of Mīrān-shāh, s. of Tīmūr. She
died Muḥ. 24th 874 AH. (July 25th 1489 AD. Ḥ.S. iii, 218).

[985] "No-one in the world had such parentage", writes
Khwānd-amīr, after detailing the Tīmūrid, Chīngīz-khānid, and
other noted strains meeting in Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā_ (Ḥ.S. iii,
204).

[986] The Elph. MS. gives the Begīm no name; Badī`u'l-jamāl is
correct (Ḥ.S. iii, 242). The curious "Badka" needs
explanation. It seems probable that Bābur left one of his
blanks for later filling-in; the natural run of his sentence
here is "Ākā B. and Badī`u'l-jamāl B." and not the detail,
which follows in its due place, about the marriage with Aḥmad.

[987] _Dīwān bāshīdā ḥāṣir būlmās aīdī_; the sense of which
may be that Bāī-qarā did not sit where the premier retainer
usually sat at the head of the Court (Pers. trs.
_sar-i-dīwān_).

[988] From this Wais and Sl. Ḥusain M.'s daughter Sulṯānīm (f.
167b) were descended the Bāī-qarā Mīrzās who gave Akbar so
much trouble.

[989] As this man might be mistaken for Bābur's uncle (_q.v._)
of the same name, it may be well to set down his parentage. He
was a s. of Mīrzā Sayyidī Aḥmad, s. of Mīrān-shāh, s. of Tīmūr
(Ḥ.S. iii, 217, 241). I have not found mention elsewhere of
"Aḥmad s. of Mīrān-shāh"; the _sayyidī_ in his style points to
a sayyida mother. He was Governor of Herī for a time, for Sl.
H.M.; `Alī-sher has notices of him and of his son, Kīchīk
Mīrzā (_Journal Asiatique_ xvii, 293, M. Belin's art. where
may be seen notices of many other men mentioned by Bābur).

[990] He collected and thus preserved `Alī-sher's earlier
poems (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 294). Mu'inu'd-dīn al Zamji writes
respectfully of his being worthy of credence in some Egyptian
matters with which he became acquainted in twice passing
through that country on his Pilgrimage (_Journal Asiatique_
xvi, 476, de Meynard's article).

[991] Kīchīk M.'s quatrain is a mere plagiarism of Jāmī's
which I am indebted to my husband for locating as in the
_Dīwān_ I.O. MS. 47 p. 47; B.M. Add. 7774 p. 290; and Add.
7775 p. 285. M. Belin interprets the verse as an expression of
the rise of the average good man to mystical rapture, not as
his lapse from abstinence to indulgence (l.c. xvii, 296 and
notes).

[992] Elph. MS. _younger_ but Ḥai. MS. _older_ in which it is
supported by the "also" (_ham_) of the sentence.

[993] modern Astrakhan. Ḥusain's guerilla wars were those
through which he cut his way to the throne of Herī. This begīm
was married first to Pīr Budāgh Sl. (Ḥ.S. iii, 242); he dying,
she was married by Aḥmad, presumably by levirate custom
(_yīnkālīk_; f. 12 and note). By Aḥmad she had a daughter,
styled Khān-zāda Begīm whose affairs find comment on f. 206
and Ḥ.S. iii, 359. (The details of this note negative a
suggestion of mine that Badka was the Rābī`a-sulṯān of f. 168
(Gul-badan, App. _s. nn._).)

[994] This is a felt wide-awake worn by travellers in hot
weather (Shaw); the Turkmān bonnet (Erskine).

[995] Ḥai. MS. _yamānlīk_, badly, but Elph. MS. _namāyan_,
whence Erskine's _showy_.

[996] This was a proof that he was then a Shī`a (Erskine).

[997] The word _perform_ may be excused in speaking of
Musalmān prayers because they involve ceremonial bendings and
prostrations (Erskine).

[998] If Bābur's 40 include rule in Herī only, it over-states,
since Yādgār died in 875 AH. and Ḥusain in 911 AH. while the
intervening 36 years include the 5 or 6 temperate ones. If the
40 count from 861 AH. when Ḥusain began to rule in Merv, it
under-states. It is a round number, apparently.

[999] Relying on the Ilminsky text, Dr. Rieu was led into the
mistake of writing that Bābur gave Ḥusain the wrong pen-name,
_i.e._ Ḥusain, and not Ḥusainī (Turk. Cat. p. 256).

[1000] Daulat-shāh says that as he is not able to enumerate
all Ḥusain's feats-of-arms, he, Turkmān fashion, offers a gift
of Nine. The Nine differ from those of Bābur's list in some
dates; they are also records of victory only (Browne, p. 521;
_Not. et Extr._ iv, 262, de Saçy's article).

[1001] Wolves'-water, a river and its town at the s.e. corner
of the Caspian, the ancient boundary between Russia and
Persia. The name varies a good deal in MSS.

[1002] The battle was at Tarshīz; Abū-sa`īd was ruling in
Herī; Daulat-shāh (l.c. p. 523) gives 90 and 10,000 as the
numbers of the opposed forces!

[1003] f. 26b and note; Ḥ.S. iii, 209; Daulat-shāh p. 523.

[1004] The loser was the last Shāhrukhī ruler. Chanārān
(variants) is near Abīward, Anwārī's birth-place (Ḥ.S. iii,
218; D.S. p. 527).

[1005] f. 85. D.S. (p. 540) and the Ḥ.S. (iii, 223) dwell on
Ḥusain's speed through three continuous days and nights.

[1006] f. 26; Ḥ.S. iii, 227; D.S. p. 532.

[1007] Abū-sa`īd's son by a Badakhshī Begīm (T.R. p. 108); he
became his father's Governor in Badakhshān and married Ḥusain
_Bāī-qarā's_ daughter Begīm Sultān at a date after 873 AH. (f.
168 and note; Ḥ.S. iii, 196, 229, 234-37; D.S. p. 535).

[1008] f. 152.

[1009] Abā-bikr was defeated and put to death at the end of
Rajah 884 AH.-Oct. 1479 AD. after flight before Ḥusain across
the Gurgān-water (Ḥ.S. iii, 196 and 237 but D.S. p. 539, Ṣafar
885 AH.).

[1010] f. 41, Pul-i-chirāgh; for Halwā-spring, Ḥ.S. iii, 283
and Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 443.

[1011] f. 33 (p. 57) and f. 57b.

[1012] In commenting thus Bābur will have had in mind what he
best knew, Ḥusain's futile movements at Qūndūz and Ḥiṣār.

[1013] _qālīb aīdī_; if _qālīb_ be taken as Turkī, survived or
remained, it would not apply here since many of Ḥusain's
children predeceased him; Ar. _qālab_ would suit, meaning
_begotten_, _born_.

There are discrepancies between Bābur's details here and
Khwānd-amīr's scattered through the _Ḥabību's-siyār_,
concerning Ḥusain's family.

[1014] _bī ḥuẓūrī_, which may mean aversion due to Khadīja
Begīm's malevolence.

[1015] Some of the several goings into `Irāq chronicled by
Bābur point to refuge taken with Tīmūrids, descendants of
Khalīl and `Umar, sons of Mirān-shāh (Lane-Poole's _Muhammadan
Dynasties_, Table of the Timūrids).

[1016] He died before his father (Ḥ.S. iii, 327).

[1017] He will have been killed previous to Ramẓān 3rd 918 AH.
(Nov. 12th, 1512 AD.), the date of the battle of Ghaj-dawān
when Nijm S̱ānī died.

[1018] The _bund_ here may not imply that both were in prison,
but that they were bound in close company, allowing Ismā`īl, a
fervent Shī`a, to convert the Mīrzā.

[1019] The _bātmān_ is a Turkish weight of 13lbs (Meninsky) or
15lbs (Wollaston). The weight seems likely to refer to the
strength demanded for rounding the bow (_kamān guroha-sī_)
_i.e._ as much strength as to lift 40 _bātmāns_. Rounding or
bending might stand for stringing or drawing. The meaning can
hardly be one of the weight of the cross-bow itself. Erskine
read _gūrdehieh_ for _guroha_ (p. 180) and translated by
"double-stringed bow"; de Courteille (i, 373) read
_guirdhiyeh, arrondi, circulaire_, in this following Ilminsky
who may have followed Erskine. The Elph. and Ḥai. MSS. and the
first W.-i-B. (I.O. 215 f. 113b) have _kamān guroha-sī_; the
second W.-i-B. omits the passage, in the MSS. I have seen.

[1020] _yakhshīlār bārīb tūr_; lit. good things went (on); cf.
f. 156b and note.

[1021] Badī`u'z-zamān's son, drowned at Chausa in 946 AH.
(1539 AD.) A.N. (H. Beveridge, i, 344).

[1022] Qalāt-i-nādirī, in Khurāsān, the birth-place of Nādir
Shāh (T.R. p. 209).

[1023] _bīr gīna qīz_, which on f. 86b can fitly be read to
mean daughterling, _Töchterchen, fillette_, but here and
_i.a._ f. 168, must have another meaning than diminutive and
may be an equivalent of German _Stück_ and mean _one only_.
Gul-badan gives an account of Shād's manly pursuits (H.N. f.
25b).

[1024] He was the son of Mahdī Sl. (f. 320b) and the father of
`Āqil Sl. _Aūzbeg_ (A.N. index _s.n._). Several matters
suggest that these men were of the Shabān Aūzbegs who
intermarried with Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā's_ family and some of whom
went to Bābur in Hindūstān. One such matter is that Kābul was
the refuge of dispossessed Harātīs, after the Aūzbeg conquest;
that there `Āqil married Shād _Bāī-qarā_ and that `Ādil went
on to Bābur. Moreover Khāfī Khān makes a statement which (if
correct) would allow `Ādil's father Mahdī to be a grandson of
Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā_; this statement is that when Bābur defeated
the Aūzbegs in 916 AH. (1510 AD.), he freed from their
captivity two sons (descendants) of his paternal uncle, named
Mahdī Sl. and Sulṯān Mīrzā. [Leaving the authenticity of the
statement aside for a moment, it will be observed that this
incident is of the same date and place as another well-vouched
for, namely that Bābur then and there killed Mahdī Sl.
_Aūzbeg_ and Ḥamza Sl. _Aūzbeg_ after defeating them.] What
makes in favour of Khāfī Khān's correctness is, not only that
Bābur's foe Mahdī is not known to have had a son `Ādil, but
also that his "Sulṯān Mīrzā" is not a style so certainly
suiting Ḥamza as it does a Shabān sulṯān, one whose father was
a Shabān sulṯān, and whose mother was a Mīrzā's daughter.
Moreover this point of identification is pressed by the
correctness, according to oriental statement of relationship,
of Khāfī Khān's "paternal uncle" (of Bābur), because this
precisely suits Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā with whose family these
Shabān sulṯāns allied themselves. On the other hand it must be
said that Khāfī Khān's statement is not in the English text of
the _Tārīkh-i-rashīdī_, the book on which he mostly relies at
this period, nor is it in my husband's MS. [a copy from the
Rampūr Codex]; and to this must be added the verbal objection
that a modicum of rhetoric allows a death to be described both
in Turkī and Persian, as a release from the captivity of a
sinner's own acts (f. 160). Still Khāfī Khān may be right; his
statement may yet be found in some other MS. of the T. R. or
some different source; it is one a scribe copying the T. R.
might be led to omit by reason of its coincidences. The
killing and the release may both be right; `Ādil's Mahdī may
be the Shabān sulṯān inference makes him seem. This little
_crux_ presses home the need of much attention to the
_lacunae_ in the _Bābur-nāma_, since in them are lost some
exits and some entries of Bābur's _dramatis personae_,
pertinently, mention of the death of Mahdī with Ḥamza in 916
AH., and possibly also that of `Ādil's Mahdī's release.

[1025] A _chār-ṯāq_ may be a large tent rising into four domes
or having four porches.

[1026] Ḥ.S. iii, 367.

[1027] This phrase, common but not always selected, suggests
unwillingness to leave the paternal roof.

[1028] Abū'l-ghāzī's _History of the Mughūls_, Désmaisons, p.
207.

[1029] The appointment was made in 933 AH. (1527 AD.) and
seems to have been held still in 934 AH. (ff. 329, 332).

[1030] This grandson may have been a child travelling with his
father's household, perhaps Aūlūgh Mīrzā, the oldest son of
Muḥammad Sulṯān Mīrzā (A. A. Blochmann, p. 461). No mention is
made here of Sulṯānīm Begīm's marriage with `Abdu'l-bāqī Mīrzā
(f. 175).

[1031] Abū'l-qāsim Bābur _Shāhrukhī_ presumably.

[1032] The time may have been 902 AH. when Mas`ūd took his
sister Bega Begīm to Herī for her marriage with Ḥaidar (Ḥ.S.
iii, 260).

[1033] Khwāja Aḥmad _Yāsawī_, known as Khwāja Ātā, founder of
the Yāsawī religious order.

[1034] Not finding mention of a daughter of Abū-sa`id named
Rābī`a-sulṯān, I think she may be the daughter styled Āq Begīm
who is No. 3 in Gul-badan's guest-list for the Mystic Feast.

[1035] This man I take to be Ḥusain's grandfather and not
brother, both because `Abdu'l-lāh was of Ḥusain's and his
brother's generation, and also because of the absence here of
Bābur's usual defining words "elder brother" (of Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā). In this I have to differ from Dr. Rieu (Pers. Cat. p.
152).

[1036] So-named after his ancestor Sayyid Barka whose body was
exhumed from Andikhūd for reburial in Samarkand, by Tīmūr's
wish and there laid in such a position that Tīmūr's body was
at its feet (_Z̤afar-nāma_ ii, 719; Ḥ.S. iii, 82). (For the
above interesting detail I am indebted to my husband.)

[1037] _Qīzīl-bāsh_, Persians wearing red badges or caps to
distinguish them as Persians.

[1038] Yādgār-i-farrukh _Mīrān-shāhī_ (Ḥ.S. iii, 327). He may
have been one of those Mīrān-shāhīs of `Irāq from whom came
Ākā's and Sulṯānīm's husbands, Aḥmad and `Abdu'l-bāqī (ff.
164, 175_b_).

[1039] This should be four (f. 169_b_). The Ḥ.S. (iii, 327)
also names three only when giving Pāpā Āghācha's daughters
(the omission linking it with the B.N.), but elsewhere (iii,
229) it gives an account of a fourth girl's marriage; this
fourth is needed to make up the total of 11 daughters. Bābur's
and Khwānd-amīr's details of Pāpā Āghācha's quartette are
defective; the following may be a more correct list:—(1) Begīm
Sulṯān (a frequent title), married to Abā-bikr _Mīrān-shāhī_
(who died 884 AH.) and seeming too old to be the one [No. 3]
who married Mas`ūd (Ḥ.S. iii, 229); (2) Sulṯān-nizhād, married
to Iskandar _Bāī-qarā_; (3) Sa`ādat-bakht also known as Begīm
Sulṯān, married to Mas'ūd _Mīrān-shāhī_ (Ḥ.S. iii, 327); (4)
Manauwar-sulṯān, married to a son of Aūlūgh Beg _Kābulī_ (Ḥ.S.
iii, 327).

[1040] This "after" seems to contradict the statement (f. 58)
that Mas`ūd was made to kneel as a son-in-law (_kūyādlīk-kā
yūkūndūrūb_) at a date previous to his blinding, but the
seeming contradiction may be explained by considering the
following details; he left Herī hastily (f. 58), went to
Khusrau Shāh and was blinded by him,—all in the last two
months of 903 AH. (1498 AD.), after the kneeling on Ẕū'l-qa`da
3rd, (June 23rd) in the Ravens'-garden. Here what Bābur says
is that the Begīm was given (_bīrīb_) after the blinding, the
inference allowed being that though Mas`ūd had kneeled before
the blinding, she had remained in her father's house till his
return after the blinding.

[1041] The first W.-i-B. writes "Apāq Begīm" (I.O. 215 f. 136)
which would allow Sayyid Mīrzā to be a kinsman of Apāq Begīm,
wife of Ḥusain _Bāī-qarā_.

[1042] This brief summary conveys the impression that the
Begīm went on her pilgrimage shortly after Mas`ūd's death (913
AH. ?), but may be wrong:—After Mas`ūd's murder, by one Bīmāsh
Mīrzā, _dārogha_ of Sarakhs, at Shaibāq Khān's order, she was
married by Bīmāsh M. (Ḥ.S. iii, 278). How long after this she
went to Makka is not said; it was about 934 AH. when Bābur
heard of her as there.

[1043] This clause is in the Ḥai. MS. but not in the Elph. MS.
(f. 131), or Kehr's (Ilminsky, p. 210), or in either Persian
translation. The boy may have been 17 or 18.

[1044] This appears a mistake (f. 168 foot, and note on Pāpā's
daughters).

[1045] f. 171b.

[1046] 933 AH.-1527 AD. (f. 329).

[1047] Presumably this was a _yīnkālīk_ marriage; it differs
from some of those chronicled and also from a levirate
marriage in not being made with a childless wife. (Cf. index
_s.n._ _yīnkālīk_.)

[1048] Khwānd-amīr says that Bega Begīm was jealous, died of
grief at her divorce, and was buried in a College, of her own
erection, in 893 AH. (1488 AD. ḤS. iii, 245).

[1049] _Gulistān_ Cap. II, Story 31 (Platts, p. 114).

[1050] _i.e._ did not get ready to ride off if her husband
were beaten by her brother (f. 11 and note to Ḥabība).

[1051] Khadīja Begī Āghā (Ḥ.S. ii, 230 and iii, 327); she
would be promoted probably after Shāh-i-gharīb's birth.

[1052] He was a son of Badī`u'z-zamān.

[1053] It is singular that this honoured woman's parentage is
not mentioned; if it be right on f. 168b (_q.v._ with note) to
read Sayyid Mīrzā of Apāq Begīm, she may be a sayyida of
Andikhūd.

[1054] As Bābur left Kābul on Ṣafar 1st (Nov. 17th 1525 AD.),
the Begīm must have arrived in Muḥarram 932 AH. (Oct. 18th to
Nov. 17th).

[1055] f. 333. As Chandīrī was besieged in Rabī`u'l-ākhar 934
AH. this passage shews that, as a minimum estimate, what
remains of Bābur's composed narrative (_i.e._ down to f. 216b)
was written after that date (Jan. 1528).

[1056] _Chār-shambalār._ Mention of another inhabitant of this
place with the odd name, Wednesday (Chār-shamba), is made on
f. 42b.

[1057] Mole-marked Lady; most MSS. style her Bī but Ḥ.S. iii,
327, writes Bībī; it varies also by calling her a Turk. She
was a purchased slave of Shahr-bānū's and was given to the
Mīrzā by Shahr-bānū at the time of her own marriage with him.

[1058] As noted already, f. 168b enumerates three only.

[1059] The three were almost certainly Badī`u'z-zamān, Ḥaidar,
son of a Tīmūrid mother, and Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain, born after
his mother had been legally married.

[1060] Seven sons predeceased him:—Farrukh, Shāh-i-gharīb,
Muḥ. Ma`ṣūm, Ḥaidar, Ibrāhīm-i-ḥusain, Muḥ. Ḥusain and
Abū-turāb. So too five daughters:—Āq, Bega, Āghā, Kīchīk and
Fāṯima-sulṯān Begīms. So too four wives:—Bega-sulṯān and Chūlī
Begīms, Zubaida and Laṯīf-sulṯān Āghāchas (Ḥ.S. iii, 327).

[1061] Chākū, a Barlās, as was Tīmūr, was one of Tīmūr's noted
men.

At this point some hand not the scribe's has entered on the
margin of the Ḥai. MS. the descendants of Muḥ. Barandūq down
into Akbar's reign:—Muḥ. Farīdūn, bin Muḥ. Qulī Khān, bin
Mīrzā `Alī, bin Muḥ. Barandūq _Barlās_. Of these Farīdūn and
Muḥ. Qulī are amīrs of the _Āyīn-i-akbarī_ list (Blochmann,
pp. 341, 342; Ḥ.S. iii, 233).

[1062] Enforced marches of Mughūls and other nomads are
mentioned also on f. 154b and f. 155.

[1063] Ḥ.S. iii, 228, 233, 235.

[1064] _beg kīshī_, beg-person.

[1065] Khwānd-amīr says he died a natural death (Ḥ.S. iii,
235).

[1066] f. 21. For a fuller account of Nawā'i, _J. Asiatique_
xvii, 175, M. Belin's article.

[1067] _i.e._ when he was poor and a beg's dependant. He went
back to Herī at Sl. Ḥusain M.'s request in 873 AH.

[1068] Niẕāmī's (Rieu's Pers. Cat. s.n.).

[1069] Farīdu'd-dīn-`at̤t̤ar's (Rieu l.c. and Ency. Br.).

[1070] _Gharā'ibu'ṣ-ṣighar_, _Nawādiru'sh-shahāb_,
_Badā'i`u'l-wasaṯ_ and _Fawā'idu'l-kibr_.

[1071] Every Persian poet has a _takhalluṣ_ (pen-name) which
he introduces into the last couplet of each ode (Erskine).

[1072] The death occurred in the First Jumāda 906 AH. (Dec.
1500 AD.).

[1073] Niẕāmu'd-dīn Aḥmad bin Tawakkal _Barlās_ (Ḥ.S. iii,
229).

[1074] This may be that uncle of Tīmūr who made the Ḥaj (T. R.
p. 48, quoting the _Z̤afar-nāma_).

[1075] Some MSS. omit the word "father" here but to read it
obviates the difficulty of calling Walī a great beg of Sl.
Ḥusain Mīrzā although he died when that mīrzā took the throne
(973 AH.) and although no leading place is allotted to him in
Bābur's list of Herī begs. Here as in other parts of Bābur's
account of Herī, the texts vary much whether Turkī or Persian,
_e.g._ the Elph. MS. appears to call Walī a blockhead (_dūnkūz
dūr_), the Ḥai. MS. writing _n:kūz dūr_(?).

[1076] He had been Bābur _Shāhrukhī's yasāwal_
(Court-attendant), had fought against Ḥusain for
Yādgār-i-muḥammad and had given a daughter to Ḥusain (Ḥ.S.
iii, 206, 228, 230-32; D.S. in _Not. et Ex._ de Saçy p. 265).

[1077] f. 29b.

[1078] _Sic_, Elph. MS. and both Pers. trss. but the Ḥai. MS.
omits "father". To read it, however, suits the circumstance
that Ḥasan of Ya`qūb was not with Ḥusain and in Harāt but was
connected with Maḥmūd _Mīrānshāhī_ and Tīrmīẕ (f. 24). Nuyān
is not a personal name but is a title; it implies good-birth;
all uses of it I have seen are for members of the religious
family of Tīrmīẕ.

[1079] He was the son of Ibrāhīm _Barlās_ and a Badakhshī
begīm (T.R. p. 108).

[1080] He will have been therefore a collateral of Daulat-shāh
whose relation to Fīrūz-shāh is thus expressed by Nawā'i:—_Mīr
Daulat-shāh Fīrūz-shāh Beg-nīng `amm-zāda-sī Amīr
`Alā'u'd-daula Isfārayīnī-nīng aūghūlī dur_, _i.e._ Mīr
Daulat-shāh was the son of Fīrūz-shāh Beg's paternal uncle's
son, Amir `Alā'u'd-daula _Isfārayīnī_. Thus, Fīrūz-shāh and
Isfārayīnī were first cousins; Daulat-shāh and
`Abdu'l-khalīq's father were second cousins; while Daulat-shāh
and Fīrūz-shāh were first cousins, once removed (Rieu's Pers.
Cat. p. 534; Browne's D.S. English preface p. 14 and its
reference to the Pers. preface).

[1081] _Tarkhān-nāma_, E. & D.'s _History of India_ i, 303;
Ḥ.S. iii, 227.

[1082] f. 41 and note.

[1083] Both places are in the valley of the Herī-rūd.

[1084] Badī`u'z-zamān married a daughter of Ẕū'n-nūn; she died
in 911 AH. (E. & D. i, 305; Ḥ.S. iii, 324).

[1085] This indicates, both amongst Musalmāns and Hindūs,
obedience and submission. Several instances occur in
Macculloch's _Bengali Household Stories_.

[1086] T.R. p. 205.

[1087] This is an idiom expressive of great keenness
(Erskine).

[1088] Ḥ.S. iii, 250, _kitābdār_, librarian; so too Ḥai. MS.
f. 174b.

[1089] _mutaiyam_ (f. 7b and note). Mīr Mughūl Beg was put to
death for treachery in `Irāq (Ḥ.S. iii, 227, 248).

[1090] Bābur speaks as an eye-witness (f. 187b). For a single
combat of Sayyid Badr, Ḥ. S. iii, 233.

[1091] f. 157 and note to _bātmān_.

[1092] A level field in which a gourd (_qabaq_) is set on a
pole for an archer's mark to be hit in passing at the gallop
(f. 18b and note).

[1093] Or possibly during the gallop the archer turned in the
saddle and shot backwards.

[1094] Junaid was the father of Niẕāmu'd-dīn `Alī, Bābur's
Khalīfa (Vice-gerent). That Khalīfa was of a religious house
on his mother's side may be inferred from his being styled
both Sayyid and Khwāja neither of which titles could have come
from his Turkī father. His mother may have been a sayyida of
one of the religious families of Marghīnān (f. 18 and note),
since Khalīfa's son Muḥibb-i-`alī writes his father's name
"Niẕāmu'd-din `Alī _Marghīlānī_" (_Marghīnānī_) in the Preface
of his _Book on Sport_ (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 485).

[1095] This northward migration would take the family into
touch with Bābur's in Samarkand and Farghāna.

[1096] He was left in charge of Jaunpūr in Rabī` I, 933 AH.
(Jan. 1527 AD.) but exchanged for Chunār in Ramẓān 935 AH.
(June 1529 AD.); so that for the writing of this part of the
_Bābur-nāma_ we have the major and minor limits of Jan. 1527
and June 1529.

[1097] Ḥ.S. iii, 227.

[1098] _See_ Appendix H, _On the counter-mark Bih-būd on
coins_.

[1099] Niẕāmu'd-dīn Amīr Shaikh Aḥmadu's-suhailī was surnamed
Suhailī through a _fāl_ (augury) taken by his spiritual guide,
Kamālu'd-dīn Ḥusain _Gāzur-gāhī_; it was he induced Ḥusain
_Kashīfī_ to produce his _Anwār-i-suhailī_ (Lights of Canopus)
(f. 125 and note; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 756; and for a couplet
of his, Ḥ.S. iii, 242 l. 10).

[1100] Index _s.n._

[1101] Did the change complete an analogy between `Alī
_Jalāīr_ and his (perhaps) elder son with `Alī Khalīfa and his
elder son Ḥasan?

[1102] The Qūsh-begī is, in Central Asia, a high official who
acts for an absent ruler (Shaw); he does not appear to be the
Falconer, for whom Bābur's name is Qūshchī (f. 15 n.).

[1103] He received this sobriquet because when he returned
from an embassy to the Persian Gulf, he brought, from Bahrein,
to his Tīmūrid master a gift of royal pearls (Sām Mīrzā). For
an account of Marwārīd _see_ Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 1094 and
(_re_ portrait) p. 787.

[1104] Sām Mīrzā specifies this affliction as _ābla-i-farang_,
thus making what may be one of the earliest Oriental
references to _morbus gallicus_ [as de Saçy here translates
the name], the foreign or European pox, the "French disease of
Shakespeare" (H.B.).

[1105] Index _s.n._ Yūsuf.

[1106] Ramẓān 3rd 918 AH.-Nov. 12th 1512.

[1107] _i.e._ of the White-sheep Turkmāns.

[1108] His paternal line was, `Abdu'l-bāqī, son of `Us̤mān,
son of Sayyidī Aḥmad, son of Mīrān-shāh. His mother's people
were begs of the White-sheep (Ḥ.S. iii, 290).

[1109] Sulṯānīm had married Wais (f. 157) not later than 895
or 896 AH. (Ḥ. S. iii, 253); she married `Abdu'l-bāqī in 908
AH. (1502-3 AD.).

[1110] Sayyid Shamsu'd-dīn Muḥammad, Mīr Sayyid
_Sar-i-barahna_ owed his sobriquet of Bare-head to love-sick
wanderings of his youth (Ḥ.S. iii, 328). The Ḥ.S. it is clear,
recognizes him as a sayyid.

[1111] Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 760; it is immensely long and
"filled with tales that shock all probability" (Erskine).

[1112] f. 94 and note. Sl. Ḥusain M. made him curator of
Anṣārī's shrine, an officer represented, presumably, by Col.
Yate's "Mīr of Gāzur-gāh", and he became Chief Justice in 904
AH. (1498-99 AD.). _See_ Ḥ.S. iii, 330 and 340; JASB 1887,
art. _On the city of Harāt_ (C. E. Yate) p. 85.

[1113] _mutasauwif_, perhaps meaning not a professed Ṣūfī.

[1114] He was of high birth on both sides, of religious houses
of T̤abas and Nishāpūr (D.S. pp. 161, 163).

[1115] In agreement with its preface, Dr. Rieu entered the
book as written by Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā; in his Addenda, however,
he quotes Bābur as the authority for its being by Gāzur-gāhī;
Khwānd-amīr's authority can be added to Bābur's (Ḥ.S. 340;
Pers. Cat. pp. 351, 1085).

[1116] _Dīwān._ The Wazīr is a sort of Minister of Finance;
the Dīwān is the office of revenue receipts and issues
(Erskine).

[1117] a secretary who writes out royal orders (Ḥ.S. iii,
244).

[1118] Count von Noer's words about a cognate reform of later
date suit this man's work, it also was "a bar to the
defraudment of the Crown, a stumbling-block in the path of
avaricious chiefs" (_Emperor Akbar_ trs. i, 11). The
opposition made by `Alī-sher to reform so clearly to Ḥusain's
gain and to Ḥusain's begs' loss, stirs the question, "What was
the source of his own income?" Up to 873 AH. he was for some
years the dependant of Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg; he took nothing from
the Mīrzā, but gave to him; he must have spent much in
benefactions. The question may have presented itself to M.
Belin for he observes, "`Alī-sher qui sans doute, à son retour
de l'exil, recouvra l'héritage de ses pères, et depuis occupa
de hautes positions dans le gouvernement de son pays, avait
acquis une grande fortune" (_J. Asiatique_ xvii, 227). While
not contradicting M. Belin's view that vested property such as
can be described as "paternal inheritance", may have passed
from father to son, even in those days of fugitive prosperity
and changing appointments, one cannot but infer, from Nawā'i's
opposition to Majdu'd-dīn, that he, like the rest, took a
partial view of the "rights" of the cultivator.

[1119] This was in 903 AH. after some 20 years of service
(Ḥ.S. iii, 231; Ethé I.O. Cat. p. 252).

[1120] Amīr Jamālu'd-dīn `Atā'u'l-lāh, known also as
Jamālu'd-dīn Ḥusain, wrote a _History of Muhammad_ (Ḥ.S. iii,
345; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 147 & (a correction) p. 1081).