Chapter X: Preface (8)

Mr. Clay’s position now was exceedingly delicate as well as important. He had it in his power, by placing himself at the head of the party who went with him in the house, to control its choice of the three candidates returned to it. This he well knew, as also their friends, who beset him continually and in every possible manner, to secure his influence in behalf of their favorite candidates. His predilection was well known to his personal friends, but he sedulously refrained from making it the basis of any caucusses or intrigues, which, knowing the unhealthy excitement always generated by them, he desired to avoid. During the several weeks immediately pending the election, the warm partisans of the parties supporting Messrs. Jackson and Adams, approached him in the most obsequious manner, expressing the deepest regret that he had not been returned to the house, and lavished on him the most fulsome flatteries and mawkish caresses. After trying these for some time ineffectually, finding the more than Roman firmness of the statesman unmoved by them, they attempted to _coërce_ him into a compliance with their wishes, and the most unprincipled attempts were made to accomplish this. He was attacked through the medium of anonymous letters incessantly, filled with abusive and menacing language. These arrived almost hourly, from every part of the country; indeed, the enginery of compulsion discharged their missiles at him from every fortress of his political opponents, in the hope of making him espouse their cause. Vain hope! A foolish waste of power, as they might have known. It were easier for the infant of a day with his puny hand to bow the oak of a thousand years, than for the combined efforts of his enemies to cause him to yield an inch of the high ground he had taken. In writing to a friend, he thus alludes to the blandishments and brow-beatings which he received at this time. Of the former, he said, ‘I am enjoying whilst alive, the posthumous honors which are usually awarded to the illustrious dead;’ and of the latter, he remarked. ‘I bore them, I trust, as _your representative_ ought to have borne them, and as became me.’ But the _basest_ attempts which they made, one which capped the climax of their depraved assaults, and which was intended to fix the foul stigma of disgrace indelibly upon their victim, was embraced by a letter published in a Philadelphia newspaper, called the ‘Columbian Observer.’ Without any preamble, this charged Mr. Clay with the deliberate intention of _selling his vote to the highest bidder_. This letter purported to have been written by a member of congress from Pennsylvania, and declared that the terms of a contract had been settled, which gave Mr. Clay the secretaryship, for which he was to bring his influence to bear in electing Mr. Adams. This allegation, the former lost no time in denying, in a communication published in the National Intelligencer, over his own signature, in which he pronounces the author of the letter ‘a base and infamous calumniator,’ and called upon him, whoever he might be, to come out boldly, avow and sustain the charge. This was answered a few days after, by a member of congress from Pennsylvania, Mr. George Kremer, who admitted himself the author, and also his readiness to substantiate his assertions in relation to the character of Mr. Clay. Subsequent developements have made it more than probable that Kremer did _not_ write the epistle in question, his declaration to the contrary notwithstanding, but that it was written by the individual who sustained the ‘Columbian Observer,’ John H. Eaton, and the latter did not deny the authorship, although Mr. Clay directly charged him with it. The evidence elicited was such as to show Mr. Kremer’s entire passivity in the whole matter――a mere machine, moved by the hands of the vile plotters behind the scene, made to speak and act as they directed, and caused to father the villainous slander, which was generated amid the slime of their hearts, as destitute of honor and patriotism as the icebergs of Greenland of verdure. This supple tool had the frankness (to his credit be it spoken,) to acknowledge afterwards to Mr. Crowninshield, a member of congress from Massachusetts, that he _was not_ the originator or author of it.

The more effectually to vindicate himself, Mr. Clay desired to place the subject before the house. To this he was prompted by his own feelings, and also by the belief that the dignity and honor of the body over which he presided, demanded that a complete investigation should be instituted, of those gross charges which had caused such disreputable imputations to rest upon his character. In accordance, therefore, with his request, a committee was appointed on the fifth of February, 1825, consisting of many leading members in the house, all of whom were his political opponents. Probably the matter had now gone farther than Mr. Kremer wished or expected it to go, as he began to manifest considerable uneasiness respecting the result, notwithstanding he had but a day or two previous arisen in his place and substantially reiterated the contents of the communication he had acknowledged, stating that ‘if, upon an investigation being instituted, it should appear that he had not sufficient reason to justify the statements he had made, he trusted he should receive the marked reprobation which had been suggested by the speaker. _Let it fall where it might, he was willing to meet the inquiry and abide the result._’ And yet, when it was proposed to adopt a course which would establish the truth or falsehood of his statements, which would test this willingness ‘_to meet the inquiry_,’ he shrank back and shuffled under a mean subterfuge. The committee, in their report, declared that Mr. Kremer refused to appear before, or communicate to them any facts of which he had virtually admitted himself to be in possession, and protested against acting either as an accuser or a witness, although strongly urged thereto by them, and not feeling authorized to use compulsion in procuring evidence, they suffered the subject to drop. While it was in the hands of the house, he was heard to remark to Messrs. Brent and Little, one of whom was a warm friend of general Jackson, that he never intended to charge Mr. Clay with corruption; that he had transferred or could transfer the votes or interests of his friend; and that he was among the last men in the nation to make such a charge against Mr. Clay. To this declaration both these gentlemen certified. Although Mr. Kremer was weak enough to allow himself to be made the organ of the abominable conspirators, and, as it appears, a little contrary to his convictions of truth and honor, he could not stifle the compunctious visitations of _conscience_, which he experienced on account of the abusive treatment which, through him, had fallen on an unoffending individual, and that individual one of the main pillars of the republic. He often expressed his intention of apologizing to Mr. Clay, and even went so far as to prepare an apology, containing a minute explanation of all the circumstances connected with the whole affair, from its inception to its completion, and which fully exonerated Mr. Clay from every charge brought against him in the letter. Information of his repentings and intended reparation soon came to the ears of the grand instigators, which carried panic to their cowardly hearts, and caused them to quake, lest their party-colored covering, composed of the very quintessence of meanness, baseness, and falsehood, should be stripped from them, and their nakedness exposed to the view and the derision of the world. To prevent such dreaded consequences, they began instantly to bestir themselves, at what expense of principle or integrity, they stopped not to consider. Their first efforts were very naturally directed towards the instrument of their machinations, who was seized, the apology taken from, and a muzzle fastened upon him, to prevent the slightest utterance of his repentant emotions. They then drew up a labored statement in his name, and laid it before the house, reeking with duplicity, and infecting the very atmosphere with its nauseating effluvia. Who can contemplate the loathsome picture of depravity, worthy of the arch fiend himself, which those evidently instigated by him, painted and attempted to suspend on the walls of the nation’s dwelling-place――the holy home of Liberty――in desecrating and contaminating proximity to the canvass emblazoning the form and the features of the ‘father of his country,’ and the glorious scenes of his revolutionary valor, without mingled feelings of disgust, indignation, and regret?――what patriotic heart, what lover of liberty and political virtue, in view of the fountain of immaculate purity, on the one hand, whose streams went forth incessantly, to fertilize, and gladden, and bless a mighty nation, and their diabolical attempts, on the other, to pollute and blot it from existence, without sending up the fervent ejaculation, ‘_Heaven save my country from falling into such hands_’?

After the dust and fog created by their unnatural endeavors had passed away, the object of their malice appeared in his proper place, as unmoved and serene as though the clangor of their strife had not saluted his ears, and as unaffected by the showers of their envenomed arrows, as though he had been sitting in his native forests amid the rain-like fall of autumnal leaves. Their loud and discordant clamors did not for a moment interrupt his meditations concerning that important, that solemn duty, which had devolved upon him, in the performance of which he had resolved that no arts of wheedling or coercion should influence him; that no man nor set of men should act as his casuist; and that he would not select from the numerous casuistical proposals, which party zeal had placed before him, _one_ that should determine the _mode_ of its discharge. No! he chose to settle _that_ question at a tribunal from which there was _no appeal_――at the tribunal of _Nature_, which Nature’s God had erected in his own bosom. To _that_ he resorted; indeed, it was one of his most favorite resorts; and spreading out this momentous question before her bar, we hear him exclaim, ‘_My position in relation to the presidential contest is highly critical_, and such as to leave me no path on which I can move without censure. I have pursued in regard to it the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my public duty. _I have interrogated my conscience_ as to what I ought to do, and that faithful guide tells me that I ought to vote for Mr. Adams. I shall fulfil its injunctions. Mr. Crawford’s state of health, and the circumstances under which he presents himself to the house, appear to me to be conclusive against him. As a friend to liberty, and to the permanence of our institutions, I cannot consent, in this early stage of their existence, by contributing to the election of a military chieftain, to give the strongest guarantee that this republic will march in the fatal road which has conducted every other republic to ruin. I am, and shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse which partisan zeal, malignity and rivalry can invent. I shall view without emotion these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my purpose. What is a public man worth, if he will not expose himself, on fit occasions, for the good of his country?’ Yes! he _did_ act according to the response which that ‘_faithful guide_’ gave to his sincere interrogation, and had the anathemas of the world been thundered in his ears, they would not have driven him from thus acting. He deemed _her_ will paramount to that of his constituents, who had desired him to vote for general Jackson. They afterwards, however, not only justified, but highly approved――as must every good man――his decision. It would be an act of superfluity to specify minutely the grounds of Mr. Clay’s preference. He had obtained occular evidence of Mr. Crawford’s inability to sustain the responsibilities and perform the arduous duties of the chief magistracy. He ascertained it to be a fact, but one carefully concealed from the community, that Mr. Crawford had become almost entirely debilitated by paralysis, both physically and mentally, which itself, aside from the knowledge which he possessed, that his influence could not elect him, was sufficient to induce his rejection. Between general Jackson and Mr. Adams, it cannot be supposed that Mr. Clay would long hesitate to choose. His determination had been taken a long time previous to his knowing the result of the election by the people. He had repeatedly given utterance to that determination to friends and foes, at home and at Washington, in public and in private, declaring that no _supposable contingency_ could arise to constrain him to vote for general Jackson, and even went so far as to say, that if, in consequence of his well known and often promulged opinion of the character, acquirements, and abilities, of that individual, he _should_ sustain him, he would subject himself to the just contempt and reprobation of all parties. Neither did he nor his friends look for Mr. Clay’s support, and said that if he did give it, he would be _guilty of duplicity_. It is very natural to suppose, that a consultation of his experience would be sufficient to cause Mr. Clay to prefer Mr. Adams. He had been associated with the latter in many situations of trust and responsibility, requiring the most consummate skill and statesmanship, and he had invariably found him more than sufficient for them all. He had always found him prepared for any emergency or exigency, however suddenly or unexpectedly it might arise. But in reference to the military chieftain, its consultation elicited evidence just the reverse; he searched in vain for a page recording his diplomatic wisdom, sound expositions of governmental policy, and accurate estimates of presidential qualifications; it was wanting. But on many he found indelibly written, acts of unwarrantable and unjustifiable usurpation, evincing a disposition to trample on law, humanity, and the constitution itself. But general Jackson’s supposed hostility to internal improvements and protection to domestic manufactures, had these enumerated deficiences and defects in his character been wanting, would have been sufficient to exclude him from receiving Mr. Clay’s suffrage. These cherished systems, which he regarded as of no subordinate importance to the nation, and to establish which he had expended the prime of his life, he knew, found a firm supporter in Mr. Adams. This fact furnished the _fundamental reason_ (if any _one_ may be thus denominated) which determined his choice. Mr. Clay therefore gave Mr. Adams his vote, who was elected president. He immediately tendered the former the office of secretary of state, which was accepted with that promptitude and decision which he always manifested in entering upon the discharge of those duties to which he believed his country called him. By this act he proved himself consistent with his advocacy of the claims of Mr. Adams to the presidency, under whom he believed that he could render more efficient service, than in his present position in the house. There can be no other reason assigned, which carries with it even the shadow of validity, inducing him to accept a place in the cabinet of the president. The same place had been tendered him by Messrs. Madison and Monroe, and had been declined, on the ground of his belief that he could make himself more serviceable to the nation, by continuing where he was. The great measures of national policy which were suspended upon his shoulders, at the time they desired to transfer him from that body to their cabinets, he had disposed of, and had also happily removed most of the serious impediments and obstructions which then greatly retarded the wheels of legislation, so that there was a fair prospect that they would roll on smoothly, without requiring his immediate aid. He could, therefore, seek with safety another sphere, and one where he could exert a more extended and salutary influence.

In relation to his having bargained for the office of secretary of state, Mr. Adams speaks, in reply to an address from a committee of gentlemen, expressing their confidence in his purity and patriotism, and a hope that the evening of his days would be passed in that tranquillity which is only the lot of the good. He said that upon Mr. Clay, ‘the foulest slanders have been showered. Long known and appreciated, as successively a member of both houses of your national legislature, as the unrivalled speaker, and at the same time, most efficient leader of debates in both of them, as an able and successful negotiator for your interests in war and in peace with foreign powers, and as a powerful candidate for the highest of your trusts. The department of state itself was a station, which, by its bestowal, could confer neither profit nor honor upon him, _but upon which he has shed unfading honor by the manner in which he has discharged its duties_. Prejudice and passion have charged him with obtaining that office by bargain and corruption. _Before you, my fellow citizens, in the presence of our country, and of heaven, I pronounce that charge totally unfounded._ This tribute of justice is due from me to him, and I seize with pleasure the opportunity, offered me by your letter, of discharging the obligation.

‘As to my _motives_ for tendering to him the department of state when I did, let that man who questions them come forward. Let him look around among statesmen and legislators of this nation, and of that day. Let him then select and name the man, whom, by his preëminent talents, by his splendid services, by his ardent patriotism, by his all-embracing public spirit, by his fervid eloquence in behalf of the rights and liberties of mankind, by his long experience in the affairs of the union, foreign and domestic, a president of the United States, intent only upon the honor and welfare of his country, ought to have preferred to Henry Clay. Let him name the man, and then judge you, my fellow citizens, of my motives.’

Five years subsequent to his election, in a letter to a friend, Mr. Adams referred to the above testimonial of Mr. Clay’s talents and character, as one from which he could deduct nothing, but to which he could add much. He also said, that such was his opinion of Mr. Clay’s abilities, that he had expressed to him his candid intention, at the time he resigned the speakership, in 1820, if a vacancy should occur in the mission to Great Britain, he should deem it his duty to recommend the nomination of him to that office. He also speaks of the great despatch and facility, with which Mr. Clay transacted business, notwithstanding the feebleness of his health during the whole time. Indeed, he regarded him as a _perfect model_ of fitness for the office to which he called him, and as having honored and adorned it with the intellectual wealth of his fertile mind. No station in which he was placed, suffered, either through remissness, or deficiency. The fact that his entrance to office was always hailed with general joy, and his departure witnessed with regret, furnished the highest possible compliment to his ability and eminence. Had we space, and felt disposed, we could multiply individual complimentary expressions to almost any extent, but this is not necessary, for his fame and praise are in the mouth of the world. The period of Mr. Clay’s speakership may be adduced as one of the most brilliant of his public life. He illustrated it by all the lofty attainments of one profoundly versed in the arts of government, under the guidance of patriotism, that subordinated every thing to its ardor and devotion. During his occupancy of the chair, from 1811 to 1825, except two years of voluntary absence, his decisions, though prompt, were rarely reversed. Though a warm partisan, he never allowed his own particular views to influence them in the least, and both friends and foes unite in declaring, that their rendition was far removed from all suspicion of party or venal considerations, in short; that on them all was stamped _impartiality_, in everduring characters. But Mr. Clay, besides rendering himself conspicuous for the correctness of his decisions, won also the regard and confidence of the house for the courteously stern manner in which he governed and guided its deliberations. He combined, in a preëminent degree, the _suaviter in modo_ with the _fortiter in re_. There was an indescribable something in his look, gesture, and tone of voice, added to his dignity and self-possession, that always restrained and conciliated the turbulent and inimical, and bound to him, with the silken ligaments of love, the peaceable and friendly. At no period of our political history, were subjects so momentous and dangerous in their nature, and so difficult to adjust, brought before congress, as during that of which we are speaking. The political heavens had never been so black, nor the political ocean heaved his surges so high, before, and had not _he_ been there to spread the bow of serenity upon the one, and calm the wild fury of the other, it is hardly too much to say, that our liberties, our institutions, and our every thing nationally valuable, would have been swept by the besom of their rage into the tomb of chaos, if not into oblivion. But _he was there_, ruling, tempering, guiding, and blessing. He seemed to act as though he were conscious that his country stood at his side, with her piercing eyes fixed full upon him, reading the secrets of his heart,――as though he heard her voice sounding in his ears, imploring and beseeching him to guard and watch over, faithfully, those interests which she had so unreservedly placed in his hands, and whenever he lifted his arm, or opened his mouth, it seemed to be for the single purpose of executing her _revealed will_. No wonder that in view of such unparalleled patriotism and disinterestedness, applause should be extorted from the mouth of enmity itself. No wonder that it should be heard saying, ‘_Mr. Clay accomplished what no other man could have performed_.’

Many incidents occurred during his speakership, highly illustrative of his playfulness, wit, and readiness, of which the following may serve as a specimen.

On one occasion, the late general Alexander Smyth, of Virginia, a gentleman of unusual ability and erudition, had been speaking a long time, fatiguing and vexing the house with the length and number of his quotations, and citations of authorities, and justified his unbearable prolixity by saying to Mr. Clay, who was seated near him, ‘_you_, sir, speak for the present generation, but _I_ speak for posterity.’ ‘Yes,’ he immediately replied, ‘and you seem resolved to speak until the arrival of _your_ audience!’

On another, the house was harangued by the late governor Lincoln, of Maine, in his usual eloquent, but verbose and declamatory manner. He was considering the revolutionary pension bill, and replying to an argument which opposed it on the ground that those to whom it proposed to extend pecuniary aid, might perhaps live a long time, and thus cause heavy drafts to be made upon the treasury. In one of his elevated flights of patriotic enthusiasm, he burst out with the exclamation, ‘_soldiers of the revolution, live forever!_’ Mr. Clay succeeded him, in favor also of the humane provision, but did not respond to his desire relative to the length of the lives of those worthies for whose benefit it was devised, and when he closed, turned suddenly towards Mr. Lincoln, and, with a smile upon his countenance, observed, ‘I hope my worthy friend will not insist upon the very great duration of these pensions which he has suggested. Will he not consent, by way of a compromise, to a term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years, instead of eternity?’

We have seen, that the contest which resulted in placing Mr. Adams at the head of the nation, was one of unusual violence, and in waging which, the most unscrupulous means were employed; and that one of its most unredeeming features was the unmitigated calumny and abuse, which they heaped upon Mr. Clay. But soon after the combatants had retired from the field of conflict, and resumed their various avocations, the jarring elements of political faction became quiescent, the blood of the ambitious demagogue fell from its fever heat to its ordinary temperature, and the foul slanderer, fearing exposure, had slunk away to his dark retreat, to deplore his discomfiture, and concoct new materials. Every thing gave omen that a season of peace and grateful repose would be enjoyed. It was thought that no lover of these and of good order, much less a patriot, could be found, who would be base and foolhardy enough to stir up the expiring embers of strife, and add fresh fuel to their flames. Those who entertained this belief, however, found themselves mistaken. They saw one coming forth, one who boasted long and loud of patriotism and devotion to country, and, stooping from his supposed lofty eminence of political virtue, pick up the relaxed bow of slander, and discharge the most envenomed arrows of malice and detraction, at one of the fairest ornaments of that very country, to whose interests he professed himself so strongly attached. To their utter astonishment, they beheld, in that individual, thus anomalously engaged, no less a personage than that of ‘_the hero of New Orleans_.’ General Jackson had _the distinguished honor of reviving the thousand times refuted report_ of ‘bargain and corruption,’ in relation to Mr. Clay’s acceptance of the department of state. A letter, dated March eighth, 1825, went the rounds of the newspapers, pretending to give the substance of a conversation which passed between the writer and general Jackson, to the effect that Mr. Clay’s friends in congress had proposed to _his_ friends, that if they would agree that Mr. Adams should not be retained in the department of state, that then their (Mr. Clay and his supporters) influence should be immediately used to elect general Jackson, who, it affirmed, rejected the proposal with becoming indignation. Soon after the appearance of this communication, the author, Mr. Carter ♦Beverley, addressed general Jackson, requesting him to confirm it, who replied, June fifth, 1827, by a letter directly charging the friends of Mr. Clay with having proposed to him, through a member of congress, to give him their support in case he (general Jackson) would pledge himself not to retain Mr. Adams as aforesaid, and who intimated that the proposition originated with Mr. Clay; and, to give the last finishing stroke, and one which should ensure it credence, he went so far in that reply as to state, _that immediately after the rejection of the proposition, Mr. Clay came out openly for Mr. Adams_. He also declared, that, in reply to this proposition, he stated, that before he would reach the presidential chair by such ignoble means, ‘he would see the earth open and swallow both Mr. Clay and his friends, and himself with them!’ The name of the member of congress was demanded by Mr. Clay, and that of Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was given, a warm personal friend of general Jackson’s. His version of the matter proved the assertion of the latter a barefaced falsehood, unsupported by even the semblance of truth. Mr. Buchanan flatly and promptly denied, that such a proposition had been made through him as had been alleged, and entirely exonerated Mr. Clay and his adherents from all connection with it. He stated, that, during the month of December, 1824, hearing it currently reported in Washington, that general Jackson, in case he was elected president, designed to continue Mr. Adams as secretary of state, and thinking that such a report, if not properly contradicted, would operate detrimentally to his interests, he called on him, and expressed his opinion in relation thereto, and that the general declared, that he entertained a high opinion of Mr. Adams, but had never said any thing in relation to retaining or rejecting him as secretary of state, and that he (Mr. Buchanan) was authorized to state, that such was the result of the interview. Mr. Buchanan also declared his honest and sincere conviction, that ‘general Jackson did not believe or entertain the most distant idea that he came on behalf of Mr. Clay or of his friends, until the publication of the letter making that accusation.’

Thus the burden of proof of the vile calumny, which had been placed upon the shoulders of the calumniator himself, remained unmoved. The united efforts of himself and friends, instead of disengaging it, only rendered its magnitude more visible, and its deformity more gross. The eyes of the nation have been directed to it, and many pure patriots, of all parties, in view of it, with saddened hearts, have exclaimed, ‘alas, alas, for the all-absorbing prevalence of party spirit――for the frailty of human nature!’

Though no substantiating evidence was, or could be, produced, by those who sought to produce it, a mass of refuting testimony was obtained by Mr. Clay and his friends, perfectly overwhelming. A circular letter was addressed to the western delegation of 1825, who were the principal individuals implicated in the charges against Mr. Clay, soliciting their views respecting them, who _unhesitatingly pronounced them false_; and many stated, that their determination to vote for Mr. Adams was formed _previous to knowing Mr. Clay’s intention_. This testimony Mr. Clay embodied in a pamphlet, which he published in January, 1828, containing evidence more than sufficient to convince any unprejudiced mind, that he had repeatedly and unambiguously declared his intention to vote for Mr. Adams, long before the alleged proposition was said to have been made. In this he says, ‘I make no appeal to public sympathy. I invoke only stern justice. If truth has not lost its force, reason its sway, and the fountains of justice their purity, the decision must be auspicious. With a firm reliance upon the enlightened judgment of the public, and conscious of the zeal and uprightness with which I have executed every trust committed to my care, I await the event without alarm or apprehension. Whatever it may be, my anxious hopes will continue for the success of the great cause of human liberty, and of _those high interests of national policy_, to the promotion of which, the best exertions of my life have been faithfully dedicated. And my humble, but earnest prayers will be unremitted, that all danger may be averted from our common country, and especially that our union, our liberty, and our institutions, may long survive, a cheering exception from the operations of that fatal decree, which the voice of all history has hitherto uniformly proclaimed.’

Though utterly abortive were all the attempts of the enemies of Mr. Clay, to injure him in the estimation of the unprejudiced and the good, still, they managed to make political capital out of the charges of bargain and corruption. Notwithstanding this final appeal to the people, embraced, substantially, the numerous evidences of their falsehood, evidences that had been repeated again and again, still, there were found thousands who believed these charges, and many servile partisan presses to circulate them, and carefully suppress the proofs of their untruth. These labored unremittingly, to make the community believe, that general Jackson was absolutely cheated out of his election by Mr. Clay, and multitudes settled down on this belief, and clung to it with an obstinacy, that would not have been moved, had he _sealed his protestation of their falsehood with his blood_. This belief was so congenial to the feelings of many, as to cause them to turn a deaf ear to any statement calculated to weaken it. A specimen of this class of individuals fell under the personal observation of Mr. Clay, while, in 1828, he was travelling in Virginia, accompanied by some friends. ‘We halted,’ said he, ‘at night, at a tavern kept by an aged gentleman, who, after supper, sat down by me, and, without hearing my name, but understanding that I was from Kentucky, remarked, that he had four sons in that state, and that he was very sorry they were divided in politics, two being for Adams, and two for Jackson. He wished they were all for Jackson. Why? I asked him. Because, he said, that fellow _Clay, and Adams, had cheated Jackson out of the presidency_. Have you ever seen any evidence, my old friend, said I, of that? No, he replied, _none, and he wanted to see none_. But, I observed, looking him directly and steadily in the face, suppose Mr. Clay were to come here and assure you, upon his honor, that it was all a vile calumny, and not a word of truth in it, would you believe him? No, replied the old man, promptly and emphatically. I said to him, in conclusion, will you be good enough to show me to bed, and bade him good night. The next morning, having in the interval learnt my name, he came to me full of apologies, but I at once put him at his ease, by assuring him that I did not feel, in the slightest degree, hurt or offended with him.’

These calumnious allegations have expended their strength, and are now remembered and denominated only as the vilest fabrication of the most unscrupulous political malice, to destroy the most exalted patriotism and unsullied political virtue, that ever adorned this or any other country. The individual against whom they were directed, not merely outlived them, but also secured the civic wreath of honor, in which flashes, in everduring brilliancy, many a gem of public favor. It was a sublime sight, for a mighty nation to see her most distinguished son, single-handed, holding on his patriotic course, now breasting the ungovernable waves of faction, and now making his way through the serried ranks of vindictive assailants, casting their weapons from him as the lion shakes the dewdrops from his mane, or, seated in the unmoved majesty of his integrity, regarding them as the ocean rock looks down and laughs at the impotency of surge and storm, breaking harmlessly against his feet. Through all, he passed to the chair of state, unshorn of a lock of his might. The duties of that arduous station he discharged with a zeal and fidelity, which may be equalled, but not surpassed. These had become greatly multiplied when Mr. Clay entered upon it, in consequence of the extension of our foreign relations, which required the preparation of many documents that devolved upon it. It would be impracticable to give even a list of these. His health was so feeble, that he intimated to the president his intention of resigning his office in 1828, but, through the persuasion of his friends, consented to remain. It is surprising, that, under such circumstances, the official records, during his term of service, show a greater amount of labor performed than was accomplished by any of his predecessors, who enjoyed those collateral aids which it was impracticable for him to obtain. In the single article of treaties, his incumbency was illustrious. The number negotiated and concluded by him, at Washington, is greater than that of all which had ever been previously concluded there, from the first adoption of the constitution. These relate chiefly to commerce, navigation, and neutral rights, and were entered into between the United States, Central America, Prussia, Denmark and the Hanseatic Republic, and Austria, though he vacated his office previous to the ensealing of the treaty with the latter. With foreign ministers at Washington, he was a great favorite, and on terms of salutary intimacy, which enabled him to consult most advantageously the best interests of his country, in negotiating with them. In devising and framing these instruments, Mr. Clay not only found ample scope for the exercise of his mental faculties, but also for those amiable qualities of his character which enhanced the pleasure of his personal intercourse, and which contributed not a little in obtaining liberal terms for his country. He laid the foundation of an arrangement with Russia, for the settlement of certain claims of American citizens. These treaties furnish a full refutation of the charge often preferred against him, of being indifferent to, and unmindful of our foreign commercial interests, and as being willing to sacrifice them in fostering domestic trade and manufactures. A perusal of these is sufficient to convince the most skeptical, that our foreign commercial interests lay as near his heart as any other subject of diplomatic action. He abrogated in them a clause introduced into the London treaty of 1815, by which English and American vessels were restricted, in their commercial intercourse with one another, to articles of the growth or manufacture of each, and inserted one in its place, permitting them to enter their ports, without any regard being had to the place of growth and manufacture of their cargoes. This removed what experience had proved to be a most serious impediment to our navigation, and seemed so just and proper in Mr. Clay’s estimation, that, in speaking of it, he says, ‘its reciprocity is perfect; and when it comes to be adopted by all nations, we can scarcely see any thing beyond it, in the way of improvement to the freedom and interests of their mutual navigation. The devices of maritime nations have been various, to augment their marine, at the expense of other powers. When there has been a passive acquiescence in the operation of these devices, without any resort to countervailing regulations, their success has sometimes been very great. But nations are now too enlightened to submit quietly to the selfish efforts of any one power to engross, by its own separate legislation, a disproportionate share of navigation in their mutual intercourse. These efforts are now met by opposite efforts, restriction begets restriction, until the discovery is at last made, after a long train of vexatious and irritating acts and manœuvres on both sides, that the course of selfish legislation, ultimately, does not effect the distribution of maritime power, whilst it is attended with the certain evil of putting nations into an ill humor with each other. Experience at last teaches, that, in every view, it is better to begin and continue in the career of liberality.’

This restriction, however, Great Britain would not abandon, when urged thereto by Mr. Gallatin, whom Mr. Adams had empowered to treat with that nation, in relation to the trade between the United States and her colonial dependencies. He was particularly instructed by Mr. Clay to make the subject of the West India trade a matter of special negotiation. Unsuccessful efforts to effect a mutually advantageous arrangement, had been made several years previous, and Mr. Gallatin was despatched to resume them, at the request of the British minister at Washington. The former was told, immediately after presenting his credentials, that the British government would not treat concerning the West India trade, and also that she would not admit the United States to participate in it, because they had not complied with the provision of a certain act of parliament relating to it, of which act they were in utter ignorance. Its passage had never been officially announced to them, at London or at Washington. The act itself was vague, and when the British minister was questioned by Mr. Clay respecting its application, the former was unable to explain its ambiguity, or to say whether it was intended to apply to the United States or not, as there was nothing in his instructions relating to it. In connection with refusing to negotiate with Mr. Gallatin, Great Britain insulted the United States through him, by declaring that _they were bound to know and take notice of the acts of parliament_! We doubt whether the diplomacy of any other nation ever presented such a flagrant assertion, so arrogantly assumptive, and so palpably unjust. The result, of course, was inevitable; direct intercourse between the United States and the West India ports of Great Britain, in British or American vessels, was mutually prohibited. Mr. Clay’s official correspondence, in relation to this question, is replete with argument and sound reasoning.

The expansiveness of Mr. Clay’s love of freedom, again exhibited itself soon after entering upon the duties of his office. Although they were such as to keep him continually and exhaustingly engaged, he nevertheless found time to extend his commiseration and his aid to those nations, the recognition of whose independence, by his country, he had endeavored to procure some time previous. His situation was now such as to give him an opportunity of accomplishing this. From time to time he spread the subject before the executive, and so eloquently pleaded their cause, that a minister was despatched by our government to Greece, which resulted in the recognition of her independence by it. In this the United States was first, and through the influence of Mr. Clay did she make this benevolent movement. As he had anticipated, it infused new strength into the hearts of the struggling Greeks, who had begun to sink beneath the Turkish scimetar.

Mr. Clay’s official letter to Mr. Middleton, our minister at Russia, dated May tenth, 1825, is a paper of great polish and skill. Mr. Clay had witnessed, for seventeen years, the devastating wars which had raged between Spain and her South American colonies, and fervently desired to see them terminated. For this purpose, he projected and prepared the document aforesaid, independent of all suggestion or aid, from any public functionary. He had familiarized himself with the facts connected with these wars, which, in the most striking and beautiful manner, he spread out before the emperor, and urged him to use his influence in bringing about an event which he so ardently desired. This communication was so skilfully and ingeniously framed, as to direct the attention of Alexander to the struggling Greeks, and enlist his influence in their behalf, which was precisely what the writer wished, though he did not say so in so many words. Mr. Clay’s efforts were triumphantly successful. The emperor instructed his minister at the Spanish court, to use every proper exertion to terminate these sanguinary conflicts, which eventuated in the acknowledgement of South American independence, by the parent country. The emperor also took sides with the Greeks, made certain proposals, relative to them, to the grand sultan, and, on their being rejected, instantly set about making preparations to march against him. Before their completion he deceased, but his successor took them up, and struck a blow so decisive as to put an instant period to his barbarities. Thus Mr. Clay’s influence, through this instrument, set in motion means that moved both hemispheres, and accomplished results, the sum of whose benefits and blessings, never has been, and never can be, ascertained.

If we were to single out one from the multitude of official papers prepared by Mr. Clay during his secretaryship, as evincing the most ability and skill, it would be the letter of instructions to Messrs. John Sergeant and Richard C. Anderson, delegates from the United States to the congress at Panama, convened at the request of the republics of Colombia, Mexico, and Central America, whose representatives were also present. The object of this congress was not very definitely stated in the request for it, and, before appointing delegates, Mr. Clay endeavored to ascertain the nature and extent of the subjects upon which they would deliberate, and the powers with which it would be proper to clothe them. This object, though not precisely ascertained, was presumed to be honorable; indeed, the convention was believed to have been suggested by the declaration of president Monroe, that, in case of any interference of any of the allied powers, in the contest between Spain and her former colonies, the United States would not remain an indifferent spectator. This declaration very naturally led the republics before mentioned, towards whom the Holy Alliance maintained a hostile attitude, to seek the cultivation of those amicable relations with the United States, which would secure their aid, in case it should be desired. In Mr. Clay’s letter of instructions, the delegates were authorized to treat of peace, friendship, commerce, navigation, maritime law, neutral and belligerent rights, and other subjects of mutual interest. Subjoined, is an extract from this able document.

Speaking of the regulation respecting private property, which ought to exist on the ocean in time of war, he said: ‘although, in the arrangement of things, security against oppression should be the greatest where it is most likely to be often practiced, it is nevertheless remarkable, that the progress of enlightened civilization has been much more advanced on the land than on the ocean. And, accordingly, personal rights, and especially those of property, have both a safety and protection on the former, which they do not enjoy on the latter element. Scarcely any circumstance would now tend more to exalt the character of America, than that of uniting its endeavors to bring up the arrears of civilization as applied to the ocean, to the same forward point which it has attained on the land, and, thus rendering men and their property secure against all human injustice and violence, leave them exposed only to the action of those storms and disasters, sufficiently perilous, which are comprehended in the dispensations of providence. It is under the influence of these and similar considerations, that you will bring forward, at the contemplated congress, the proposition to abolish war against private property and non-combatants on the ocean. Private property of an enemy is protected, when on land, from seizure and confiscation. Those who do not bear arms there, are not disturbed in their vocations. Why should not the same humane exemption be extended to the sea?’

Respecting religious toleration, he remarks, ‘you will avail yourselves of all suitable occasions to press upon the minister of the other American states, the propriety of a free toleration of religion, within their respective limits. In the United States, we experience no inconvenience from the absence of any religious establishment, and the universal toleration which happily prevails. We believe that none would be felt by other nations who should allow equal religious freedom. It would be deemed rash to assert, that civil liberty and an established church cannot exist together in the same state; but it may be safely affirmed, that history affords no example of their union, where the religion of the state has not only been established, but exclusive. If any of the American powers think proper to introduce into their systems an established religion, although we should regret such a determination, we would have no right to make a formal complaint, unless it should be _exclusive_. As the citizens of any of the American nations have a right, when here, without hindrance, to worship the Deity according to the dictates of their own consciences, our citizens ought to be allowed the same privilege, when, prompted by business or inclination, they visit any of the American states. You are accordingly authorized to propose a joint declaration, to be subscribed by the ministers of all or any of the powers represented, that, within their limits, there shall be free toleration of religious worship. The declaration on this subject in which you are authorized to unite, as well as that directed against European colonization within the territorial limits of any of the American nations herein before mentioned, does no more than announce, in respect to the United States, the existing state of their institutions and laws.’

These instructions reflect the highest honor on Mr. Clay, and when, in March, 1829, their publication was called for, in connection with other documents relating to the Panama mission, it was rancorously opposed by his enemies, who foresaw clearly that it would increase his popularity and add to his celebrity, as well as refute their assertion, that the object of the administration, in sending delegates to the Panama congress, was to carry into effect objects utterly at variance with the interests and true policy of the United States.

Mr.Clay’s method of preparing state papers, was, to make himself perfectly master of the subjects to be considered, by perusing all the papers on file relating to them, and afterwards draw up the documents in a form that seemed to him correct, and then submit them to the inspection of the president, who, it is understood, seldom found it necessary to suggest the slightest alteration.

During his term of service, Mr. Clay was under the painful necessity of reproving a foreign minister. Our _chargé d’affaires_ at the court of Brazil, had, by his intimidating manner, rendered himself very unpopular, and brought our affairs into great embarrassment at Rio de Janeiro. He frequently indulged in harsh and disrespectful language toward officers of the Brazilian government. Mr. Clay conveyed to him the rebuke of the United States, for these misdemeanors, which, though severe, was couched in language calculated to give the least possible pain.

The confidence of Mr. Adams was liberally and voluntarily given to Mr. Clay, nor could it have been better bestowed. With all the acts of the latter, he expressed himself entirely satisfied――except his affair of honor with Mr. Randolph. Of this he disapproved, most heartily and unequivocally; and Mr. Clay himself greatly regretted it. Many evidences are on record of Mr. Adams’s regard for Mr. Clay, both of a public and private character. The following is an interesting one.

Says a correspondent of the Newark Daily Advertiser, ‘I have frequently observed ladies’ albums circulating through the house and senate chamber, with the view of collecting the autographs of the members. I saw one this morning which contained a page of well written poetry, dated twenty-third July, 1842, in the tremulous hand-writing of John Q. Adams, descriptive of the wild chaos at present spread over our political affairs, and anticipated coming events, which would bring order out of disorder. The closing verse was as follows:

‘Say, for whose brow this laurel crown?
For whom this web of life is spinning?
Turn this, thy album, upside down,
And take the end for the beginning.’

The meaning of this was somewhat mystical, but, by turning to the back of the book, and inverting it, on its last page a piece was found with the signature of ‘H. CLAY!’

Seldom, perhaps, has an administration been assailed with more violence, or with less cause, than that of Mr. Adams. Perhaps the hostility manifested towards it, was occasioned, to a considerable extent, by Mr. Clay’s connection with it, and from the fact that the views of the president, in relation to the great measures of national policy, harmonized perfectly with his own. This gave to the opposition, of the ultra advocates of state rights, its bitterest venom, which was profusely lavished upon it. As soon as Mr. Clay left the house, his old eccentric foe, Mr. Randolph, cast off all restraint, and spoke and acted as though law and order were not for him; suffering no occasion to pass unimproved in abusing Mr. Clay, and often travelling out of his way to seek one. The subject of the Panama mission furnished him rich materials for exercising his peculiar genius, which he employed in the most insulting manner towards him. He characterized that unison of sentiment to which we have alluded, which existed between the president and Mr. Clay, as a ‘coalition of Blifil and Black George――a combination of the Puritan with the black-leg’――and charged Mr. Clay with ‘stealing a leaf from the curse book of PANDEMONIUM.’ Such language would be disgraceful under any circumstances, but especially on the floor of the senate chamber. Mr. Randolph seemed determined to bring about a personal conflict with Mr. Clay, from what motives it is difficult to determine, for the latter gave him no cause of abuse, carefully avoiding him as he did. But the former went on, day after day, unprovoked, adding injury to injury, heaping insult upon insult upon the latter, until further forbearance became exceedingly difficult, to say the least, especially as Mr. Clay was surrounded by his family. Says an individual intimately acquainted with the parties, ‘Mr. Randolph knew that his every word, whether spoken in his sober or inebriated moments, was pregnant with death, to the pride and the happiness of the innocent and the lovely.’ Although he himself had no family; although he was an individual in reference to whom a distinguished friend of ours once thanked God in congress, that monsters could not perpetuate their species; still he must have known, from hearsay, that the feelings of a wife and a daughter are keenly sensitive. Had Mr. Clay held a seat in the senate, Mr. Randolph, dark as were his designs, and much as he longed for a quarrel, would not have dared to use the language of open outrage. There was ever something in Mr. Clay’s eye, before which his spirit quailed and blinked, like a frighted thing. Mr. Clay, however, was absent, and every day of his forbearance added bitterness to the insults that were heaped on him. What could he do? Undoubtedly, that religion, whose kingdom is not of this world, required him to endure patiently unto the end. It is a matter of regret that he did not, but who shall censure him harshly, for having, in a moment of uncontrollable exasperation, turned upon his pursuer and dared him to single combat!