Chapter VI: Preface (4)

Most of the state legislatures signified their approval of the measures adopted by congress in relation to the war by corresponding resolutions. Kentucky early regarded with just indignation the tyrannical treatment of Great Britain, and evinced a disposition to resort immediately to coercive measures for redress, and guarantied her support to the extent of her ability to any course the general government might think proper to pursue. She declared that ‘should we tamely submit, the world ought to despise us――we should despise ourselves――England herself would despise us.’ In view of the prospect of immediate rupture, she resolved that ‘the state of Kentucky, to the last mite of her strength and resources, will contribute them to maintain the contest and support the right of their country against such lawless violations, and that the citizens of Kentucky are prepared to take the field when called on.’

After the passage of the navy bill, which was on the 29th of January, 1812, congress was employed with matters pertaining to our relations with Great Britain, in all of which Mr. Clay exhibited untiring energy and unflagging zeal. In the language of another, ‘in all of them Mr. Clay was the champion and the guide of the democratic party. No difficulties could weary or withstand his energies. He moved in majesty, for he moved in strength. Like the Carthaginian chief in the passage of the Alps, he kept his place in front of his comrades, putting aside with a giant effort every obstacle that opposed his progress, applauding the foremost of his followers, and rousing those who lingered by words of encouragement or reproach, until he succeeded in posting them upon a moral eminence from which they could look down upon the region where their prowess was to meet its long expected reward.’

On the first day of April ensuing, the following document was transmitted by the president to congress:

‘Considering it as expedient under existing circumstances and prospects, that a general embargo be laid on all vessels now in port, or hereafter arriving, for the period of sixty days, I recommend the immediate passage of a law to that effect.’

Mr. Porter, the chairman of the committee on foreign relations, to whom the message was referred, reported a bill, and the house went into a committee of the whole to consider it. A warm and protracted discussion ensued, and Mr. Clay was among the first to come forward and express his hearty concurrence with the opinion of Mr. Madison relative to the embargo. ‘I approve of it,’ said he, ‘because it is to be viewed as a direct precursor to war. As an American and a member of that house, he felt proud that the executive had recommended the measure.’

As a matter in course, those who opposed war opposed the embargo, which was obviously intended as a step preparatory to it, to give sufficient time to place our commercial interests in a secure condition, so that when hostilities should actually commence, our trading vessels should not be in a situation to become an easy prey to British cruisers. Among the most rabid was Mr. Randolph, who denounced the embargo, and in opposition to Mr. Clay, declared it a subterfuge――a retreat from battle――and not a step preparatory to war. ‘Sir,’ said he, ‘we are now in secret conclave. The eyes of the world are not upon us, but the eyes of God behold our doings. He knows the spirit of our minds. Shall we deliberate on this subject in the spirit of sobriety and candor, or with that spirit which has too often characterized our discussions like the present? We ought to realize that we are in the presence of that God who knows our thoughts and motives, and to whom we must render an account for the deeds done in the body. What new cause of war or of an embargo has arisen within the last twelve months? The affair of the Chesapeake is settled; no new principles of blockade have been interpolated in the laws of nations. Every man of candor would ask why we did not then go to war twelve months ago.’ He said that the honorable speaker was laboring under a mistake by declaring that the message was for war; that he (Mr. Randolph) had ‘too much reliance on the wisdom and virtue of the president to believe that he would be guilty of such gross and unparalleled treason.’

Mr. Clay replied in a becoming manner, in language that fell upon the house burning with the fire of his patriotic eloquence. ‘The gentleman from Virginia need not have reminded them in the manner he had of that Being who watched over and surrounded them. From this sentiment we should draw very different conclusions from those which occurred to him. It ought to influence them to that patriotism and to a display of those high qualifications, so much more honorable to the human character. The gentleman asks what _new_ cause of war has been avowed? The affair of the Chesapeake is settled, to be sure; but only to paralyse the spirit of the country. Has Great Britain abstained from impressing our seamen――from depredating upon our property? We have complete proof in her capture of our ships, in her exciting our frontier Indians to hostility, and in her sending an emissary to our cities to excite civil war, that she will do every thing to destroy us. Our resolution and spirit are our only dependence. Although I feel warm upon this subject, I pride myself upon those feelings, and should despise myself if I were destitute of them.’

Mr. Randolph still persisted in his intemperate opposition, averring that public sentiment was not in favor of either the embargo or war, and said that he had ‘known gentlemen not inferior in gallantry, in wisdom, in experience, in the talents of a statesman, to any upon the floor, consigned to oblivion for advocating a war upon the public sentiment.’ That the public mind was averse to these measures, Mr. Clay proved to be not true, by citing the great unanimity in the southern and western states, among both federalists and republicans, and the unequivocal resolutions of _fourteen state legislatures_ in favor of both. If possible, Mr. Randolph was exceeded in the fierceness of his opposition by Mr. Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts; at least by the low and scurrilous language in which he expressed it. He condemned the embargo as treasonable to the interests of the nation, as absurd and contrary to common sense. He boasted of having sent, in connection with his colleagues, expresses to the eastern cities, in the expectation that an embargo would be laid, that information to that effect might be given to merchants, so that they could obtain clearances for their vessels before it should take effect. Said he, ‘we did it to escape into the jaws of the British lion and of the French tiger, which are places of repose, of joy and delight, when compared with the grasp and fang of this hyena embargo. Look now upon the river below Alexandria, and you will see the sailors towing down their vessels as from a pestilence, against wind and tide, anxious to escape from a country which would destroy instead of preserving them. I object to it because it is no efficient preparation, because it is not a progress towards honorable war, but a subterfuge from the question. If we must perish, let us perish by any hand except our own; any fate is better than self-slaughter.’

In meeting the storm of opposition which raged like a tempest around him, Mr. Clay is represented to have been ‘a flame of fire.’ He had now brought congress to the verge of what he conceived to be a war for liberty and honor, and his voice, inspired by the occasion, ran through the capitol like a trumpet-tone sounding for the onset. On the subject of the policy of the embargo, his eloquence, like a Roman phalanx, bore down all opposition, and he put to shame those of his opponents who flouted the government as being unprepared for war. ‘Why is it,’ he exclaimed, indignantly, ‘that we are no _better_ prepared? Because the gentlemen themselves have thrown every possible obstacle in our way! They have opposed the raising of an army――the fitting out of a naval armament――the fortification of our frontiers――and now talk of the madness of engaging in a war for which we are not _prepared_! It is asked what new cause of war? In reply I will ask what _old_ cause of war is avenged? Has Great Britain abstained from impressing our seamen? I have no doubt but that the late Indian hostilities on the Wabash were excited by the British. Is not this cause of war?’

There was no withstanding his eloquent and patriotic appeals. They made every heart in the house vibrate and glow with intense desire to arouse and avenge the aggravated abuse heaped upon us by our foreign foe.

After an ineffectual attempt to procure an amendment to the bill by extending the embargo to ninety days, it passed by a vote of seventy to forty-one. It was then sent to the senate, which introduced the amendment proposed in the house, which was adopted by it, and after receiving the signature of the president, it became the law of the land on the fourth day of April.

Now war had become the settled policy of the nation; indeed the first initiatory step was taken. The Rubicon had been approached, and not to cross it would entail disgrace. Congress, therefore, set vigorously about preparing for war. The tardy procedure of government in bringing the subject to a crisis, it was thought would operate prejudicially in its prosecution, by allowing the eagerness and zeal then so prevalent for the conflict to subside. A result of the correspondence then going on between America and England, and which was continued after the embargo had taken effect, was, to render undecided a large and patriotic portion of the people, who were earnest in demanding redress, but as long as there was the slightest prospect of obtaining it by negotiation, chose to delay rather than meet the expenses and horrors of war. Hopes were entertained, from time to time, by the tone of the British minister’s communications, that all differences between the two nations would be pacifically arranged. But it soon appeared obvious, that nothing satisfactory would be proposed by him, that Great Britain had an ulterior object in view, in causing such expectations to be created, and that it would be better to abandon at once, and forever, all reliance upon this mode of procedure, resorted to from motives of the most amicable nature, on the part of the United States, and pursued so long and faithfully, yet ineffectully. Hope finally fled, though reluctantly and with a heavy heart, casting many ‘a lingering look behind,’ and ‘grim visaged war’ assumed her place. The most amicably disposed threw down the olive branch, and seized the sword. Remonstrance, entreaty, argument, and forbearance had been exhausted, and the nation, conscious of the righteousness of her cause, arose, buckled on her armor, and appealed to the God of battles for the maintenance of her rights.

Mr. Clay was one of a deputation appointed to wait upon Mr. Madison, to urge upon him the pressing necessity of making speedy and efficient preparation for the event which would inevitably occur. The views of congress, and of the country generally, relative to the subject of war, he spread before the president, argued that it was impolitic to waste any more time in fruitless negotiation, and expressed his sincere conviction, that, with their present resources, and those of which they could avail themselves, judiciously employed, as they would be by patriotic and indignant freemen, no alarming apprehensions need be entertained respecting the nature of the result. The muscular and mental energies of a free and united yeomanry of an independent and enlightened nation, arrayed in defence of _home_ and every thing that made it happy, he believed constituted a force invincible――one that could not be crushed by the hireling soldiery of the combined powers of Europe.

The president, though inclined to advance with extreme caution, whose trepidation was increased by several members of his cabinet opposed to warlike movements, was nerved with fresh courage and fired with fresh patriotism, by the energetic remarks of Mr. Clay, and induced to hasten the blow from the axe of executive power, which alone could burst the bands which bound and restrained the thunderbolt of war.

About this time, while in the exercise of his official prerogative, Mr. Clay became entangled in a disagreeable controversy with Mr. Randolph. This gentleman, though possessing talents and eloquence of a high order, employed them in such a manner as to make himself distinguished for the most extravagant eccentricities and wild vagaries. There had existed not the most cordial understanding between him and Mr. Clay, during several months previous. Their intercourse was not very uniform; sometimes it would be suspended for weeks, when not a word would be spoken by either to the other. The great difficulty of living on terms of intimacy or common civility even, with Mr. Randolph, caused Mr. Clay to adopt this course. He did not desire to offend the capricious gentleman, nor to place himself in a situation to receive offence from him. Occasionally, when the milk of human kindness was superabundant in his heart, Mr. Randolph would approach, and in the most honied accents and blandest manner, salute Mr. Clay and inquire after his health, with every demonstration of regard.

One of Mr. Randolph’s peculiarities was exceeding uneasiness under restriction; indeed, he seldom quietly submitted to any parliamentary restraint, however necessary and salutary. He regarded the rules of the house as trammels and shackles, more honored by the breach than observance, and struggled violently against their enforcement in his case. During the day previous to that when the controversy mentioned occurred, Mr. Clay, in conversing with a friend of Mr. Randolph, remarked that the president would probably transmit a message to congress, recommending a declaration of war, on the following Monday. This information was communicated to Mr. Randolph, who the next morning appeared in his seat, and commenced one of his usual windy harangues, without submitting any motion to the house. After discussing some time the subject of our foreign relations, although he well knew that such discussion was designed to be strictly private, manifesting more than his accustomed hostility to declaring war with Great Britain, and zeal in justifying her cruelties towards the United States, he was called to order, on the ground that there was no resolution before the house. Mr. Bibb, being in the chair, suffered him to proceed. Soon after, Mr. Clay resumed his seat, when he was again called to order, and required to submit his motion in writing to the chair. Mr. Clay observed that a standing rule of the house rendered it incumbent on any member who attempted to address it, after a few pertinent prefatory remarks, to submit his proposition in due form to the house, and then confine his remarks to it. ‘My proposition,’ said Mr. Randolph, ‘is that it is not expedient at this time, to resort to a war with Great Britain.’ He expressed great surprise when it was decided by the speaker that he could not proceed to discuss his proposition unless it was seconded and reduced to writing. ‘Then I appeal from that decision.’ The speaker briefly stated his reasons for his decision, which was sustained by a vote of sixty-seven to forty-two. ‘Then, sir, under the compulsion to submit my motion in writing, I offer it,’ said Mr. Randolph. The speaker replied, ‘there is no compulsion in the case, because the gentleman may or may not offer it, at his option.’ The motion was read from the chair, and the speaker observed that the house must first agree to consider it, before it could be in order to debate it. From this decision Mr. Randolph appealed, but at the suggestion of a friend, withdrew his appeal. Mr. Clay made a brief speech, justifying his decision, and then put the question whether the house would consider Mr. Randolph’s resolution. It was rejected by a vote of seventy-two to thirty-seven.

Mr. Randolph, thus compelled to take his seat, was greatly chagrined. On the following day he published a vindictive address to his constituents, in which he inveighed in the most bitter terms against Mr. Madison’s administration, declaring that the movements that had been made in reference to war, were not made with the intention of promoting the welfare of the country, and desired those whom he represented not to sanction the proposed declaration. Freedom of speech he declared had been invaded; that for the first time in the person of their representative had it been decided, that silence must be maintained upon the most important subject that could be brought forward for legislative action. He characterized this as ‘usurpation, more flagitious than any which had ever been practiced under the reign of terror by the father of the sedition laws, and the people must interfere and apply a remedy or bid adieu to a free government forever.’

Mr. Clay noticed this singular paper in a communication over his own name, which was published in the National Intelligencer reviewing briefly the controversy, stating the grounds of his action in relation to it, and established the two following principles: ‘that the house had a right to know through its organ, the specific motion which a member intends making before he undertakes to argue it at large, and that it reserves to itself the exercise of the power of determining whether it will consider it at the particular time when offered, prior to his thus proceeding to argue it.’ These principles have subsequently formed the rule in the house in similar cases, the operation of which has tended, in no small degree, to promote the interests of the country, by restraining within proper bounds the freedom of debate.

On the first of June, the president despatched to the house a message, containing a summary statement of our grievances demanding reparation, narrating the various pacific and often repeated attempts of the United States to adjust all existing difficulties with Great Britain, remarking the cold indifference or haughty repulse with which the latter had invariably met the amicable advances of the former, and recommending to the early consideration of congress the question whether the United States should ‘continue passive under these progressive usurpations and these accumulating wrongs, or opposing force to force in defence of their natural rights, should commit a just cause into the hands of the almighty disposer of events.’ An ‘immediate appeal to _arms_’ was recommended in a report of the committee on foreign relations, to whom the message was referred, on the eighteenth, and the act declaring war passed both houses of congress the same day, and on the nineteenth Mr. Madison issued his proclamation, declaring hostilities as actually commenced. On the sixth of July congress adjourned, to assemble on the first Monday in November.

The crisis towards which so many eyes had long been directed, had at last come――a crisis which, though sought by government, was sought reluctantly. Any measure that would have obviated its necessity, had been embraced with eager joy. Every expedient was resorted to, in order to prevent the waste of treasures and effusion of blood, with which it would be attended. The great master spirits, Messrs. Clay, Lowndes, Cheves and Calhoun, the bold pioneers in paving the way to and hastening on this crisis, did not attempt to shrink from their duty, nor to shake off the solemn responsibility which they assumed to their country in undertaking to conduct the ark of her liberties, now when they had guided it into the roaring vortex of war. They did not prove recreant to the precious trusts committed to their care, by traitorously deserting their posts. Though the billows of fierce conflict dashed against its sides, they did not withdraw the hand that had hitherto supported it. There was no looking back, no cowardly avoiding of danger, but shoulder to shoulder manfully they breasted the dark surges of belligerent strife, until in safety the harbor of success was finally attained.

With the view of shortening the conflict and ameliorating the condition of those engaged in it as much as possible, previous and subsequent to the declaration of war, they sought to place the financial department of the nation in a situation to meet the demands that would be made upon it in case of that event. In pursuance of this view, the secretary of the treasury, Mr. Gallatin, whose reputation for financiering stood high, was selected to devise and report a system that should accomplish the desired object. The public disappointment was excessive when his report appeared, which, instead of exhibiting any new feature in finance――instead of deriving revenue from the vast, existing and appropriate national sources――proposed to obtain it in the old obnoxious ways from excise, stamp duties, &c. Although deeply regretting that a more efficient plan was not provided, still, with a spirit that seemed resolved to turn to the best possible account the propositions of the secretary, they commenced levying taxes according to his plan. To this end Mr. Cheves, chairman of the committee of ways and means, diligently employed himself in preparing bills, whose object was the raising of revenue. After their completion and presentation, a discovery was made that well nigh proved fatal to this. It was ascertained through the efforts of Mr. Smiley, an intimate friend of the secretary of the treasury, that both he and the president were opposed to levying taxes at the time of the declaration of war, declaring ‘that the people would not take both war and taxes together.’

The non-concurrence of the executive in their financial scheme, was a source of bitter though unavailing regret to Mr. Clay and his coadjutors. It was, to be sure, defective, but had not this insuperable obstacle been interposed in the way of its being carried out, the treasury would have been to a considerable extent replenished with funds; the early want of which was a serious detriment felt during the whole war. To the influence of Mr. Gallatin, in a great measure, doubtless, the opposition of Mr. Madison to the conjunction of the two measures was owing. He was very susceptible of influence, especially from those in whom he reposed confidence, such as he did in the secretary. The same kind of influence, inducing him to procrastinate a declaration of war, Mr. Clay found him laboring under, when, as one of a deputation, he was sent to wait on and urge him to delay no longer, telling him that farther argument was useless, that the _ultima thule_ of talking had been reached, and that the time for prompt and vigorous _action_ had arrived. To illustrate the difference between speaking and writing, and _acting_, he repeated to Mr. Madison an anecdote of two Kentucky judges. ‘One talked incessantly from the bench. He reasoned every body to death. He would deliver an opinion, and first try to convince the party that agreed with him, and then the opposite party. The consequence was that business lagged, the docket accumulated, litigants complained, and the community were dissatisfied. He was succeeded by a judge who never gave any reasons for his opinion, but decided the case simply for the plaintiff or defendant. His decisions were rarely reversed by the appellate court, the docket melted away, litigants were no longer exposed to ruinous delay, and the community were contented.’ This humorous sally of Mr. Clay occasioned the president much mirth, who replied by relating an anecdote which occurred to him, of a French judge, who, said he, after hearing the arguments of the parties, put their papers in opposite scales, and decided the case according to the preponderance of weight.

Attempts on the part of the United States to prevent hostilities, did not cease until war had been declared, and even then a disposition was manifested to put a speedy termination to them, for in one week after this event, Mr. Jonathan Russell, our _chargé d’affaires_ at the court of St. James, received instructions to agree to an armistice as a preliminary to a treaty, provided the British government should repeal her orders in council, and discontinue the impressment of our seamen, and afterwards without insisting upon any particular agreement. All our pacific efforts, however, were fruitless, our proposals refused with disdain, and accompanied with language of reproach and insult, even conveying the idea that the conduct of the United States was pusillanimous. She refused to treat with us at all, unless as preliminary we would recall our letters of marque and reprisal, and cease all hostile acts towards British property and British subjects. Such degrading conditions could never be submitted to by the United States, although the federal party were willing and even clamorous to comply with them. The virtue and patriotism of the people, however, preponderated over all the vile attempts at causing the nation to accept the disgraceful terms dictated by her haughty foe, to procure the repose she desired. The middle of September found us still endeavoring to procure an adjustment of our difficulties amicably. The proposals of Mr. Russell, though of the most liberal nature, were treated contemptuously, and at an interview on the seventeenth of September, lord Castlereagh expressed great astonishment that American commissioners should still continue to indulge the expectation that the right of impressment should ever be relinquished, and even had the arrogance to say that ‘_our_ friends in congress had been so confident in that mistake, that they had ascribed the failure of such an arrangement solely to the misconduct of the American government.’ The demands of the British in insolence seemed to have no limits; asking if the ‘United States would deliver up the native British seamen who might be naturalized in America.’ ‘If,’ said lord Castlereagh, ‘the American government was so anxious to get rid of the war, it would have an opportunity of doing so, on learning the revocation of the orders in council.’

It was sufficiently obvious now that nothing remained but to prosecute the war as vigorously as possible. Our arms, in several cases, had been unsuccessful. The circumstances of the delivery of Detroit into the hands of the enemy by general Hull, were such as to render it certain that treason had some agency in it. These disasters tended to dampen the ardor of some, and to render more confident and blustering demagogues and federalists, who went about croaking like birds of ill omen, doing all in their power to infuse a spirit inimical to the course then pursuing, and bring opprobrium on the administration party. They continually referred to those partial failures as the sure prognostics that the whole country would fall an easy prey to the enemy.

But these reverses were subsequently in a measure repaired, by the successful and gallant achievements of a body of western volunteers, led on by general Harrison, over the British and their allies, the barbarous savages. Our brilliant victories on the sea were such as to kindle up the expiring energies in the hearts of the despairing, and to nerve to nobler deeds the intrepid. They evinced what could be accomplished by determination and valor combined. The British frigate Guerriere had been captured by captain Hull, commander of the frigate Constitution; commodore Rodgers had rendered most signal service to our commercial interests; all which tended to impart a fresh impulse to our army and navy.

During the interval between the adjournment and re-assembling of congress, Mr. Clay watched the progress of the war with the most intense interest. _This was the all-absorbing subject of his soul_, engaging its every faculty and principle; and the efforts which he made to secure its successful termination were as strenuous as they were unremitted. In public assemblies, in private circles, it was the theme on which he dwelt continually, and around which he twined the richest wreaths of his oratorical and colloquial skill. He always had a weapon ready to prostrate the opposition of the federalist and demagogue, however speciously presented. The grounds of encouragement to proceed, and the prospect of ultimate success, were so clearly elucidated by him, that the timid gathered confidence, and the bold redoubled their energies. Hope and courage were his constant companions, from which fear and cowardice fled away. These spread their animating influences far and wide, and like a beacon light lit up the whole land. Had Mr. Clay been engaged in a personal enterprize in which he had embarked his all, where fortune, fame, reputation, and life itself were at issue, he could not have manifested greater solicitude for the result, or put forth more gigantic efforts to render it favorable, than he did in relation to the war of the nation. If patriotism, undoubted and unadulterated, be not deducible from his agency in originating, prosecuting and consummating the war, on what page of the world’s annals is it chronicled? The history of the Grecian and Roman republics furnish many instances of exalted, self-sacrificing patriotism――of those who under its influence met death as joyfully as they would have met a friend. Inspired by this principle we hear one of their bards exclaim,

‘Dulce est pro patria mori.’

It is sweet to die for one’s country

But the lofty action of Mr. Clay in connection with this his country’s crisis, his prompt response to her cry for aid, his unwavering attachment to her cause, and his ardent devotion to her interests, present an example of patriotic love and zeal, which may be placed by the side of similar ones on the records of those nations, without the slightest fear of disparagement,――indeed as justifying the belief that if she had required a similar sacrifice, the victim would not have been wanting.

Mr. Clay advocated war, not as an experimental measure, not for the purpose of furnishing him an opportunity of gratifying his ambitious private projects, as his enemies desired it to be believed, but as the _dernier resort_, as that only which could raise from her prostrate condition his country, and restore her to that rank to which she was entitled as an independent nation. The result proved the correctness of his prediction, while it exposed the falsity of that pronouncing the measure as certain to eventuate in her ruin.

When he first approached the subject, he found it surrounded by a cloud of gloom, rendered dense and dark by the adverse circumstances of his country, and which was made every day more murky by the unpatriotic attitude of the disaffected, and the insidious efforts of the openly hostile. To dispel this, all his energies were directed, and on the re-assembling of congress, pursuant to adjournment, he was gratified to behold some few glimmerings of light through the sombre mass. This cheering indication, added to the reviving influence imparted to him by his recent immediate contact with the people, fired his soul with an irrepressible fervency, and caused the flame of his patriotic ardor to burn so intensely as to consume all opposing materials. For this flame, plenty of fuel was furnished by those, who evinced, by their deadly hostility, a desire to see the unequal struggle then going on between England and the United States, terminate in favor of the former. In some, this hostility, breaking over all bounds of decency, vented itself in the grossest lampoon. Their endeavors appeared more like the spasmodic efforts of a drowning man, than the skilfully directed attempts of enlightened opposers, as though they were determined, if possible, to accomplish the fulfilment of their predictions, which now, from the recent victorious feats of our arms, seemed quite dubious. Soon after the commencement of the session, the first subject of importance that came before the representatives of the people, was that of increasing the army. Mr. Clay, and those whose views were coincident with his, desired to concentrate the nation’s energies in prosecuting the war to a glorious completion; to do which, fresh and gratifying evidence had been given. To secure this, it was proposed to augment the army by a recruit of twenty thousand men. The committee on military affairs in the house reported a bill for the purpose, which was considered in committee of the whole, and debated at length. From the opposition, this proposition met the most violent assault, and also those who supported it. The warmest opposers were found in the persons of Messrs. Randolph, Pitkin and Quincy. The speech of the latter gentleman is said to have ‘produced disgust on all sides of the house,’ and for violence and abuse stands unrivalled. Its most scurrilous expressions have been expunged; enough, however, remains to determine its original character. Speaking of the war, he observed, ‘there is nothing in history like this war since the invasion of the bucaneers. The disgrace of our armies is celestial glory compared to the disgrace reflected on our country by this invasion;’ (the proposed invasion of Canada;) ‘yet it is called a war for glory! Glory? Yes, such glory as that of the tiger when he tears the bowels from the lamb, filling the wilderness with its savage roars; the glory of Zenghis Khan, without his greatness; the glory of Bonaparte. Far from me and mine, and far from my country be such glory!’ He stigmatized those in favor of the war as ‘household troops, who lounge for what they can pick up about the government house; who come here, and with their families live and suck upon the breast of the treasury; toad-eaters, who live on eleemosynary, ill-purchased courtesy, upon the palace, swallow great men’s spittle, and get judgeships, and wonder at the fine sights, and fine rooms, and fine company, and most of all, wonder how they themselves got there.’ The state of public feeling in Massachusetts respecting the invasion, he stated by saying, that ‘he had conversed upon the question with men of all ranks and conditions in Massachusetts, with men hanging over the plough and on the spade, judicious, honest, patriotic, sober men, who, if it were requisite, and their sense of moral duty went along with the war, would fly to the standard of their country at the winding of a horn, but who now hear yours with the same indifference they would have heard a jews-harp or a banjo.’ He was particularly severe on those in the house who advised the rigid prosecution of the war, by calling them ‘young politicians, with the pin-feathers yet unshed, the shell still sticking upon them; perfectly unfledged, though they fluttered and cackled on the floor; who favored such extravagant and ignorant opinions of a very proud nation.’ He said, ‘it would ill become a man whose family had been two centuries settled in the state, and whose interests, connections and affections were exclusively American, to shrink from his duty for the yelping of those blood-hound mongrels who were kept in pay to hunt down all who opposed the court; a pack of mangy hounds of recent importation; their backs still sore with the stripes of European castigation, and their necks marked with the check collar.’

Mr. Clay replied to him in a speech of most pointed yet merited rebuke, and couched in language that stung like a scorpion. During the course of his remarks, Mr. Quincy took occasion to travel out of his way to attack the character of Mr. Jefferson. This uncalled for and unexpected abuse of an aged ex-president, a patriot living in retirement, Mr. Clay thus notices.

‘Neither his retirement from public office, his eminent services, nor his advanced age, can exempt this patriot from the coarse assaults of party malevolence. In 1801, he snatched from the rude hand of usurpation the violated constitution of his country, and _that_ is his crime. He preserved that instrument, in form, and substance, and spirit, a precious inheritance for generations to come, and for _this_, he can never be forgiven. How vain and impotent is party rage directed against such a man! He is not more elevated by his lofty residence on the summit of his own favorite mountain, than he is lifted by the serenity of his mind, and the consciousness of a well-spent life, above the malignant passions and bitter feelings of the day. No! his own beloved Monticello is not less moved by the storms that beat against its sides, than is this illustrious man by the howlings of the whole British pack set loose from the Essex kennel.’

Speaking of the notoriety Mr. Quincy had gained by attempting to impeach Mr. Jefferson a few years previous, he said, ‘the final vote stood one for, and one hundred and seventeen against the proposition!’ (of impeachment.) ‘The same historic page that transmitted to posterity the virtue and the glory of Henry the Great of France, for their admiration and example, has preserved the infamous name of the frantic assassin of that excellent monarch.’ Mr. Clay vindicated most ably the character of that exalted patriot, from the foul aspersions thus attempted to be cast upon it; after which, he alluded to the vacillating course pursued by those opposed to the administration party, in the following language. ‘The course of that opposition by which the administration of the government has been unremittingly impeded for the last twelve years, is singular, and I believe unexampled in the history of any country. The administration has not been forgetful of its solemn obligations. No art has been left unessayed, no experiment promising a favorable result left untried, to maintain the peaceful relations of the country. When some six or seven years ago, the affairs of the nation assumed a threatening aspect, a partial non-importation was adopted. As they grew more alarming an embargo was imposed. It would have accomplished its purport, but it was sacrificed on the altar of conciliation. Vain and fruitless attempt to propitiate! Then came along the non-intercourse, and a general non-importation followed in the train. In the mean time, any indications of a return to the public law and the path of justice on the part of either belligerent, are seized upon with avidity by the administration. The arrangement with Mr. Erskine is concluded. It is first applauded, and then censured by the opposition. No matter with what unfeigned sincerity, with what real effort the administration cultivates peace, the opposition insist that it alone is culpable for every breach that is made between the two countries. Restriction after restriction has been tried. Negotiation has been resorted to until further negotiation would have been disgraceful. Whilst these peaceful experiments are undergoing a trial, what is the conduct of the opposition? They are the champions of war――the proud, the spirited, the sole repository of the nation’s honor――the men of exclusive vigor and energy. The administration, on the contrary, is weak, feeble, and pusillanimous――incapable of being kicked into a war. The maxim, ‘not a cent for tribute, millions for defence,’ is loudly proclaimed. The opposition is tired, sick, disgusted with negotiation. They want to draw the sword and avenge the nation’s wrongs. When, however, foreign nations, perhaps emboldened by the very opposition here made, refuse to listen to the amicable appeals, which have been repeated and reiterated by the administration, to their justice and their interests――when, in fact, war with one of them has become identified with our existence and our sovereignty, and to abstain from it was no longer possible, behold the opposition veering round and becoming the friends of peace and commerce. They tell you of the calamities of war――its tragical events――the squandering away of your resources――the waste of the public treasure, and the spilling of innocent blood. Now we see them exhibiting the terrific forms of the roaring king of the forest. Now the meekness and humility of the lamb. They are for war and no restriction when the administration is for peace. They are for peace and restrictions when the administration is for war. You find them tacking with every gale, displaying the colors of every party and of all nations, steady only in one unalterable purpose, to steer if possible into the haven of power.’

Mr. Clay’s sentiments in relation to the British system of impressment were of the most affecting description, drawing tears from the eyes of almost every individual present, and concluded by saying, that ‘My plan would be to call out the ample resources of the country, give them a judicious direction, prosecute the war with the utmost vigor, strike wherever we can reach the enemy at sea or on land, and negotiate the terms of a peace at Quebec or Halifax. We are told that England is a proud and lofty nation, which, disdaining to wait for danger, meets it half way. Haughty as she is, we once triumphed over her, and if we do not listen to the counsels of timidity and despair, we shall again prevail. In such a cause, with the aid of Providence, we must come out crowned with success; but if we fail, let us fail like men――lash ourselves to our gallant tars, and expire together in one common struggle, fighting for free trade and seamen’s rights.’

A correct idea of the effect produced it is impossible to gather from his reported speech, though in general accurately given. Look, tone, gesture, and manner contributed largely to its greatness,――perhaps as much as the ‘thoughts that breathe and words that burn,’ which in one continuous stream fell from his eloquent lips, causing the hearts of his hearers to thrill alternately with pleasure and pain. It is represented as having been an exquisite specimen of grand eloquence――a felicitous blending of the beautiful, pathetic and sublime. He seemed to wave the enchanted wand of the fabled magician, now spreading peace and quiet, and now causing the most stormy emotions to swell the hearts of those who listened to him. The editor of the National Intelligencer says that the pathetic effect produced by the appeal admits not of description. Although the day was extremely cold, so cold that Mr. Clay, for the only time in his life, was unable to keep himself warm by the exercise of speaking, there were few individuals in the house who did not bear witness by their streaming eyes to the orator’s control over their sensibilities. Members of both political parties――men whose patriotic souls had been sustained by his eloquence, and those who had been writhing and agonizing under his indignation, forgot their antipathies and wept together.

Mr. Clay had the pleasure of seeing the bill, as advocated by him, pass the house, on the fourteenth of January, 1813, by a vote of seventy-seven to forty-two. On the sixteenth (having passed the senate,) it received the signature of the president; and thus was taken another and very important step in carrying out that system of manly and bold resistance devised and introduced by him, and which was destined to redress all our grievances and restore our violated rights.

On the eighteenth of February, congress proceeded to ascertain the result of an election for president and vice president, which was as follows. For president, James Madison, one hundred and twenty-eight, De Witt Clinton, eighty-nine. For vice president, Elbridge Gerry, one hundred and thirty-one, Jared Ingersoll, eighty-six. Thus the re-election of Mr. Madison furnished undoubted evidence that the people, from whom there is no appeal, sustained the measures of war.

On the twenty-fourth of May, Mr. Clay was elected speaker to the house again, over Mr. Pitkin, by a majority of thirty-five, and whenever an opportunity was afforded him, he mingled in the discussions that were almost constantly agitating the house, in reference to prosecuting the war. At the commencement of this, the first session of the thirteenth congress, he called the attention of the house to that portion of the president’s message which describes the manner in which the British had been waging war: which characterized it as ‘adding to the savage fury of it on one frontier, a system of plunder and conflagration on the other, equally forbidden by respect for national character, and by the established rules of civilized warfare.’ In a few pertinent remarks, he adverted to this description embodied by the message, censuring somewhat severely the nation guilty of such enormities, and said, ‘if they should be found to be as public report had stated them, they called for the indignation of all christendom, and ought to be embodied in an authentic document which might perpetuate them on the page of history.’ An investigation instituted on a motion of Mr. Clay, in reference to these, developed the astounding fact that the most barbaric outrages were committed repeatedly, on American prisoners, by the savage allies of the British, with their approval. The indignation of the house was aroused to a high pitch, on learning the truth of the report, which took immediate measures for causing to be laid before it every instance of such flagrant violation of the rules of warfare recognized by all civilized nations.

War had now become the settled policy and regular business of the nation; a business which though at first she performed rather bunglingly, was now despatched in a more workmanlike manner. The plough, the spade, and the various implements of husbandry and mechanism, had become partially forgotten, by the familiarity which had been effected with the musket and the sword, so that greater skill was manifested in the use of the latter, which resulted in greater success than accompanied the first attempts at their use. York, the capital of Upper Canada, had fallen into our hands, and five naval victories had been achieved. Indecision and timidity had to a great extent disappeared, and a spirit of indomitable determination had been made to take their place, mainly through the irresistible influence of Mr. Clay’s eloquent appeals. These were all-powerful, agitating the whole nation, paralyzing opposition, and organizing and arraying the talent, influence, and means of all classes, to do battle to death, if necessary, in defence of our precious liberties. A noble and enthusiastic feeling was diffused throughout the country. Public opinion was far and wide aroused in favor of the war, and its majestic roar shook down the unconsecrated temples of treason, and bared their secrets to the light of heaven. Patriot answered aloud to patriot――the sentinels of freedom caught up the watchword――from town to town the signal fires flashed free, and all things proclaimed that the spirit of the country was up for glory.

Both the friends and foes of Mr. Clay agree that at this period the control he had acquired was almost unlimited. In the house it was probably equal to that which he had acquired a few years previous in the legislature of Kentucky. This was always exercised in the spirit of the greatest liberality, and in such a manner as to promote the public interests. Towards the close of 1813, negotiations for peace commenced, at the suggestion of Alexander, the emperor of Russia, who proffered his mediation between the two belligerent nations. On the part of the United States, his proffer was favorably received, and a willingness manifested to accede to it, accompanied with expressions of regret that the commercial interests of Russia should be infringed or endangered in any way by her collision with Great Britain. This was first formally made at Washington, by the Russian minister, M. Daschkoff, as early as March of the same year, and eagerly embraced by the president. It had, however, several months previous, been hinted to Mr. Adams, our minister at St. Petersburg, by the emperor himself, who manifested great desire that hostilities should cease. On the part of Great Britain his pacific proposition was rejected, who alleged that the peculiar nature of her domestic and naval regulations rendered incompatible its acceptance, but declared her perfect willingness to treat with the American envoys, either at London, or Paris, or indeed at any convenient place selected by the two powers. This proposal was accepted, and the preliminary steps taken to accomplish the object proposed. Messrs. Albert Gallatin and James A. Bayard were selected as two of the commissioners for the United States, and directed to repair without delay and join Mr. J. Q. Adams, at St. Petersburg, there to await the further action of government.

A short time after, a proposal from the English ministry to negotiate with us at Gottingen was accepted, and Messrs. Clay and Jonathan Russell were selected commissioners, who, in connection with the three in Russia, were invested with full power to treat with lord Gambier, Henry Goulborne, and William Adamos, commissioners on the part of the British government.

Although Gottingen had been first agreed upon as the city where to conduct the negotiation, subsequently it was determined that Ghent should be the place. The sixth of August, 1814, found the plenipotentiaries of both nations (except Mr. Gallatin, who joined them soon after,) at the latter city, ready to proceed with their legitimate business. They commenced by a mutual interchange of kind feeling, evincing a disposition to approach the subject in the true spirit of conciliation, and to frame their stipulations so as to subserve the interests of the powers they represented. In consequence of the proximity of the British ministers to their government, they enjoyed a superior advantage over the American commissioners, of which they availed themselves freely, for whenever they received from the latter a note of any importance, it was directly sent to London, where its contents were carefully scrutinized by the English ministry, who prepared and sent back an answer containing instructions, which were to govern their actions in relation to it. This mode of procedure adopted by them, greatly retarded the negotiation, while the remoteness of the American negotiators from their government, made it impossible for them to resort to a similar method. The plan which they adopted on receiving a communication from the former, was to consider its contents deliberately, and with great circumspection; after which it was committed to the care of one of their number deputed to prepare an answer. This underwent a rigid examination, when each member considered it in private, making such alterations as he deemed proper. Afterwards they all assembled and subjected them to a thorough scrutiny, which terminated in their adoption or rejection. Their proceedings in detail were never reported, so that it is impossible to state to what extent they were influenced by each member of the diplomacy, but it is matter of general credence that Mr. Clay, in their joint colloquial meetings, bore a prominent part and exercised a controlling power over the character of the stipulations. It is understood that Mr. Gallatin drew up more official communications than any one of his associates, that Mr. Adams ranked next, and Mr. Clay next. The various papers prepared by these gentlemen during the period of their negotiation, which continued about five months, furnish some of the finest specimens of English composition. For purity of diction, terseness of style, happy illustration, and logical construction, they will not suffer in comparison with the best political disquisitions in the English language.