Chapter XI: Preface (9)

Of the duel, itself, it is not necessary to say much. Mr. Randolph, in defiance of established usage, went upon the field in a huge morning gown; and the seconds, had not Mr. Clay interfered, would have made this singular conduct the occasion of a quarrel. In due time the parties fired, and luckily for both of them, or at least for Mr. Clay, Mr. Randolph’s life was saved by his gown. The unseemly garment constituted such a vast circumference, that the locality of ‘the thin and swarthy senator’ was at least a matter of very vague conjecture. Mr. Clay might as well have fired into the outspread top of an oak, in the hope of hitting a bird that he supposed to be snugly perched somewhere among the branches. His ball hit the centre of the visible object, but _Randolph was not there_! and of course the shot did no harm and no good. After the first discharge, Mr. Randolph, by firing into the air, showed his disinclination to continue the fight. He immediately walked up to Mr. Clay, who was still standing in his place, and, parting the folds of his gown, pointed to the hole where the bullet of the former had pierced his coat, and, in the shrillest tones of his squeaking voice, exclaimed, ‘_Mr. Clay, you owe me a COAT, you owe me a COAT_!’ to which he replied, in a voice of slow and solemn emphasis, at the same time pointing directly to Mr. Randolph’s heart, ‘MR. RANDOLPH, _I thank God that I am no DEEPER in your debt!_’

We are no apologist for the duelist; we regard the practice of duelling with the deepest detestation and abhorrence, and believe it unjustified, under any circumstances; still, we unhesitatingly say, that those which surrounded Mr. Clay, were approximated as nearly to a justification, as any possibly could. He had resorted to all honorable means to avoid a duel with Mr. Randolph; calling upon and desiring him to explain or retract his insulting language, but he flatly refused. It may not be amiss to state, in this connection, that Mr. Clay reprobated the practice of duelling, himself. This appears from his avowed sentiment relative thereto. ‘I owe it,’ said he, ‘to the community, to say, that whatever, heretofore, I may have done, or by inevitable circumstances may be forced to do, no man in it holds in deeper abhorrence than I do, the pernicious practice of duelling. Condemned as it must be, by the judgment and philosophy, to say nothing of the religion, of every thinking man, it is an affair of feeling, about which we cannot, although we should, reason. The true corrective will be found, when all shall unite, as all ought to unite, in its unqualified proscription.’

The hostile meeting between Mr. Randolph and Mr. Clay, occurred April eighth, 1826. Their last interview took place in March, 1833, a short time previous to the decease of the former. He was on his way to Philadelphia, where he died. Being unable to walk or stand without assistance, he was borne into the senate chamber, to which he was about to pay his last visit. The senate was in session by candlelight. Mr. Clay had risen to make some remarks on the compromise act. ‘Help me up,’ said Mr. Randolph, sitting in a chair, and speaking to his half-brother, Mr. Tucker, ‘help me up; _I have come to hear that voice once more_.’ When Mr. Clay concluded, he approached, and shook Mr. Randolph cordially by the hand, and thus terminated their intercourse forever.

Mr. Clay’s efforts, during his secretaryship, contributed much in making Mr. Adams’s administration peculiarly American. They afforded material aid in cherishing and strengthening those principles, which would render the United States independent of foreign nations――principles for which he contended with a zeal that nothing could dampen, and which would not allow any compromise. In giving Mr. Adams his vote, he was not mistaken in supposing that he would be their able supporter too. In their adherence to these, they went hand in hand. This was a source of most vexatious uneasiness to the enemies of those principles. Hence the cause of their excessive hostility towards the administration of Mr. Adams, for they believed it was materially shaped by Mr. Clay. They little expected, and less designed, that their opposition should thus pay him the highest possible compliment――that of wielding a power scarcely inferior to that of the executive himself. The enemies of Mr. Clay, therefore, became the enemies of Mr. Adams, whose administration they determined to prostrate, let the expense be what it might. ‘_It must be put DOWN_,’ said one of general Jackson’s most prominent supporters, ‘_though as pure as the angels at the right hand of God_.’ The foulest charges were preferred against Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, the mildest of which was, CORRUPTION. Of the latter, in consequence of his having made some transfers, in publishing the laws, from one printing establishment to another, it was alleged, that he attempted to corrupt the press, which, with a great outcry, was bruited from one end of the land to the other. He was charged with having made the transfer from interested party considerations, and an attempt was made to cause him to communicate to congress what changes he had made, with his reasons. It failed, however, on the ground that the house had no jurisdiction over the matter. At the very time (or nearly) that his enemies in the house were thus engaged in subjecting him to this gross charge, their coadjutors in the senate, led on by Mr. Van Buren, were endeavoring to deprive the National Intelligencer of the printing of that body. _Notable consistency!_ Not an act of Mr. Adams, or Mr. Clay, which was not made to pass through the traducing ordeal of their enemies’ malice, and pronounced corrupt and ruinous in their tendency. The same acts might be submitted to the examination of any impartial tribunal, who would rise up from it, and declare them as nearly faultless as any human ones could be; indeed, that of posterity, whose decisions are never reversed, is fast rendering such a verdict. Many an eye now dims with tears, and many a heart heaves with regret, at the recollection of Mr. Adams’s administration. The political degeneracy and pollution of the present day, were far from it. Economy, dignity, and liberality, were written all over it, in such indelible characters, that the most intemperate flood of opposition could not expunge them. It can be said of Mr. Adams, that he never dismissed a public functionary solely on the ground of party considerations, and in selecting these, he did not permit himself to be governed by them. But, unexceptionable as was the course pursued by him, detraction and calumny performed their utmost to bring him into disrepute, and with too much success. Party prejudice and sectional feelings were aroused and inflamed in all parts of the country. The wants of each were catered for, without stint or measure; coalitions, combinations, caucusses, and all the unnamed and undescribed pharaphernalia of party manœuvring, were organized, drilled, arrayed, and brought out, to be used by strong and willing hands, in the most ignoble and base employment in which they could be engaged――in crushing an administration without any regard to its merit or demerit. The prime movers of the whole heterogeneous mass had decreed, that it ‘_must_ be put down,’ and its loud _ergo_ pealed up, ‘_it ought to be put down_.’ Contradictory and paradoxical reasoning was employed, with success equal to that of true, in different parts of the country. Their creed was comprehensive enough to embrace all, how various soever their names or tenets. From such an army political virtue and honesty fled away and hid themselves, which, like the devouring locusts of Egypt, passed over the whole land, blighting and destroying every green thing in its political enclosures. Sometime previous to the close of the administration, the opposition gained the ascendency in congress, which greatly facilitated their operations, which resulted in the election of their candidate, Andrew Jackson, to the presidential chair, in the autumn of 1828.

The prevalence of truth is sure. It may be temporarily suppressed, error may triumph over it, and it may seem to be lost, but its disenthralment is just as certain, as the release of the earth by solar heat from the mists that press upon its bosom. Error gravitates――its nature is downwards; but truth soars――its own intrinsic buoyant power bears it, sooner or later, to the surface of human observation. It cannot perish; it is the ally of immortality, and will survive all sublunary things, and be seen and admired ages after falsehood and all his base companions shall have gone down to their dark dwelling-place. This attribute of truth seems to have been overlooked or disregarded, by those who, with a blind zeal and misguided patriotism, sought the overthrow of an administration too good to escape the shafts of envy, and dispensing more benefits than could be enumerated or appreciated by them when thus engaged. Those who were most active in elevating general Jackson to the presidency, displayed great skill in party tactics, and a most liberal education in the schools of intrigue and detraction. Experience had taught them, that a public functionary was most vulnerable through the minds of his constituents; that if the lodgment of a certain principle could be effected _there_, their work was done, his ruin was accomplished. This was precisely the mode of warfare pursued by the opponents of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. All their efforts were directed to the single end, of instilling into the minds of the people the belief, that these eminent statesmen, these great and good men, _were vampyres upon their pockets_, shaping their measures so as to drain them of their contents. The cry of extravagance drowned every other, and that of economy, retrenchment, and reform, was iterated and reiterated so often, that the truth of the first, and imperious necessity of the others, soon became their permanent belief. It is not surprising, that under the influence of this, they should rise, and pluck them from their places, without stopping to inquire, whether those who excited them to the committal of this act, did not do it for the express purpose of thrusting their hands still deeper into their pockets. The sequel seemed to furnish good grounds for such an opinion. From the purses of the people, general Jackson’s administration took about two dollars to Mr. Adams’s one, and Mr. Van Buren’s about three. The necessity for diminishing the public expenditures, suddenly ceased, upon their becoming safely installed in their places, and their sympathy for the ‘_dear people_,’ in view of their pretended robbery, which seemed to be so expansive before, immediately returned to the narrow limits of their own bosoms. But truth, whose voice was completely stifled in reference to the administration of Mr. Adams, and the herculean labors of Mr. Clay, as connected with it, in the political _melée_ of 1828, is fast justifying its measures, and causing many to regret, who zealously sought, its overthrow, and fervently pray for its return.

A few days after general Jackson’s inauguration into the presidential chair, Mr. Clay prepared to return to the retirement and the social delights of his home; where, at his leisure, he could review his public acts, and devise new measures for benefiting his country. About the time of his departure from Washington, his friends residing in that city, as a testimonial of their regard for his private and public character, gave him a dinner. In a speech, on that occasion, he alluded to his public career, and the duties of citizenship, in the following beautiful language. ‘Whether I shall ever hereafter take any part in the public councils or not, depends upon circumstances beyond my control. Holding the principle that a citizen, as long as a single pulsation remains, is under an obligation to exert his utmost energies in the service of his country, if necessary, whether in a public or private station, my friends here and every where may rest assured, that, in either condition, I shall stand erect, with a spirit unconquered, whilst life endures ready to second their exertions in the cause of liberty, the union, and the national prosperity.’

Of general Jackson he remarked, ‘that citizen has done me much injustice. It was inflicted, as I must ever believe, for the double purpose of gratifying private resentment, and promoting personal ambition. When, during the late canvass, he came forward in the public prints, under his proper name, with his charge against me, and summoned before the public tribunal his friend and his _only_ witness, (Mr. Buchanan,) to establish it, the anxious attention of the whole American people was directed to the testimony which that witness might render. He promptly obeyed the call, and testified to what he knew. He _could_ say nothing, and he _said nothing_ which cast the ♦slightest shade upon my honor or integrity. What he _did_ say was the reverse of any implication of _me_. Then all just and impartial men, and all who had faith in the magnanimity of my accuser, believed that he would make a public acknowledgement of his error. How far this reasonable expectation has been fulfilled, let his persevering and stubborn silence attest. But my relations to that citizen, by a recent event, are now changed. He is the chief magistrate of my country, invested with large and extensive powers, the administration of which may conduce to its prosperity, or occasion its adversity. Patriotism enjoins as a duty, that while he is in that exalted station he should be treated with decorum, and his official acts be judged of in a spirit of candor.’

The rancor of his enemies had pursued Mr. Clay as though he had been a devastating monster, laying waste the fair and fertile fields of his country, instead of enriching them by his toils. It overstepped, not only the bounds of prudence, but of propriety and decency. It followed him to the sanctuary of his home, and violated that. In a letter written in May, 1828, he thus speaks of their attempts to destroy his pecuniary credit. ‘The variety in their modes of attack, and the industry of my enemies, are remarkable, if not always commendable. I observe that some of them about Lexington, have carefully searched the records of Fayette, and extracted from them a formidable list of mortgages, which are paraded as evidence of my bankruptcy. The fairness of this proceeding, in my absence on arduous public service, and without inquiry into the fact whether the mortgages be extinguished or not, is submitted to my fellow citizens of Fayette. I do not consider, that a man who honestly fulfils his pecuniary engagements, is entitled to any special praise, or I would not observe, that I can confidently appeal to all with whom I ever had pecuniary transactions, to bear testimony to the fidelity with which I have discharged mine. I invite the severest scrutiny into my conduct in that respect, and request a comparison of it with that of any one of those who now assail me. I never was sued in my life, for an uncontested debt; indeed, I have no recollection at this time of having ever been sued for any ascertained debt, contested or uncontested, and whether I was principal or endorser. I am not free absolutely from debt. I am not rich. I never coveted riches. But my estate would even now be estimated at not much less than one hundred thousand dollars. Whatever it may be worth, it is a gratification to me to know, that it is the produce of my own honest labor, no part of it being hereditary, except one slave, who would oblige me very much if he would accept his freedom. It is sufficient, after paying all my debts, to leave my family above want, if I should be separated from them. It is a matter, also, of consolation to me, to know that this wanton exposure of my private affairs can do me no pecuniary prejudice. My few creditors will not allow their confidence in me to be shaken by it. It has, indeed, led to one incident, which was at the same time a source of pleasure and pain. A friend lately called on me, at the instance of another friend, and informed me that they were apprehensive that my private affairs were embarrassed, and that I allowed their embarrassment to prey upon my mind. He came, therefore, with their authority, to tell me that they would contribute any sum that I might want, to relieve me. The emotions which such a proposition excited, can be conceived by honorable men. I felt most happy to be able to undeceive them, and to decline their benevolent proposition.’

Though Mr. Clay’s enemies were greatly gratified at his ejectment from office, they were more disappointed and chagrined at the fortitude, and humor, even, with which he bore it. They had prepared a rich feast of enjoyment over his anticipated sorrow, on the occurrence of that event, which was spoiled by him, in not complying with the conditions that _would make it palatable_. Instead of being sad, he was merry. At the time of his departure from Washington for Kentucky, the roads were very bad, which induced him to send his private conveyance in advance, and resort to the stage-coach. On one occasion, the roughness of them caused him to take a seat beside the driver, which he occupied on entering Uniontown, in Pennsylvania, at which his friends in that place expressed great surprise, to which he replied, ‘gentlemen, although I am with the OUTS, yet I can assure you that the INS behind me, have much the worst of it.’ His health, which had become much enfeebled by his arduous duties, improved rapidly during his journey home, and the flow of his exuberant spirits more than kept pace with it. The most kindly receptions greeted him at every stage of it; indeed, in the expressions of regard for his character and services, there was scarcely any cessation, from the time he left the seat of government until he reached his home, to which he was welcomed by one of those warm, spontaneous, and eloquent outbursts of Kentuckian feeling, which, to be known, must be witnessed, for no description can do it justice. Hardly had he disrobed himself of his travelling garments, and become seated in his residence at Ashland, before he was importuned to exchange it for one in congress, or in the legislature of Kentucky; but ill health, and a desire for temporal repose, caused him to decline. Scarcely a day passed away which did not bring to his abode testimonials of regard and affection, from his friends in all parts of the country. He was urged repeatedly to participate in their hospitality, which had he complied with to the extent in which it was proffered, the strength of a thousand men would have been requisite to carry him uninjured through it. These invitations were prompted by a consciousness of his worth, and a desire to gather his opinions and sentiments, in relation to national policy. This desire was always gratified, at those which he accepted. In May, 1829, he was honored by a public dinner, served up at Fowler’s garden, at which about three thousand sat down. His presence called forth the following toast: ‘our distinguished guest, friend, and neighbor, HENRY CLAY――with increased proofs of his worth, we delight to renew the assurance of our confidence in his patriotism, talents, and incorruptibility――may health and happiness attend him in retirement, and a grateful nation do justice to his virtues.’ After its announcement, he spoke for the space of one hour and a half, with more than his usual eloquence and energy. He reviewed somewhat minutely his public career, the administration of Mr. Adams, and spoke in terms of deserved censure of the means resorted to, by his enemies, to put him down. He animadverted severely upon the course pursued by general Jackson, in removing faithful public officers, and considered his conduct, in that respect, unjustifiable, and as calculated to establish a dangerous precedent. His sentiments concerning the principles which ought to govern public servants, are worthy of all acceptance, and should be inscribed in letters of gold on the phylacteries of all office-holders and office-seekers. He closed by saying, ‘in the presence of my God, and of this assembled multitude, I can and I will say, that I have honestly and faithfully served my country, that I have never wronged it, and that, however unprepared I lament that I am, to appear in the Divine presence on other accounts, I invoke the stern justice of His judgment on my public conduct, without the smallest apprehension of His displeasure.’

Mr. Clay never attempted concealment either of his sentiments or his actions in relation to public matters; on the contrary, he invited the most searching scrutiny, conscious that in the maintenance of the former, and the performance of the latter, he was actuated by upright motives.

In 1829–30 he visited various parts of Kentucky, loaded with favors wherever he came; upholding those measures which were truly national, and denouncing, without any reserve, those that were of an opposite character. Of this description he found many connected with the administration of general Jackson, neither did he allow himself to be deterred from expressing his views freely in relation to them, from any motives of a personal consideration. Mr. Clay was not the man to shrink from the duty of directing the attention of the country to measures whose tendency he believed was detrimental to its interests. He would not hesitate to lift his warning voice, though it would be at the expense of his hard-earned fame, when he saw means employing to jeopard its safety. He visited New Orleans at the commencement of 1830, where, if possible, the attentions bestowed upon him exceeded those which he received from his own constituents. Although his visit was occasioned by business of a private character, he was continually thronged by the people, of all parties, tendering him the mede of honor due his distinguished eminence. It was with difficulty he could resist their warm importunity to accept a public dinner. He left for Natchez, Mississippi, on the ninth of March, amid an immense concourse of people, assembled to witness his departure. The levee, tops of steamboats, and houses, were completely covered by them, who rent the air with their enthusiastic cheering. As the steamer that bore him moved from the pier, they were almost deafening, which, with the waving of banners and handkerchiefs, and firing of cannon, made it appear more like the departure of a mighty conqueror, than of a private citizen. At Natchez, his arrival was anticipated, by the congregating of individuals from all parts of Mississippi, comprising the elite of her distinguished men, irrespective of partisanship, who thronged the wharf, waiting to receive him. On the arrival of the boat, the rush into it was so great as to excite alarm, and the multitude environing it was so large and dense, that some time was consumed in making an opening through it. Mr. Clay found it easier to accept an invitation to a public dinner, than to resist the importunity with which it was tendered. The guests were numerous. Says one who witnessed the assembly, ‘it was no partisan gathering. The warmest political opponents, sat down face to face with each other, united in one subject at least――the desire to do honor to their distinguished guest――to one whose patriotic motives none of them could doubt, however much they might differ from his principles. In his remarks, he was interrupted more than once by the deep, involuntary murmurs of applause, which burst forth around him. Every word which he uttered, went down and rested upon the hearts of his auditors, like the kind tones of some blessed visitant. It was a proud moment for Henry Clay. The dark elements of faction sank down into quietude before him. Men who had been arrayed for years in political contention, who had hitherto met each other with the compressed lip and knitted brow of hatred, gave back, on this occasion, the smiles of one another.

‘Mr. Clay commenced by an acknowledgment of his gratitude for the honors bestowed upon him. “There is nothing in life,” said he, “half so delightful to the heart, as to know that, notwithstanding the conflicts that arise among men――the whirlwind and madness of party feeling――there yet are times, as on the present occasion, when passion and prejudice slumber――moments, when old differences cease from troubling, and when all that is turbulent, and all that is distrustful, are sacrificed to the generous and social dictates of humanity.”

‘He spoke of general Jackson. He spoke of his great battle. Darkly as he had been traduced, deeply as he had been injured by that man, he yet hesitated not to bestow upon him his full measure of patriotic encomium. His feelings rose with the subject. His eye kindled. There was a moral grandeur in his look; and all who saw it felt that it was the visible manifestation of the triumph of his nobler feelings over the dark sense of wrong.

‘At that moment I would have given my right hand, to have seen general Jackson confronted before his magnanimous opponent――face to face with the man whom he had so foully injured. Had he been there――under the eye of that noble-hearted speaker――every word of commendation, every generous acknowledgment of his services, would have fallen upon his head like a rain of fire.’ In every town which he visited, the citizens gathered round him, and wherever he turned, a hundred hands were extended to clasp his own. Public feeling flowed after him as the tides of the ocean follow the moving moon. Passing through Donaldsonville, where the legislature of Louisiana was in session, he unexpectedly entered the hall of the house of representatives, when that body, including speaker, and members of both parties, simultaneously rose to receive him. In the summer of 1830, business called him to Columbus, the capital of Ohio. At the time, a celebration was had by the mechanics of the place and vicinity, at which the following honorary toast was given: ‘our inestimable guest, Henry Clay. An efficient laborer in support of the industry of the country. _Farmers and mechanics know how to appreciate his services_’――to which he responded, in a speech which embraced allusions to his favorite theme, internal improvements, in connection with the hostility of general Jackson to them, as evinced in his veto of acts passed by congress, expressive of its views of that system, and the established policy of the nation. He vindicated their action, and proved its accordance with the provisions of the constitution. The operation of the tariff he also considered, and showed it salutary. In his concluding remarks he adverted to his own circumstances. ‘Why,’ said he, ‘were the fires of unabated persecution kindled around him? Why was the artillery of the press incessantly levelled upon _him_? What had he done? The history of his past life was before the people. If he had erred in any of his endeavors to subserve the best interests of the public, he regretted it. His conscience, at least, did not reproach him. And what was he _doing_ to draw upon him the maledictions of his countrymen? He was a private citizen. He could exercise authority over none, nor had he any engine of governmental patronage, to pervert and make subservient to purposes of personal aggrandizement.’

At this meeting he exposed the turpitude of the odious doctrines of nullification, which had begun to be agitated at the south.

On the seventeenth of December, 1829, Mr. Clay delivered an address before the Colonization Society, of Kentucky, at Frankfort, in which the principles and objects of that humane institution were ably and eloquently supported. In it, he alluded pointedly to the subject of slavery, surveyed the numerous train of evils consequent upon it, and expressed his hearty desire to coöperate with any society which would mitigate, lessen, or remove them. He lingered, with peculiar pleasure, upon the success which had unexpectedly crowned the efforts of the American Colonization Society, and declared his sincere conviction, that it had most abundant encouragement to persevere and endeavor to redouble its exertions. ‘We may boldly challenge the annals of human nature,’ said he, ‘for the record of any human plan for the melioration of the condition or the advancement of our race, which promises more unmixed good, in comprehensive benevolence, than that of the Colonization Society, if carried into full operation. Its benevolent purposes are not confined to the limits of one continent――not to the prosperity of a solitary race. They embrace the largest two portions of the earth, with the peace and happiness of both descriptions of their present inhabitants, and the countless millions of their posterity. The colonists, reared in the bosom of this republic, with a knowledge of the blessings which liberty imparts, although now unable to share them, will carry a recollection of them to benighted Africa, and light up, in time, her immense territory. And may we not indulge the hope, that, in a period of time not surpassing in duration that of our own colonial and national existence, we shall behold a confederation of republican states on the western shores of Africa, with their congress, and their annual legislatures, thundering forth in behalf of the rights of man, and causing tyrants to tremble on their thrones!’

Mr. Clay regarded the society, if judiciously managed, competent to diffuse the light and blessings of civilization and christianity, under the guidance of Providence, through the entire vast regions of Africa; saying, that it proposed ‘to send, not one or two pious members of christianity, into a foreign land, among a different and perhaps a suspicious race, of another complexion, but to transport annually, for an indefinite number of years, thousands of efficient missionaries, of the descendants of Africa itself, with the same interests, sympathies, and constitutions of the natives, to communicate the benefits of our holy religion, and of the arts of civilization. And this colony of missionaries is to operate, not alone by preaching the words of truth and revelation, which, however delightful to the ears of the faithful and intelligent, are not always comprehended by untutored savages, but also by works of occular demonstration. It will open the great forest, it will build up cities, erect temples for christian worship, and thus practically exhibit to the native sons of Africa, the beautiful moral spectacle, and the superior advantages, of our religious and social systems. In this unexaggerated view of the subject, the African colony, compared with other missionary plans, presents the force and grandeur of the noble steamer majestically ascending, and with ease subduing the current of the Mississippi, in comparison with the feeble and tottering canoe, moving slowly among the reeds which fringe its shores. It holds up the image of the resistless power of the Mississippi itself, rushing down from the summit of the Rocky mountains, and making its deep and broad and rapid course through the heart of this continent, thousands of miles, to the gulf of Mexico, in comparison with that of an obscure rivulet, winding its undiscernable way through dark and dense forests or luxuriant prairies, where it is quickly and forever lost.

‘Confiding in the approving judgment of Divine Providence, and conscious of the purity and benevolence of our intentions, we may fearlessly advance in our great work. And when we shall, as soon we must, be translated from this into another existence, is the hope presumptuous, that we shall then behold the common Father of the white and the black, the Ruler of the universe, cast his all-seeing eye upon civilized and regenerated Africa, its cultivated fields, its coasts studded with numerous cities, and adorned with temples dedicated to the religion of his redeeming Son, its far-famed Niger, and all its great rivers, lined with flourishing villages, and navigated by that wonderful power which American genius first applied; and that, after dwelling with satisfaction upon the glorious spectacle, he will deign to look with approbation upon us, his humble instruments, who have contributed to produce it.’

Mr. Clay believed that the association would eventually abolish _slavery_, whose existence how deeply he deplored, may be gathered from the following language. ‘If I could be instrumental in eradicating this deepest stain upon the character of our country, and removing all cause of reproach on account of it, by foreign nations; if I could only be instrumental in ridding of this foul blot that revered state that gave me birth, or that not less beloved state which kindly adopted me as her son, _I would not exchange the proud satisfaction which I should enjoy, for the honor of all the triumphs ever decreed to the most successful conqueror_.’

Mr. Clay was elected to the United States senate, by the legislature of Kentucky, in the autumn of 1831. About the same time, in a national convention, at Baltimore, he was nominated to the presidency, in opposition to general Jackson.

Soon after taking his seat in the senate, the subject of the tariff came up for consideration, to which he gave his most efficient aid. The president avowed his hostility to protective measures, and in consequence of his great influence in congress, there was great danger that they would be frittered away, so as to impair very materially their utility, or be entirely destroyed. The south began to murmur their enmity towards them, which they believed operated against their interests. They were violently opposed to the policy of imposing duties on cotton fabrics, which were imported into the United States from Great Britain, the principal consumer of her staple production. From the attitude which she began to assume, in relation to the protective system, just ground of alarm for its safety was apprehended, and furnished an occasion sufficiently critical to call forth one of Mr. Clay’s mightiest efforts. He endeavored to conciliate the south, and cause, if possible, their views to harmonize with the north. On the ninth of January, 1832, he introduced a resolution, providing that the existing duties upon articles imported from foreign countries, and not coming into competition with similar articles made or produced in the United States, ought to be forthwith abolished, except the duties on wines and silks, and that they ought to be reduced, and that the committee on finance be instructed to report a bill accordingly. In defence of this resolution, he made a speech, powerfully illustrating the importance to the whole country of protective enactments. He was followed by Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, in reply. The discussion was continued several days, during which, Mr. Clay made his brilliant speech, in which he signally sustained the American system against the British colonial system. Its delivery occupied several days, and when he ceased, this masterly production of sound and argumentative reasoning, logical deduction, and legitimate inference, presented to the delighted view of the friends of that system, a mighty monument, destined to perpetuate its practical utility, in connection with the fame of the founder, while, to the enemies of that system, it presented the impregnable bulwark of its defence. Mr. Clay’s speech, on this occasion, may be justly regarded as a complete text-book, where every thing requisite for the defence of protection and internal improvement may be found.

On the thirteenth of March, Mr. Dickerson, from the committee on manufactures, reported a bill, framed in accordance with the suggestions of Mr. Clay’s resolution. This was opposed, on the ground that it did not embrace the whole subject of the tariff, because the duties on articles which were protected, were not reduced. Upon this bill a sharp debate followed, which resulted in its being laid upon the table. After being amended, and variously altered, it passed both houses, and became a law in July, 1832.

This bill preserved all the essential features and characteristics of the protective system unimpaired; too much, indeed, to please the south. Violently opposed to any measures of protection which made the slightest encroachment upon their sectional interests, they regarded the provisions of this bill with the most bitter hatred. The leaven of nullification, which was rapidly spreading itself at the south, gloated over these, and derived new strength to go forth and disseminate its invalidating dogmas. Its aspect grew more and more menacing every day, until, at last, indubitable evidences of an organized opposition to this bill began to appear. In this, South Carolina took the lead. The legislature of that state ratified an ordinance, passed by a state convention at Columbus, in November, 1832, declaring the tariff acts unconstitutional, and utterly null and void. The most decided determination was expressed, to disregard them, and not a few were found insisting upon the right to do so. Measures were devised to resist their enforcement, and munitions of war procured, and warlike preparations made; the other southern states were invited to join her; reports were put in circulation, that Great Britain was about to become her fast and firm ally; and the lovers of liberty began to tremble for the result. The anti-republicans began to chuckle over the fancied prospect, that their predictions were about to be verified――that our liberties, our institutions, and our union, were about to be overwhelmed in utter destruction, by the all-devouring jaws of civil war. President Jackson promptly issued his proclamation, denouncing the doctrines of nullification, and declared that the entire military force of the United States, if necessary, should be employed to put down all attempts to oppose or resist any enactment of the general government. He remonstrated with the people of South Carolina, and urged them to submit to the laws of the United States. His wishes, however, were not heeded. The governor (Mr. Hayne) immediately issued a counter proclamation, setting forth the arbitrary measures which the federal executive sought to subject them to, and counselling them to resist these, even by force of arms, if necessary. The danger that impended increased every hour, notwithstanding the bold and decided stand, which the president took by the side of the laws of the union. In this respect his conduct is entitled to all praise. But it was not occasioned by any good or friendly feeling towards the protective system, nor by any diminution of his hostility towards this. He gave increasing evidence of his willingness to contribute to its destruction, by yielding to the rebellious state all she desired, in abandoning the principle of protection. This had been distinctly avowed, in the report of the secretary of the treasury, recommending the reduction of duties to a revenue standard, and on the twenty-seventh of December, Mr. Verplanck, from the committee on ‘ways and means,’ reported a bill which, in accordance with the recommendation of the secretary’s report, proposed to reduce the duties on imported goods, to an average of about fifteen per cent. upon the foreign valuation. This bill was designed to take immediate effect, and to make a further reduction of duties, on all protected articles, in March, 1834. Thus the administration came over to the ground which the nullifiers desired it to occupy. After the bill had been discussed about a week, the president transmitted a message to congress, together with the abrogating enactments of South Carolina, and recommended the course he deemed proper to be pursued in relation to them. A bill to enforce the collection of the revenue, was brought before the senate a few days subsequent, directing coercive measures to be employed, in case of resistance. Matters seemed fast coming to extremities. The disorganizers, though in a state of readiness, took no decisive steps, but seemed to be looking for an adjustment of the subject occasioning their disquietude, in a way to suit their peculiar views. But the prospect that this would be accomplished, grew every day fainter. At this critical juncture, when no source of help was visible, when the political heavens were continually gathering blackness, and the thunder of insurgency fell with appalling plainness upon the ear, Mr. Clay stepped forth to disperse the gloom, and clothe with the garments of peace, an almost distracted people. He clearly saw, that, to heal the breach which had been made, and which was continually widening, it was necessary to make a partial retrocession from the vantage ground, which by toil and strife he had gained, in relation to the American system. To yield an inch of this, of such vital importance did he conceive it to be to the country, was like allowing the sources of his own existence to be annihilated, one by one. But the salvation of it depended, at this crisis, on making this ♦retrograde movement, as well as the peace, and perhaps life, of no inconsiderable portion of the people. Under these circumstances, he did not hesitate as to the course he ought to pursue. It seemed as though he had, some time previous, cast his solicitous eyes over the whole ground; that he had foreseen while in embryo the dark elements of faction and resistance, and nullification, and foresaw that they would commingle, and ferment, and finally originate just such an emergency, as that which reared its horrid front before him. Something like _compromise_ had suggested itself to him, some weeks previous, while spending a season of leisure with a relative in Philadelphia. He then gave the subject considerable consideration, and digested a plan suited to the extremity, which he knew would, sooner or later, arrive. _It had come_, bringing in its train, remote though they might be, consequences which no patriot, no well-wisher to his country, could contemplate, without standing aghast. To avert these, Mr. Clay deemed it not only desirable, but highly obligatory upon those who were the recipients of the blessings of freedom. Having completed his remedial plan, he spread it before the senate on the eleventh of February, 1833, in the form of a _compromise_ bill. This was the result of mature deliberation and much consultation, both with the friends and enemies of protection. He thought it expedient to ascertain, not only the manner of its reception, but of its operation. Many of those whom he consulted did not approve of his plan. Among these was Mr. Webster. With him Mr. Clay discussed the provisions thoroughly, and though partially convinced of its utility, he did not yield it his entire confidence. Mr. Webster’s opinion, carrying with it great weight, tended to gather a pretty formidable opposition around him at the north, while nullification at the south contributed its share. Mr. Clay, therefore, found it necessary to advance with great caution; to survey carefully every inch of ground he intended to occupy, previous to setting foot upon it. Never, perhaps, was a bill brought before congress under such peculiar circumstances, or when greater talent and skill were needed. The south was willing to be conciliated, but somewhat inclined to dictate terms. A hair-breadth deviation from the line which her predilection designated, might prove fatal to his scheme, and cause the gathering storm to pour its desolating strength upon the land. As far as practicable, Mr. Clay ascertained the feelings of this section in relation to it, and had several interviews with Mr. Calhoun, and other influential members from the south. The proclamation of the president had temporarily diverted their enmity from the system of protection, towards him. To the summary and stern manner in which general Jackson proposed, and even seemed anxious, to settle existing difficulties, there was a great and growing repugnance at the north, and which operated favorably in disposing the south to embrace any plan that might be proposed, though it should not embody all the peculiarities of their views.

Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, zealously coöperated with Mr. Clay, incessantly exerting himself to propagate his views, and, in consequence of his commanding influence, his efforts were crowned with gratifying success. He was strongly attached to Mr. Calhoun, and many other southern members, and would often express his admiration of their distinguished talents and noble qualities, and a desire to see them retained in the service of their and his country. ‘Noble fellows, Clay! noble fellows!’ he would say. ‘We must save them, if possible; it will not do to let general Jackson hang them; the country needs them; _she cannot spare them yet_!’ Southern members generally took sides with South Carolina, so far as to consult her wishes in selecting such measures as would satisfy her. The principle of home valuation, which Mr. Clay and his friends insisted upon incorporating with his compromise bill, they opposed at first, but finally most of them agreed to it, among whom was Mr. Calhoun. When the bill was taken up by the senate, he, for the first time, signified his assent to that principle, and paid a handsome tribute to the patriotism and motives of Mr. Clay. He intimated, plainly, that Mr. Clay’s bill was calculated to heal the wound which the confederacy had received, and expressed the strongest anxiety that this would be accomplished without abandoning a tittle of the constitutional right of protection. In a debate, which was protracted several days, the enemies of the bill arrayed against it all their power. Mr. Webster, with the mighty weapons which his giant intellect was capable of forging, assaulted it with tremendous vehemence. Its defeat was considered at one stage of the discussion as certain. Said Mr. Forsyth, tauntingly, ‘_the tariff is at its last gasp; no hellebore can cure it_.’ ‘It contains nothing but _protection_, from beginning to end,’ said Mr. Smith, of Maryland, ‘_and therefore I oppose it_.’

During the debate, a personal difficulty occurred between Mr. Poindexter, of Mississippi, and Mr. Webster, which threatened to lead to something serious. Mr. Clay, by his generous interference, pacificated the parties, by bringing about a satisfactory explanation.

The compromise bill finally was adopted in the house, by a vote of one hundred and twenty to eighty-four, and in the senate, by a vote of twenty-nine to sixteen, and received the president’s signature, in March, 1833. And thus the country once more breathed freely; the good and benevolent, who had clad themselves in sackcloth, and, in a posture of the deepest humiliation and grief, sat supplicating a kind Providence to shield her, in this her hour of imminent peril, and guide her safely through it, arose and poured out to Him the libations of their gratitude. Neither did they forget the instrument which he had deigned to employ in accomplishing her deliverance. Both friends and foes acknowledged his agency in this. As in the settlement of the Missouri question, so in this, he was hailed as the liberator of a nation from the jaws of impending danger, and perhaps of ruin. The tide of popular praise and profound regard set towards him from all parts of it, like the streams of gravitation towards the centre of the earth. Men of all parties contributed to swell this. Those who rarely spoke of him, except in detracting terms, now joined heartily in the popular cry of approval. President Tyler was heard to say, several years subsequent to the passage of Mr. Clay’s bill, in view of his agency in carrying it through congress, ‘in my deliberate opinion, there was but one man who could have arrested the then course of things (the tendency of nullification to dissolve the union), and that man was _Henry Clay_. It rarely happens to the most gifted and talented and patriotic, to record their names upon the page of history, in characters indelible and enduring. But if to have rescued his country from civil war――if to have preserved the constitution and union from hazard and total wreck――constitute any ground for an immortal and undying name among men, _then do I believe that he has won for himself that high renown_. I speak what I do know, for I was an actor in the scenes of that perilous period. When he rose in the senate chamber, and held in his hand the olive branch of peace, I, who had not known what envy was before, _envied him_. I was proud of him as my fellow countryman, and still prouder that the _slashes of Hanover_, within the limit of my old district, gave him birth.’

The above is a fair sample of the expressions of praise and regard, for his eminent services rendered, in connection with introducing those wise and sanative provisions which poured the balm of peace into the lacerated hearts of an afflicted people. Probably they were never more united in any one measure, than in that of expressing their gratitude to Mr. Clay, for his successful interference. And well did he merit it. The task which he performed was no easy one. It cost an amount of mental labor which cannot be easily estimated. Many sleepless nights were passed in exhausting thought, in revolving in his mind the subject, in all its aspects and details, with an anxiety to devise some remedy that would meet the exigencies of the case, that drank up the very sources of his existence. It required the mightiest effort of his great and varied powers, to prevent its strangulation at its inception. While in the hands of the committee, its enemies endeavored to cause the impression to be received, that the bill, as designed by Mr. Clay, could not pass; that there was not the slightest chance of its success; and several members of the committee were determined that it should not be reported to the senate in any form, and were more than once on the point of abandoning their places to secure this. ‘Gentlemen,’ Mr. Clay would say, ‘this subject has been committed to us, and we must not dismiss it in this manner; it is our duty to report it in some shape, and it _shall_, at all events, _be reported_.’ It appeared subsequently, from the testimony of Mr. Hugh L. White, on whom the duty of selecting the committee devolved, that _general Jackson had, in person, urged him to choose such members as were friendly to Mr. Verplanck’s bill, and consequently hostile to Mr. Clay’s_. It is matter of great surprise, that, under such circumstances, it should have passed at all, except with the entire abandonment of protection. More than sleepless vigilance was requisite, to bring it safely out from beneath the uplifted arms of a powerful party, led on by the executive himself, and place it on the statute book of the nation. Columbus hardly encountered fiercer storms, or braved greater dangers, in _discovering_ America, than Mr. Clay in originating, sustaining, and consummating, a measure that resulted in the preservation of a great portion of it from falling into the hands of the worst of all human enemies, _civil war_. Well did he deserve, then, the meed of praise which its inhabitants unanimously accorded to him. Most righteous was their decision, in relation to his motives――that they were _unimpeachably pure_. In these days of political degeneracy, it is refreshing to look back and suffer one’s vision to rest upon that spot on which he planted his feet, and fought his glorious, patriotic battle; their prints are still seen; they have gathered greenness with the lapse of years, presaging that the floods and storms of time will never obliterate or mar them.

We have before alluded to Mr. Clay’s indomitable adhesion to principle, that no party or selfish consideration could induce him for a moment to swerve from it. This led him to act for the good of his whole country, and _never to act_, while a member of her councils, unless an occasion when that was at stake arose. We have searched long, but in vain, for evidence to the contrary. We have examined, with great care, his public character, as spread out upon the records of the nation, and solemnly declare our belief, that none, either expressed or implied, exists. If, in relation to his public career, we were asked, ‘what is its most prominent characteristic?’ we should unhesitatingly reply, _purity of motive_. We believe, in reference to this, that he stands on a moral eminence, high enough to command a view of the globe. So prominent does this appear, the more it is examined, the conviction cannot be resisted, that, in all his public action, of which his country was the object, his desire to act right was stronger than that of life itself. Says one of his personal friends, ‘on one occasion he did me the honor to send for and consult with me, in reference to a step he was about to take. After stating what he proposed, I suggested, whether there would not be danger in it, whether such a course would not injure his own prospects, as well as those of the whig party in general.’ His reply was, ‘I did not send for you to ask what might be the effects of the proposed movement on my prospects, BUT WHETHER IT IS RIGHT; _I would rather be right than be president_.’ A noble sentiment! and would it were more common among politicians.

The compromise act was intended to expire in 1842, to which time it provided for a gradual reduction of duties, when twenty per centum should be the rate until otherwise regulated by law.