Chapter LXXII: Greece Under the Lacedæmonian Empire (3)

[396] Xen. Hellen. iii, 2, 23, 26; Diodor. xiv, 17.

The opposition or wealthy oligarchical party in Elis availed themselves of this juncture to take arms against the government; hoping to get possession of the city, and to maintain themselves in power by the aid of Sparta. Xenias their leader, a man of immense wealth, with several of his adherents, rushed out armed, and assailed the government-house, in which it appears that Thrasydæus and his colleagues had been banqueting. They slew several persons, and among them one, whom, from great personal resemblance, they mistook for Thrasydæus. The latter was however at that moment intoxicated, and asleep in a separate chamber.[397] They then assembled in arms in the market-place, believing themselves to be masters of the city; while the people, under the like impression that Thrasydæus was dead, were too much dismayed to offer resistance. But presently it became known that he was yet alive; the people crowded to the government-house “like a swarm of bees,”[398] and arrayed themselves for his protection as well as under his guidance. Leading them forth at once to battle, he completely defeated the oligarchical insurgents, and forced them to flee for protection to the Lacedæmonian army.

[397] Xen. Hellen. iii, 2, 27; Pausanias, iii, 8, 2; v, 4, 5.

The words of Xenophon are not very clear—Βουλόμενοι δὲ οἱ περὶ
Ξενίαν τὸν λεγόμενον μεδίμνῳ ἀπομετρήσασθαι τὸ παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς
ἀργύριον (τὴν πόλιν) δι᾽ αὐτῶν προσχωρῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις,
ἐκπεσόντες ἐξ οἰκίας ξίφη ἔχοντες σφαγὰς ποιοῦσι, καὶ ἄλλους τέ
τινας κτείνουσι, καὶ ὅμοιόν τινα Θρασυδαίῳ ἀποκτείναντες, τῷ τοῦ
δήμου προστάτῃ, ᾤοντο Θρασυδαῖον ἀπεκτονέναι.... Ὁ δὲ Θρασυδαῖος
ἔτι καθεύδων ἐτύγχανεν, οὗπερ ἐμεθύσθη.

Both the words and the narrative are here very obscure. It seems
as if a sentence had dropped out, when we come suddenly upon the
mention of the drunken state of Thrasydæus, without having before
been told of any circumstance either leading to or implying this
condition.

[398] Xen. Hellen. iii, 2, 28.

Agis presently evacuated the Eleian territory, yet not without planting a Lacedæmonian harmost and a garrison, together with Xenias and the oligarchical exiles, at Epitalium, a little way south of the river Alpheius. Occupying this fort (analogous to Dekeleia in Attica), they spread ravage and ruin all around throughout the autumn and winter, to such a degree, that in the early spring, Thrasydæus and the Eleian government were compelled to send to Sparta and solicit peace. They consented to raze the imperfect fortifications of their city, so as to leave it quite open. They farther surrendered their harbor of Kyllênê with their ships of war, and relinquished all authority over the Triphylian townships, as well as over Lasion, which was claimed as an Arcadian town.[399] Though they pressed strenuously their claim to preserve the town of Epeium (between the Arcadian town of Heræa and the Triphylian town of Makistus), on the plea that they had bought it from its previous inhabitants at the price of thirty talents paid down,—the Lacedæmonians, pronouncing this to be a compulsory bargain imposed upon weaker parties by force, refused to recognize it. The town was taken away from them, seemingly without any reimbursement of the purchase money either in part or in whole. On these terms the Eleians were admitted to peace, and enrolled again among the members of the Lacedæmonian confederacy.[400]

[399] Xen. Hellen. iii, 2, 30. There is something perplexing in
Xenophon’s description of the Triphylian townships which the
Eleians surrendered. First, he does not name Lepreum or Makistus,
both of which nevertheless had joined Agis on his invasion,
and were the most important places in Triphylia (iii, 2, 25).
Next, he names Letrini, Amphidoli, and Marganeis, as Triphylian;
which yet were on the north of the Alpheius, and are elsewhere
distinguished from Triphylian. I incline to believe that the
words in his text, καὶ τὰς Τριφυλίδας πόλεις ἀφεῖναι, must be
taken to mean Lepreum and Makistus, perhaps with some other
places which we do not know; but that a καὶ after ἀφεῖναι, has
fallen out of the text, and that the cities, whose names follow,
are to be taken as _not_ Triphylian. Phrixa and Epitalium were
both south, but only just south, of the Alpheius; they were not
on the borders of Triphylia,—and it seems doubtful whether they
were properly Triphylian.

[400] Xen. Hellen. iii, 2, 30; Diodor. xiv, 34; Pausan. iii, 8, 2.

This war between Sparta and Elis reaches over three different
years; it began in the first, occupied the whole of the second,
and was finished in the third. Which years these three were (out
of the seven which separate B.C. 403-396), critics have not been
unanimous.

Following the chronology of Diodorus, who places the beginning of
the war in 402 B.C., I differ from Mr. Clinton, who places it in
401 B.C. (Fasti Hellen. ad ann.), and from Sievers (Geschichte
von Griechenland bis zur Schlacht von Mantinea, p. 382), who
places it in 398 B.C.

According to Mr. Clinton’s view, the principal year of the war
would have been 400 B.C., the year of the Olympic festival.
But surely, had such been the fact, the coincidence of war in
the country with the Olympic festival, must have raised so many
complications, and acted so powerfully on the sentiments of all
parties, as to be specifically mentioned. In my judgment, the war
was brought to a close in the early part of 400 B.C., before the
time of the Olympic festival arrived. Probably the Eleians were
anxious, on this very ground, to bring it to a close before the
festival did arrive.

Sievers, in his discussion of the point, admits that the date
assigned by Diodorus to the Eleian war, squares both with the
date which Diodorus gives for the death of Agis, and with
that which Plutarch states about the duration of the reign of
Agesilaus,—better than the chronology which he himself (Sievers)
prefers. He founds his conclusion on Xenophon, Hell. iii, 2, 21.
Τούτων δὲ πραττομένων ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ ὑπὸ Δερκυλλίδα, Λακεδαιμόνιοι
κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον πάλαι ὀργιζόμενοι τοῖς Ἠλείοις, etc.

This passage is certainly of some weight; yet I think in the
present case it is not to be pressed with rigid accuracy as to
date. The whole third Book down to these very words, has been
occupied entirely with the course of Asiatic affairs. Not a
single proceeding of the Lacedæmonians in Peloponnesus, since
the amnesty at Athens, has yet been mentioned. The command
of Derkyllidas included only the last portion of the Asiatic
exploits, and Xenophon has here loosely referred to it as if it
comprehended the whole. Sievers moreover compresses the whole
Eleian war into one year and a fraction; an interval, shorter, I
think, than that which is implied in the statements of Xenophon.

The time of the Olympic festival seems to have been now approaching, and the Eleians were probably the more anxious to obtain peace from Sparta, as they feared to be deprived of their privilege as superintendents. The Pisatans,—inhabitants of the district immediately around Olympia,—availed themselves of the Spartan invasion of Elis to petition for restoration of their original privilege, as administrators of the temple of Zeus at Olympia with its great periodical solemnity,—by the dispossession of the Eleians as usurpers of that privilege. But their request met with no success. It was true indeed that such right had belonged to the Pisatans in early days, before the Olympic festival had acquired its actual Pan-hellenic importance and grandeur; and that the Eleians had only appropriated it to themselves after conquering the territory of Pisa. But taking the festival as it then stood, the Pisatans, mere villagers without any considerable city, were incompetent to do justice to it, and would have lowered its dignity in the eyes of all Greece.

Accordingly the Lacedæmonians, on this ground, dismissed the claimants, and left the superintendence of the Olympic games still in the hands of the Eleians.[401]

[401] Xen. Hellen. iii, 2, 31.

This triumphant dictation of terms to Elis, placed the Lacedæmonians in a condition of overruling ascendency throughout Peloponnesus, such as they had never attained before. To complete their victory, they rooted out all the remnants of their ancient enemies the Messenians, some of whom had been planted by the Athenians at Naupaktus, others in the island of Kephallenia. All of this persecuted race were now expelled, in the hour of Lacedæmonian omnipotence, from the neighborhood of Peloponnesus, and forced to take shelter, some in Sicily, others at Kyrênê.[402] We shall in a future chapter have to commemorate the turn of fortune in their favor.

[402] Diodor. xiv, 34; Pausan. iv, 26, 2. 2