Chapter II: The Conflict Precipitated (4)

=F.= MAPS OF THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.—Plans of Boston and its neighborhood, including its harbor, for the illustration of the siege of Boston, are numerous, and the account of them given in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ (iii., introd.) is in the main followed in the present enumeration, which divides them into those of American, English, French, and German origin, and adheres as far as possible to the order of publication in each group.

The earliest American is the 1769 (or last) edition of what is known as Price's edition of Bonner's map of Boston, which had done service since 1722 by successive changes in the plate, this last issue showing Hancock's Wharf, and "Esqr. Hancock's seat" on Beacon Street.[603] This map sufficed for local use till the events of 1775 induced new interest in the topography, when the earliest response came from Philadelphia, where C. Lownes engraved _A new plan of Boston Harbour from an actual survey_, for the _Pennsylvania Magazine_. It presented a reminder of the great event of the year in its "N. B. Charlestown burnt, June 17, 1775, by the Regulars." There is another _Draught of the Harbour of Boston and the adjacent towns and roads_, a manuscript, dated 1775, among the _Belknap Papers_, i. 84, in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society. The same _Pennsylvania Magazine_, the next month (July, 1775), gave as engraved by Aitkins _A new and correct plan of the town of Boston and Provincial Camp_. The town seems to be taken from a plan which had appeared in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ (London) the previous January; but in one corner was added a plan of the circumvallating lines of the besieging army.[604] Later in the season two other plans were made, showing the American lines, which were not published, however, till long after. One is given in Force's _American Archives_, 4th series, vol. iii.,[605] and the other was made by Col. John Trumbull, in Sept., 1775, which was published in his _Autobiography_ in 1841.[606] Of about the same time is another very small _Plan of Boston and its environs_, showing the circumvallating lines, which is in one corner of a large _Map of the Seat of Civil War in America_, engraved by B. Romans, and dedicated to Hancock. There is also, in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society, a rude plan of the harbor and vicinity, showing the positions of the provincials, which are reckoned at 20,000, while the royal forces are put at 8,000. I find no other American plan till Norman's, in 1781, reproduced on another page; and not another till _The Seat of the late War at Boston_ appeared in the _Universal Asylum and Columbian Magazine_, July, 1789, p. 444, but this is a rather scant map of the country as far inland as Worcester. Gordon had the year before this given a map in his _American Revolution_ (London, 1788) based on English sources; but it has been the foundation of most of the eclectic maps since published in this country.[607]

In 1822 a Mr. Finch printed in _Silliman's Journal_ an account of the traces then remaining of the earthworks of the siege, both American and British.[608] There is an enumeration of the different sections of the lines, within and without Boston, in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_ (vol. iii. 104).[609]

The earliest English plan of this period is one called _A plan of Boston and Charlestown from a drawing made in 1771_, which occupies the margin of a larger map, engraved for _The Town and Country Magazine_ in 1776, later to be mentioned. The _Catalogue of the King's Maps_ (British Museum) shows a colored plan of Boston and vicinity (1773) in the centre of a large sheet, with marginal views (later to be described).

In 1774 a _Plan of the town of Boston_ made part of a _Chart of the Coast of New England_, which appeared in the _London Magazine_, April, 1774, and in _The American Atlas_, issued by Thomas Jefferys in London, in 1776. This map seems to be the model of a _New and accurate Plan of the town of Boston_, which is engraved in the corner of _A Map of the most inhabited part of New England, by Thomas Jefferys, Nov. 29, 1774_, usually also found in _The American Atlas_ (1776, nos. 15 and 16). This map is found with the date 1755, even after changes of a later date had been made in the plate.[610] The original map has also a marginal plan of Boston harbor (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, September, 1864).

The earliest English map of 1775 is one which appeared in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ (January, 1775), though it is dated Feb. 1, 1775. It shows the town and harbor.[611]

In the June number of the _Gentleman's Magazine_ is a "map of the country one hundred miles round Boston, in order to show the situation and march of the troops, as well provincial as regulars, which are now within sight of each other, and are hourly expected to engage."

In June, 1775, was also made a not very accurate map of the town and its environs, which was published in London, Aug. 28, to satisfy the eagerness for a map of the region to which the news of the battle of Bunker Hill had turned all eyes. It is to be found in the first volume of _Almon's Remembrancer_, and is reproduced herewith. A few weeks after the fight at Charlestown there was probably made in Boston the MS. plan of _Boston and circumjacent Country_, showing the present situation of the king's troops and the rebel intrenchments. It is dated July 25, 1775, and is owned by Dr. Charles Deane.[612]

The largest chart which we have of Boston harbor of this period is dated August 5, 1775, and was the work of Samuel Holland, the surveyor-general of the Northern colonies, who was for some years employed on a coast survey.[613] It takes in Nahant, Nantasket, and Cambridge, and was based principally on the surveys of George Callendar (1769).[614] When Des Barres included it in his _Atlantic Neptune_ (part iii., no. 6, 1780-1783), he marked in the besieging lines, and dated it Dec. 1, 1781, and in this state Des Barres also used it in his _Coast and Harbors of New England_.[615]

A map showing thirty miles round Boston, and bearing date Aug. 14, 1775, is in the king's library (British Museum), and is signed by M. Armstrong. It has marginal statistical tables, and in the upper right-hand corner is a plan of the "action near Charlestown, 17 June, 1775."[616] There is among the Force maps in the library of Congress the MS. original of the map (sketched herewith as _Boston and Charlestown_, 1775), which is called _A Draught of the Towns of Boston and Charlestown and the circumjacent country, shewing the works thrown up by his Majesty's Troops, and also those by the Rebels during the campaign of 1775. N. B. The rebel entrenchments are expressed as they appear from Beacon Hill._

On August 28th the British town-major in Boston, James Urquhart, licensed Henry Pelham to make a _Plan of Boston with its environs_. It was engraved in aquatints in London, on two sheets, and not published till June 2, 1777. Dr. Belknap, who was much troubled to find a correct plan of the town for this period, thought Pelham's was the best.[617]

There are among the Faden MSS. in the library of Congress two MS. maps. One is probably the best plan of Boston itself of this period, and the other the best of those of the vicinity.[618] They represent the conditions of 1775, though they were not engraved and published by William Faden in London till Oct. 1, 1777, and Oct. 1, 1778, respectively. They are both, in the main, after a survey by William Page, of the British engineers. The first is called _A Plan of the Town of Boston, with the Intrenchments, etc., of his Majesty's forces in 1775, from the observations of Lieut. Page and from the plans of other gentlemen_. It gives the peninsula only, with a small portion of Charlestown, and was again issued in Oct., 1778.[619] The second is _Boston, its environs and harbour, with the Rebels' works raised against that town in 1775, from the observations of Lieut. Page, and from the plans of Capt. Montresor_. It includes Point Alderton, Chelsea, Cambridge, and Dorchester, and there is a copy in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society.

This is from Page's _Plan of the Town of Boston_, published in London in 1777, and is accompanied by the following Key:—_a_, redoubt; _b_, block-house for cannon; _c_, six 24-pounders, 2 royals; _d_, four 9-pounders; _e_, six 24-pounders; _f_, left bastion; _g_, right bastion; _h_, _h_, guard-houses; _i_, _i_, traverses; _k_, _k_, magazines; _l_, _l_, abattis; _m_, _m_, _m_, routes-du-pols; _n_, block-house for musketry; _o_, floating battery, 2 guns; _p_, _p_, fleches, 1 sub. and 20 men. The building beyond the outer lines and near the edge of the upland is Brown's house, the scene of skirmishes during the siege (_Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. 80; Heath's _Memoirs_). The narrowest part of the neck was at the present Dover Street where it intersects Washington Street. The foundations of the main works at this point were laid bare in digging a drain in March, 1860. The outer works were just within Blackstone and Franklin squares. There are views of these lines in the Faden Collection in the library of Congress, dated August, 1775, probably the original of the engraved views which accompany Des Barres' coast survey, and of which there are reproductions in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. 80. Cf. also Frothingham's _Siege_, p. 315. The same Faden Collection has a pen-and-ink plan of the lines, dated Aug., 1775 (no. 37 of the _Catal._).

During the summer of 1775, John Trumbull, then an aid to General Spencer, crawled up, under cover of the tall grass, near enough to the British lines to sketch them; but a continuance of the hazardous exploit was soon rendered unnecessary by the desertion of a British artilleryman, who brought with him a rude plan of the entire work. So Trumbull says in his _Autobiography_, p. 22. Washington, on comparing this surreptitious sketch with the deserter's plan, found them so nearly to correspond that Trumbull thinks his own future promotion probably arose from it. Trumbull's sketch and the memorandum of the deserter "from the Welsh fusileers" seem to have been the basis of a careful drawing of the British lines, prepared apparently at headquarters in Cambridge, as it bears the handwriting of Washington's aid, Thomas Mifflin, an explanatory table of the armament in the works. This found its way into that portion of the Papers of Arthur Lee which went to the Amer. Philosophical Society in Philadelphia, and from it a reduced heliotype is given in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, iii. p. 80. Washington sent a copy of the plan, nearly duplicate, to Congress, and this is given in Force's _Amer. Archives_, 4th ser., i. p. 29, and is reproduced on a smaller scale in Wheildon's _Siege and Evacuation of Boston_, p. 34. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1879, p. 62.) There are two other American drawings of the lines, of less importance. One is in the _Pennsylvania Magazine_ for Aug., 1775, and is called _An exact plan of Gen. Gage's lines on Boston Neck in America, July 31, 1775_. The other is a small marginal view of _The Lines thrown up on Boston neck by the ministerial army_, making part of the _Seat of the Civil War_, by Romans. A rude powder-horn plan is noted in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (Nov., 1881), xix. 103. One of the Faden MS. plans shows a proposed star redoubt at a point outside the lines.]

In October, 1775, an "Engineer at Boston", Lieut. Richard Williams, made and sent over to England a plan showing the "redoubt taken from the rebels by General Howe", the British camp on the higher summit of Bunker Hill, together with the American lines at Cambridge and Roxbury. In London it was compared with "several other curious drawings", from which additions were made, when it was published by Andrew Dury, March 12, 1776, as engraved by Jno. Lodge for the late Mr. Jefferys, and called _Plan of Boston and its environs, showing the true situation of his Majesty's Army, and also those of the rebels_.[620] In the same month (Oct., 1775) a _Plan of Boston_, with Charlestown marked as in ruins, appeared in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ (p. 464). Another _Map of Boston and Charlestown, by an English officer present at Bunker Hill_, was published in London, Nov. 25, 1775. The last map made during the British occupation of Boston was _An accurate map of the Country round Boston in New England, published by A. Hamilton, Jr., near St. John's Gate, Jan. 16, 1776_, appearing in the _Town and Country Magazine_. It measures 11-1/2 × 12-1/2 inches, and extends from Plymouth to Ipswich, and inland to Groton and Providence.

The evacuation of Boston in March, 1776, removed the centre of interest elsewhere, but there was for some time an apprehension of the return of the British for a naval attack; and while the Americans were fortifying the harbor, the English were publishing in London several maps of its configuration. The earliest was a _Chart of Massachusetts Bay and Boston Harbour_, published April 29, 1776. With the date changed to Dec. 1, 1781, it was subsequently included by Des Barres in the _Atlantic Neptune_, and in the _Charts of the Coast and Harbors of New England_, 1781.[621] Another _Chart of Boston Bay_, whose limits include Salem, Watertown, and Scituate, following Holland's surveys, was published Nov. 13, 1776, and later appeared, dated Dec. 1, 1781, in the _Atlantic Neptune_, and in the _Coast and Harbors of New England_. A chart of the harbor, with soundings, was also included in the _North American Pilot for New England_ (London, 1776), showing a solitary tree on the peninsula marked "Ruins of Charlestown." There was a second edition of the _Pilot_ in 1800. A small plan of the harbor is also in the margin of Carrington Bowles's _Map of the seat of war in New England_ (London, 1776).

The first eclectic map was that published by Gordon in his _Amer. Revolution_ (London, 1788), which he based on Pelham's map for the country, and Page's for the harbor.[622]

* * * * *

The French maps published in Paris were almost always based on English sources. Such were the _Carte de la baye de Baston_ (no. 30), and _Plan de la ville de Baston_ (no. 31), in _Le Petit Atlas maritime, vol. i., Amérique Septentrionale, par le S. Bellin, 1764_. There are several other French maps without date, but probably a little antedating the outbreak of hostilities. Such are a _Plan de la ville et du port de Boston_, published by Lattré in Paris;[623] and a small map, _Plan de la ville de Boston et ses environs_, engraved by B. D. Bakker. An engraved map, without date, is in the British Museum, called _Carte des environs de Boston, capitale de la N^{lle} Angleterre en Amérique_.[624] It carries the coast from below Plymouth to above the Merrimac. There is in the Poore collection of maps in the Mass. State Archives a _Carte de la baye de Baston_ (marked Tome i. no. 30).

The only dated map of this period is a _Carte du porte et havre de Boston, par le Chevalier de Beaurain_ (Paris, 1776). The corner vignette shows a soldier bearing a banner with a pine-tree. Frothingham, who reëngraved this picture, could find no earlier representation of the pine-tree flag.

The English (1774) map of the "most inhabited part of New England" was reproduced "after the original by M. Le Rouge, 1777", under the title of _La Nouvelle Angleterre en 4 feuilles_; and it was again used in the _Atlas Ameriquain Septentrional, à Paris, chez Le Rouge_ (1778), repeating the map of Boston, with names in English and descriptions in French. Another reproduction from the English appeared in the _Carte particulière du Havre de Boston, reduite de la carte anglaise de Des Barres par ordre de M. de Sartine_ (1780). It belongs to the _Neptune Americo-Septentrional, publié par ordre du Roi_.

There is among the Rochambeau maps (no. 14), in the library of Congress, a _Plan d'une partie de la rade de Boston_, done in color, about eight inches wide by sixteen high, showing the forts and giving an elaborate key.

* * * * *

There is a curious map of Boston and its harbor, with names in Latin, but apparently of German make, _Ichnographia urbis Boston_ and _Ichnographia portus Bostoniensis_, which make part of a larger map, perhaps the _Nova Anglia_ of Homann of Nuremberg. The _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_, published also at Nuremberg in 1776 (erste theil) has a map of Boston. Of the same date (1776), and belonging to the _Geographische Belustigungen für Erläuterung der neuesten Weltgeschichte_ (Zweytes Stück), published at Leipsic, is a _Carte von dem Hafen und der Stadt Boston_, following the French map of Beaurain even to reproducing the group with the pine-tree banner. It embraces a circuit about Boston of which the outer limits are Chelsea, Cambridge, Dorchester, Long Island, Deer Island, and Pulling Point.

* * * * *

=G.= THE CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA, 1775.—It is in dispute who planned and who conducted the capture of Ticonderoga. On Feb. 21, 1775, Col. John Brown had suggested it to Warren (_Force's Archives_). Arnold made a statement of the post's defenceless condition to the Committee of Safety in Cambridge, April 30, 1775 (_Mass. Archives_, cxlvi. p. 30; _Amer. Bibliopolist_, 1873, p. 79). On the 2d of May he was given a money credit and munitions, and on the 3d he was definitely instructed to organize his party (_Mass. Archives_, cxlvi. p. 39). It is claimed that some purpose of acting on the suggestion of Brown prompted in part, at least, the Massachusetts provincial congress to appoint early in April a committee to proceed to Connecticut and the other New England colonies. Whether it was by their instigation, by certain movements in Connecticut, or by the direct agency of Arnold that the plan was formed, it is difficult to say. It is also claimed that the plan grew out of a conference with the Massachusetts delegates to the Philadelphia Congress, when, on their way, they stopped at Hartford and held a session with Governor Trumbull and his council (_Force's Archives_, ii. 507; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 298). Bancroft and the Connecticut antiquaries find the beginning rather in the impulses of one Parsons, who had just returned from Massachusetts, and had got from Benedict Arnold, whom he met on the way, a statement of the plunder to be obtained there, and, without any formal consent of the governor and council, proceeded in the organization of a committee in Connecticut (Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 338; final revision, iv. 182). Official sanction was first evoked when Massachusetts, a few days later, commissioned Arnold (_Mass. Archives_, cxlvi. 130, 139; _American Bibliopolist_, 1873, p. 79; _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1844, p. 14). The Connecticut antiquaries have mainly set forth the claims of their colony for leadership of the affair in the papers which constitute vol. i. (pp. 163-185) of the _Conn. Hist. Soc. Collections_, in which is the journal of Edward Mott,[625] the chairman of the Connecticut committee, edited by J. H. Trumbull.[626]

The part taken in the movement in Western Massachusetts arose from confidence reposed in Brown and others of Pittsfield, by the Connecticut men who passed through that town on their way to the New Hampshire Grants.[627] Brown had, during the previous winter, notified the Massachusetts committee that Ticonderoga would receive the attention of Ethan Allen and Green Mountain boys as soon as the outbreak came. The credit which attaches to this commander is complicated by the relations which Arnold bore to the final capture, and has in turn given rise to controversy. The most comprehensive examination of the question on the Vermont side is L. E. Chittenden's Addresses before the Vermont Historical Society, Oct., 1872 (published at Rutland by the society), and at the unveiling of Allen's statue at Burlington, July 4, 1873. We have Allen's own statements in his _Narrative of his captivity, etc._[628]

Dawson thinks that the merit of originating the active measures cannot be taken from Benedict Arnold, and in his chapter (_Battles of the United States_, i. ch. 2) on the subject traces minutely the sources of each step in the progress of events, and in his Appendix (p. 38) prints the protest (May 10th, p. 38) of the Connecticut committee against Arnold's interference and Arnold's report (May 11th, p. 38) to the Massachusetts Congress.[629] There are some of the current reports preserved in Moore's _Diary of the Amer. Revolution_ (i. pp. 78-80), and the account, which ignores Arnold, of the _Worcester Spy_ (May 16th) is given in the _Amer. Bibliopolist_ (1871, p. 491). There are other contemporary accounts in the _American Archives_ (vols. ii. and iii.); a journal by Elmer is in the _New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, vols. ii. and iii.; a Tory account in Jones's _New York during the Revolutionary War_ (vol. i. pp. 47, 546), with a letter of May 14th.[630] Narratives by Caldwell and Beaman are in the _Historical Magazine_, August, 1867, and May, 1868, respectively.[631]

=H.= THE CANADA CAMPAIGN, 1775-1776.—Washington in New York, June 25th, entrusted to Schuyler the command in the North (Lossing's _Schuyler_, i. 330; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev. War_, 58), and Congress issued (May 29, 1775) an address to the Canadians (_Journal of Congress_; Pitkin's _United States_, i. App. 19). In August it was reported that this address was left at the door of every house in Canada. Schuyler reached Ticonderoga July 18th (Lossing's _Schuyler_, i. ch. 21; Palmer's _Lake Champlain_, ch. 6; Irving's _Washington_, ii.), and pushed on to the foot of Lake Champlain in September (Lossing, i. ch. 23).

Among the early reports, inducing the project of invading Canada, were the letters of Maj. John Brown (Aug. 14, 1775) and Ethan Allen (Sept. 14th) respecting the condition of the Canadians (Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 461, 464). There are other letters on the state of Canada at this time in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 515, 547, 561-62, 569. The Schuyler Papers, with the letters which they contain of Montgomery, Arnold, Wooster, and Sullivan, are a main source of information respecting the whole campaign.[632]

A modern eclectic map is given in Carrington's _Battles_, 171. The most considerable contemporary map for the illustration of the movements during the Revolution in Canada is one published by Jefferys, in 1776, of the _Province of Quebec, from the French Surveys and those made by Capt. Carver and others after the War, with much detail of names, plan of Quebec and heights of Abraham, Montreal and isles of Montreal_ (27 x 19 inches). On Feb. 16, 1776, Sayer and Bennett published in London _A new map of the Province of Quebec according to the royal proclamation of 7 Oct., 1763, from the French surveys, corrected with those made after the war by Captain Carver and other officers in his majesty's service_. There was a French reproduction of it in Paris in 1777, included in the _Atlas Ameriquain_ (1778), called _Nouvelle Carte de la Province de Quebec selon l'édit du Roi d'Angleterre du 7 8{bre}, 1763, par le Capitaine Carver, traduites de l'Anglois, à Paris chez le Rouge, 1777_.

Jefferys also issued in 1775 _An exact Chart of the River St. Lawrence from Fort Frontenac to Anticosti_ (37 X 24 inches), which is usually accompanied by a _Chart of the Golf of St. Lawrence, 1775_(24 X 20 inches). _North Amer. Pilot_, nos. 11, 20, 21, 22. There is in the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_ [Nuremberg], 1776, a "Karte von der Insel Montreal und den Gegenden umher", following a plan by Bellin.

A map of Canada in 1774 is embraced in Mitchell's _Map of the British Colonies_, and in Wright's ed. of _Cavendish's Debates in the Commons (1774) on the Canada bill_, London, 1839. There are other maps in the _American Atlas_ and Hilliard d'Auberteuil's _Essais_.]

Schuyler's health preventing his taking the field in person, the interest in the campaign centres in Montgomery up to the time of his death.[633] We have despatches of his (Nov. 3, 1775) on the capture of St. Johns,[634] on the taking of Chamblée,[635] and on the capitulation of Montreal,[636] with his letters from before Quebec (Sparks, _Corresp._, i. 492, etc.). A letter from one of his aids at this time (Dec. 16, 1775) is in _Life of George Read_, p. 115.

The principal Life of Montgomery is that by J. Armstrong, in Sparks's _Amer. Biography_ (i. p. 181), which may be supplemented by other minor accounts.[637]

The connection of Benedict Arnold with the Campaign is illustrated in his letters, beginning with those before he left the column advancing by Lake Champlain, and then following his progress on the expedition to coöperate by the Kennebec route, which Washington proposed to Schuyler in a letter of Aug. 20, 1775 (Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 63). On Sept. 14th Washington sealed his instructions to Arnold (Sparks, iii. 86; Dawson, 113; Henry's _Journal_, ed. 1877, p. 2). It is said that the route to be taken was suggested to Arnold by the journal of an exploration in that direction by Montresor in 1760.[638] That engineer had, by order of General Murray, made a survey of this route in 1761.[639] There are maps to illustrate Arnold's route in the _Atlantic Neptune, London Mag._, 1776, Marshall's Atlas to his _Washington_, and in the 1877 edition of Henry's _Journal_.[640] All the general histories and a few biographies and local records necessarily cover the story.[641] Arnold himself is the best contemporary authority.

Fac-simile, slightly reduced, of the reproduction in Smith's _Amer. Hist. and Lit. Curios._, 2d series, p. xl., from the original in the collection of Ferdinand J. Dreer, of Philadelphia.]

A number of his letters respecting the expedition are in Bowdoin College library,[642] and they and others will be found in print in the _Maine Hist. Soc. Collections_ (1831), vol. i. 357, etc., and in Sparks's _Corresp. of the Revolution_, i. 46, 60, 88, 475, etc.[643] His journal of his progress is unfortunately rather meagre, and covers but a few weeks, Sept. 27 to Oct. 30, 1775. The original manuscript was left by Arnold at West Point when he fled, and extracts from it are printed in S. L. Knapp's _Life of Aaron Burr_, 1835; it is now owned by Mr. S. L. M. Barlow, of New York, and a copy, made from it when owned by Judge Edwards, of New York, is in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.).

Cf. _Harper's Mag._, vol. lxx. p. 356.]

Various other journals of the actors in the expedition have been preserved.[644]

Arnold's letters at the Point-aux-Trembles and before Quebec are in Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._ (i. App.), together with those addressed to Wooster,[645] Schuyler, and Washington after the failure of the assault on Quebec, Dec. 31, 1775.[646]

After the only original portrait preserved at Montgomery Place, and representing him at about twenty-five. Cf. _Harper's Mag._, lxx. p. 350; Irving's _Washington_, illus. ed., vol. ii.

The study of Trumbull's well-known picture of "The Death of Montgomery" is on a card less than four inches square, now owned by Major Lewis, of Virginia, and is marked "J. Trumbull to Nelly Custis, 1790" (Johnston's _Orig. Portraits of Washington_, p. 72).]

From _An Impartial History of the War in America_, vol. i. p. 392 (Boston), engraved by J. Norman. Cf. the engraving in Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the Present War_, ii. 193. Neither of these copper-plates are probably of any value as likenesses. They show the kind of effigy doing service at the time.]

The great resource for original material on the siege of Quebec, beside the letters given by Sparks and Lossing, are in the gatherings of _4 Force's Archives_, vols. iv., v., and vi.; Almon's _Remembrancer_, vol. ii.; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, viii. 663, etc.; and in a large number of diaries and other contemporary records, which may readily be classed as American or British, with a few emanating from the French Canadians.[647]

On Jan. 19, 1776, a report was made in Congress that the army in Canada be reinforced (_Secret Journals_, i. 241).

From an engraving of full length in _An Impartial Hist. of the War in America_, Lond. 1780, p. 249. A mezzotint similar to this was published in London, 1776, as "Col. Arnold, who commanded the provincial troops sent against Quebec" (J. C. Smith, _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, iv. 1714-1717). The portrait in profile, by W. Tate,—a handsome face,—was engraved in line by H. B. Hall in 1865, and etched by him in 1879 for Isaac N. Arnold's _Life of B. Arnold_. Cf. Jones's _Campaign for the Conquest of Canada_, p. 168. Other portraits of Arnold are given later in the present volume.]

Sketched from the original (1760) among the Peter Force maps in the Library of Congress. There is a copy in the library of the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Society.]

In April Arnold returned to Montreal, and Wooster took command before Quebec,[648] to be superseded by General Thomas, who reached the camp May 1st. Upon Carleton's being reinforced, Thomas began to retreat.[649] Burgoyne arrived with additional troops in June (Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 211). The affair at the Cedars took place May 19, 1776.[650] The movement against Three Rivers had been begun by orders of Thompson, who was in command upon the death of Thomas (June 2d), and remained so for a few days till Sullivan arrived.

From _An Impartial History of the War in America_, Lond., 1780, p. 400, where the cut represents his full length. Cf. prints published in London in 1776 (_Brit. Mez. Portrait_, by J. C. Smith); Hollister's _Connecticut_, i. 390; Jones's _Campaign for the Conquest of Canada_, 28; _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_ (Nürnberg, 1778).]

Smith, in the _St. Clair Papers_, i. 17, collates the authorities on this movement,[651] calling in question the statements given by Bancroft.

Sullivan's Irish precipitancy and over-confidence did not mend matters as the retreat went on, and raised delusive hopes which were more welcome than Arnold's gloomy views.[652]

Sketched from a manuscript plan noted in the _Sparks Catalogue_ (p. 208), which belongs to Cornell University, and was kindly communicated to the editor. The original (18½ × 15 inches) is marked as "on a scale of 30 chaines to an Inch", and is signed "E. Antill ft." in the corner. Mr. Sparks has marked it "Siege of Quebec, 1776." It is endorsed on the outside, "Gen^l Arnold's plan of Quebec, with y^e Americans besieging it, y^e winter of 1776." It bears the following Key: "H, Headquarters. A, A, A, advanced guards. B, B, B, main guards. C, C, C, quarter guards. D, Capt. Smith's riflemen. E, cul-de-sac, where the men-of-war lay, F, governor's house. G, where all materials are carried to build our batteries, out of view of the town. I, lower town. K, the barrier, near which General Montgomery fell. K L, the dotted line shews the route the troops took under the general, thro' deep snow without any path." The dotted line in the river marks the extent of ice from the shore, and in the open stream are the words: "(Unfrose) Ice driving with y^e Tide." The roads are marked by broken lines – – – – – – –. The position of patrols are marked by the letter P.

The principal engraved map is a _Plan of the city and environs of Quebec with its siege and blockage by the Americans from the 8th of December, 1775, to the 13th of May, 1776_. _Engraved by Wm. Faden, London; published 12 Sept., 1776._ The original MS. draft is among the Faden maps (no. 20) in the library of Congress. There are other plans as follows: _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, April, 1884, p. 282; Leake's _Life of Lamb_, p. 130; Atlas to Marshall's _Washington_; Carrington's _Battles_, p. 138; Stone's _Invasion of Canada_, p. xvii.; a marginal plan in Sayer and Bennett's _New Map of the Province of Quebec_, published Feb. 16, 1776; and a German "Plan von Quebec" in the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_, Nuremberg, 1777, Dritter Theil. There is a marginal map of Quebec in an edition of Carver's map of the Province of Quebec, published by Le Rouge in Paris in 1777, and included in the _Atlas Ameriquain_ (1778).

For views of Quebec and the points of attack, see Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. 185; Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 198; and _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, April, 1884, p. 274. A view of the plains of Abraham is in _Ibid._, p. 296.]

The retreat continued to Crown Point, and in July Sullivan was relieved by Gates; and the campaign was over,—nothing accomplished. On July 26th Governor Trumbull reviews the condition of the army in a letter in Hinman's _Conn. during the Rev._ (p. 560).[653] The letters of Ira Allen and John Hurd express the uneasy state of mind along the frontier, which now took possession of the exposed settlers (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, viii. pp. 301, 306, 311, 315-317, 405). Insecurity was felt at Ticonderoga (_N. H. State Papers_, viii. 576, 581).

Congress twice appointed commissioners to proceed towards Canada. In Nov., 1775, Robert R. Livingston, John Langdon, and Robert Treat Paine were sent, with instructions dated Nov. 8th,[654] to examine the fortifications of Ticonderoga and the highlands, and "to use their endeavors to procure an accession of the Canadians to a union with these colonies;" and their report (Nov. 17th), with a letter to Montgomery (Nov. 30th), is in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). In March, 1776, Benj. Franklin, Samuel Chase, and Charles Carroll were instructed (_Journals of Congress_, i. 289; Force, v. 411) to proceed to Canada to influence, if possible, the sympathies of the Canadians. Carroll was a Roman Catholic, and he was accompanied by his brother, John Carroll, a priest.[655] Much was expected of the mission on this account (Adams's _Familiar Letters_, 135). Franklin, delayed at Saratoga (April), began to feel that the exposures of the expedition were too much for one of his years, and sat down to write "to a few friends by way of farewell."[656] Carroll kept a diary, which has been since printed.[657] There are papers appertaining to the mission in Force's _Archives_, 4th, iv., v.; Sparks's _Washington_ (iii. 390), and his _Corresp. of the Rev._ (i. 572), and Lossing's _Schuyler_ (vol. ii.).[658] On Jan. 31, 1850, Mr. William Duane delivered an address on _Canada and the Continental Congress_ before the Penna. Hist. Soc., which is printed among their occasional publications.

A part of a view published in London, August 10, 1776, and made by Lieut.-Col. Thomas James, of the Royal Regiment of Artillery. June 30, 1776. It represents the position of the fleet during "the attack on the 28th of June, which lasted nine hours and forty minutes." The position of the ships is designated by A, "Active", 28 guns; B, "Bristol", flag-ship, 50 guns; C, "Experiment", 50 guns; D, "Solebay", 28 guns. The "Syren", 28 guns, and "Acteon", 28 guns, and the "Thunder", bomb-ketch, were nearer the spectator as was the "Friendship", of 28 guns. L is Sullivan's Island; M, a narrow isthmus, defended by an armed hulk, N; the mainland is O; myrtle-grove, P.

Faden also issued at the same time, as made by Col. James, a long panoramic view of Sullivan's and Long islands, showing the American and British camps on the opposite sides of the dividing inlet.]

Mr. Brantz Mayer's introduction to the Centennial ed. of Carroll's journal is largely concerned with the question of the Catholic pacification of Canada. Cf. Brent's _Life of Archbishop Carroll_; and B. W. Campbell's "Life and Times of Archbishop Carroll" in _U. S. Cath. Mag._, iii. The unfortunate comments (Oct. 21, 1774) of the Continental Congress on the Quebec Act was much against the persuasions of the commissioners, and it was soon evident that all their efforts, on this side at least, were futile. (Cf. Force's _Am. Archives_, ii. 231.)

After Franklin and John Carroll had left Montreal, Charles Carroll and Chase remained, endeavoring to support the military councils.[659]

=I.= THE ATTACK ON SULLIVAN'S ISLAND, JUNE, 1776.—Clinton's proclamation to the magistrates of South Carolina, June 6, 1776, is in Ramsay's _Revolution in South Carolina_, i. 330. Lee's report to Washington (July 1, 1776) is in Sparks's _Correspondence of the Revolution_, i. 243; to Congress (July 2d), in _Ibid._, ii. 502; in Lee's _Memoirs_, p. 386; in Force's _American Archives_, 5th ser., i. p. 435; _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1872, pp. 100, 107; and in Dawson (p. 139). John Adams (_Familiar Letters_, 203) notes the exhilaration which the news caused in Philadelphia.

There are other contemporary accounts in Gen. Morris's letter in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1875, p. 438; in R. W. Gibbes's _Doc. Hist. of the Amer. Rev._, 1776-1782, pp. 2-19; in Force's _Archives_; in Frank Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. p. 257; in Moore's _Laurens Correspondence_, p. 24. A "new war song" of the day, referring to the battle, is given in Moore's _Songs and Ballads of the Rev._, p. 135. A broadside account was printed in Philadelphia, June 20, 1776 (Hildeburn's _Bibliog._, no. 3342). A plan of the attack after a London original was published in Philadelphia in 1777, with a "Description of the attack in a letter from Sir Peter Parker to Mr. Stephens, and an extract from a letter of Lieut. Gen. Clinton to Lord Geo. Germaine" (Hildeburn, no. 3539).

After a print published in London by Faden, August 10, 1776, taken by Lieut.-Col. James, the day after the fight.

KEY.—A, Charlestown; B, Ashley River; C, Fort Johnston; D, Cummins Point; E, part of Five-Fathom Hole, where all the fleet rode before and after the attack; F, station of the headmost frigate, the "Solebay", two miles and three quarters from Fort Sullivan, situated to the northward of G; H, part of Mt. Pleasant; I, part of Hog Island; K, Wando River; L, Cooper River; M, James Island; N, breakers on Charlestown Bar; O, rebel schooner of 12 guns.

There is "An exact prospect of Charlestown, the metropolis of South Carolina", in the _London Mag._, 1762, a folding panoramic view, which shows the water-front with ships in the harbor.]

The earliest general account is by Moultrie himself in his _Memoirs of the American Revolution_. Cf. Gordon's _Amer. Rev._; and John Drayton's _Memoirs of the American Revolution_ [through 1776] _as relating to the State of South Carolina_ (Charleston, 1821, two vols.). Of the later general historians, reference may be made to Bancroft (orig. ed.), vol. viii. ch. 66, and final revision, iv. ch. xxv., a full account; to Dawson, i. ch. 10, to Carrington, ch. 27, 28; to Gay, iii. 467; Irving's _Washington_, ii. ch. 29; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. p. 754. Something can be gleaned from Garden's _Anecdotes of the Revolution_; _Memoirs of Elkanah Watson_; the life of Rutledge in Flanders's _Chief Justices_; and from such occasional productions as William Crafts's address (1825), included in his _Miscellanies_; Porcher's address in the _South Carolina Hist. Coll._, vol. i.; C. C. Jones, Jr.'s address on Sergeant Jasper in 1876, and the _Centennial Memorial_ of that year and the paper in _Harper's Monthly_, xxi. 70, by T. D. English.

On the British side we have Parker's despatch (July 9th) in Dawson, p. 140; a letter of Clinton (July 8th) in the _Sparks MSS._, no. lviii.; Clinton's _Observations on Stedman's History_; the reports in the _Gent. Mag. and Annual Register_; the early historical estimate in Adolphus's _England_, ii. 346. Jones, _New York in the Revolutionary War_, i. 98, gives the Tory view. There is a contemporary letter by a British officer given in Lady Cavendish's _Admiral Gambier_, copied in _Hist. Mag._, v. 68. Hutchinson (_Life and Diary_, ii. 92) records the effects of the fight in England.[660]