Chapter IV: The Struggle for the Hudson (3)

On the other side are many high authorities, among whom is Dr. Charles Deane, who, Oct. 22, 1877, made an exhaustive report upon the subject of the Convention of Saratoga to the American Antiquarian Society. He contends that the acts of Congress "were not marked by the highest exhibition of good policy or of good faith."[735]

Fair inferences, from the facts in evidence, lead to the belief that neither party was scrupulous in carrying out its obligations. Burgoyne, after a preliminary agreement to the terms of the convention, _was in favor of breaking the treaty_, because, before affixing his signature to it, he had heard of the success of Sir Henry Clinton in the Hudson Highlands. He was willing, therefore, to barter his plighted promise to further his own interest, and actually submitted to a council of his officers "whether it was consistent with public faith, and if so, expedient, to suspend the execution of the treaty, and trust to events." To the honor of the officers of the Anglo-German army, a decided majority of the council overruled the wishes of the general-in-chief, whereupon Burgoyne, Oct. 17, signed the convention.

Its second article stipulated that "a free passage be granted to the army, under Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, to Great Britain, on condition of not serving again in North America during the present contest." It seems almost incredible that even Gates could have been guilty of such fatuity in sacrificing by this article all the fruits of the past campaign, and jeoparding American independence. It would have been better to have disarmed and disbanded these demoralized troops on the spot. He could thus have saved the country much anxiety, inconvenience, and expense, in guarding, housing, and caring for them till rested from their fatigues and embarked for England, where they could be exchanged for an army of fresh troops, which might cross the ocean in the spring to plague the inventors of such a stupid compact, or convention.

Burgoyne was not slow to avail himself of a _literal_ interpretation of words he had designedly used in drawing up the convention, for we find him, only three days after the surrender, writing to his friend, Colonel Phillopson: "I dictated terms of convention which save the army to the State for the next campaign."

Was it in the same spirit that Burgoyne carried out the first article of the convention, by which his "arms and artillery" were to be left piled on the banks of the Hudson? By a _literal_ interpretation this might mean only muskets and cannon, but certainly such would not be the accepted military meaning of that article, especially as it had to be construed in connection with the sixth article, permitting all officers "to retain their carriages, bat-horses, and other cattle, and no baggage to be molested or searched; Lieutenant-General Burgoyne giving his honor that there are no public stores secreted therein." But, notwithstanding all this, Madame Riedesel, the wife of General Riedesel, says in her journal: "Now I was forced to consider how I should safely carry the colors of our German regiments still further, as we had made the Americans at Saratoga believe that they were burnt up—a circumstance which they at first took in bad part, though afterwards they tacitly overlooked it. But it was only the staves that had been burned, the colors having been thus far concealed. Now my husband confided to me his secret, and entrusted me with their still further concealment. I therefore shut myself in with a right honorable tailor, who helped me make a mattress in which we sewed every one of them. Captain O'Connell, under pretence of some errand, was dispatched to New York and passed the mattress off as his bed. He sent it to Halifax, where we again found it on our passage from New York to Canada, and where—in order to ward off all suspicion in case our ship should be taken—I transferred it into my cabin, and slept during the whole of the remaining voyage to Canada upon those honorable badges." She truly called them "honorable badges", for to an army they are the insignia of nationality and emblems of power, under which the soldier ventures his life and reputation.

How was it with the British flags? Burgoyne stated that they were all left in Canada. But it happens that one of them was displayed at Ticonderoga upon the evacuation of that place by St. Clair; and five of them were captured at Fort Stanwix from St. Leger, whose detachment accompanied Burgoyne till just before leaving Canada upon his great campaign. Further, it is written in the _Historical Record of the Ninth Regiment_ that Lieutenant-Colonel Hill, of that regiment, "being anxious to preserve the colors, took them off the staves and concealed them in his baggage, which he was permitted to retain." Subsequently these colors, hidden among his baggage, in which Burgoyne had given his honor that no public property was secreted, Colonel Hill presented "to George III., who rewarded his faithful services with the appointment of aide-de-camp to his Majesty, and the rank of Colonel in the army."

As Burgoyne was by Article I. allowed to march to the ground of surrender "with the honors of war", General Horatio Rogers, with the sentiment of a true soldier, says in one of his admirable annotations of _Hadden's Journal_: "Had Burgoyne's officers believed that their colors were not embraced in the terms of the convention, they would have flung them to the breeze and proudly marched out under them, as an indication of how much of their honor they had preserved, especially when they supposed they were about to embark for England; for soldiers lay down their lives for their flags, the loss, surrender, or concealment of which, save in rare instances, is synonymous with defeat and humiliation."[736]

Though it appears that all of the accoutrements and other public property of the Anglo-German army were not surrendered and a considerable part was found unserviceable, it is unnecessary to make a special point of this minor matter, after presenting the graver delinquencies on Burgoyne's part.

General Halleck, one of the best authorities on the Laws of War, in his work on _International Law_, says: "The general phrase, 'with all the honors of war,' is usually construed to include the right to march with colors displayed, drums beating, etc.... A capitulation includes all property in the place not expressly excepted, and a commander who destroys military stores or other property after entering into such agreement not only forfeits all its benefits, but he subjects himself to severe punishment for his perfidy. So, after a capitulation for the surrender of an army in the field, any officer who destroys his side arms or his insignia of rank deprives himself of all the privileges of that rank, and may be treated as a private soldier. The reason of the rule is manifest. The victor is entitled to all the honors and benefits of his agreement the moment it is entered into, and to destroy colors, arms, etc. thereafter is to deprive him of his just rights. Such conduct is both dishonorable and criminal."

Whether the shortcomings of the British general-in-chief were known to Washington cannot be determined, but the latter's correspondence clearly indicates what he believed would be the action of George III. upon the arrival of the convention troops in Great Britain. Hence he writes, November 13, to General Heath: "Policy and a regard to our own interest are strongly opposed to our adopting or pursuing any measures to facilitate their embarkation and passage home, which are not required of us by the capitulation."[737] Congress, December 17, concurred in these views, and consequently refused Burgoyne's application for his army to embark from Newport or some port on Long Island Sound, to avoid the long and dangerous winter passage around Cape Cod of the British transports which were to receive the troops.

In this, as in all matters involving the success of the Revolution, Washington was not only patriotic, but morally right. We had committed a blunder at Saratoga, but there was no reason why we should increase the mischievous effect of it by expediting the enemy's movements from Boston, and thus add to the danger of our destruction by enabling him to replace Burgoyne's troops in America by others they might relieve elsewhere, in time for the next year's campaign.

Congress had, November 8th, instructed General Heath to require descriptive lists of all the convention troops, to secure us against their reappearing in arms against us during the war. This Burgoyne resented as impeaching the honor of his nation, but he subsequently complied with a measure so essential to our protection.

In Burgoyne's complaint of November 14th regarding the quarters for his officers and men, he inadvertently said, "The public faith is broke", which unguarded expression was at once seized upon by Congress; when a committee, of which Francis Lightfoot Lee was chairman, submitted its report, upon which Congress, then composed "of but a few members, and all of them not the most suitable for the station", adopted, January 8, 1778, the following resolutions:—

"_Resolved_, that as many of the cartouch-boxes and several other articles of military accoutrements annexed to the persons of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers included in the Convention of Saratoga have not been delivered up, the Convention, on the part of the British army, has not been strictly complied with.

"_Resolved_, that the refusal of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to give descriptive lists of the non-commissioned officers and privates belonging to his army, subsequent to his declaration that the public faith was broke, is considered by Congress in an alarming point of view; since a compliance with the resolution of Congress could only have been prejudicial to that army in case of an infraction of the convention on their part.

"_Resolved_, that the charge made by Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, in his letter to Major-General Gates of the 14th of November, of a breach of the public faith on the part of these States, is not warranted by the just construction of any article of the Convention of Saratoga; that it is a strong indication of his intention, and affords just ground of fear that he will avail himself of such pretended breach of the convention, in order to disengage himself and the army under him of the obligation they are under to these United States; and that the security which these States have had in his personal honor is thereby destroyed.

"_Resolved, therefore_, that the embarkation of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne and the troops under his command be suspended till a distinct and explicit ratification of the Convention of Saratoga shall be properly notified by the court of Great Britain to Congress."[738]

Delays followed these resolutions, and finally, February 3, 1778, General Heath was instructed that the embarkation of the troops was to be indefinitely postponed, the transports upon their arrival to be ordered away from the port of Boston, and the guard over the prisoners to be strengthened. General Burgoyne, of course, was indignant, and offered that, "should any doubt still subsist that the idea of being released from the engagement of the convention has been adopted by any part of the troops", he would give a further pledge of the faith of every officer in his command, "provided the suspension is immediately broken off." This frank offer was referred to a committee, which reported that in their opinion it contained nothing "sufficient to induce Congress to recede from their resolution of the 8th of January;" and the report was agreed to March 2, 1778.

This disingenuous resolution of Congress, "that the embarkation be suspended" until the happening of some further contingent event, was returning the poisoned chalice to Burgoyne's lips, being exactly in keeping with his proposition submitted, October 15, 1777, to a council of his officers, "whether it was consistent with public faith, and if so, expedient, to suspend the execution of the treaty and trust to events."

Notwithstanding many members had no confidence in the political integrity of Great Britain,[739] such holding of the convention troops as prisoners of war, contrary to the principles of international law, certainly placed Congress in a most unfavorable light. Even so distinguished a member as Richard Henry Lee, writing to Washington, says: "It is unfortunately too true that our enemies pay little regard to good faith, or any obligations of justice and humanity which render the Convention of Saratoga a matter of great moment; and it is also, as you justly observe, an affair of infinite delicacy. The undoubted advantage they will take even of the appearance of infraction on our part, and the American character, which is concerned in preserving its faith inviolate, cover this affair with difficulties, and prove the disadvantage we are under in conducting war against an old, corrupt, and powerful people, who, having much credit and influence in the world, will venture on things that would totally ruin the reputation of young and rising communities like ours." We would further remark that the moral standard of even the most civilized nations was not then as high as in this more advanced age, and that upon the construction of this convention hung the independence of the United States. Napier said of the Convention of Cintra in 1808: "A convention implies some weakness, and must be weighed in _the scales of prudence, not those of justice_."

General Burgoyne and his staff were allowed by Congress to return to England on parole. Soon after their departure the British troops were removed to Rutland, Mass., because of fears of their being rescued by the British forces then at Newport, R. I. Congress finally directed that the Convention troops, in order to be more easily subsisted, should be removed to Charlottesville, Virginia,[740] where they arrived in January, 1779, and they were detained in the United States till the conclusion of peace with Great Britain. Most of the officers had in the mean time been exchanged.

Dr. Deane, in concluding his investigation of this subject, says: "There can be no doubt that the supreme authority in the State would always have the right, as it has the power, to revise a treaty made by its agents, as in the case we have been considering. This follows from the nature of sovereignty itself. An Arnold might be bribed to to capitulate to the enemy. But where such treaties are entered into in good faith, and the obvious powers of the commanders have not been exceeded, the agreements between the victor and the vanquished are regarded by the highest authorities as to be sacredly kept. Humanity demands it; otherwise there would be no cessation of hostilities till the annihilation of both belligerents."[741]

While Great Britain had just cause to complain of the violation of the Convention of Saratoga by the American Congress, she might ask herself, did she always observe strict faith with her revolted colonies.

According to the Articles of Capitulation of Charleston, S. C., May 12, 1780, the garrison were allowed some of the honors of war. They were to march out and deposit their arms between the canal and the works of the place, but the drums were not to beat a British march, nor the colors to be uncased; the Continental troops and seamen, keeping their baggage, were to remain prisoners of war until exchanged; the militia were to be permitted to return to their respective homes as prisoners on parole, and while they kept their parole were not to be molested in their property by the British troops; the citizens of all descriptions were to be considered as prisoners on parole, and to hold their property in the town on the same terms as the militia.

After the capitulation, Sir Henry Clinton sent out three expeditions and issued three proclamations, all having in view the subjugation of South Carolina. The butchery which Tarleton inflicted is well known; and even the British historian, Stedman, who was then an officer under General Clinton, says of it: "The virtue of humanity was totally forgot." The enemy's detachments, sent to various parts of the State, paid little regard to the rights and property of its inhabitants. Sir Henry, assuming that the province was already conquered, issued, before his departure to New York, a proclamation discharging all the military prisoners, except those captured in Fort Moultrie and Charleston, from their parole after June 20, 1780. Thus, without their own consent, by Clinton's arbitrary fiat, these paroled persons were converted from their neutrality into British subjects, and compelled to take up arms against their neighbors, or, failing to comply with this enforced allegiance, were treated as rebels. The Whig inhabitants were worried, plundered, and murdered by Tories, in open violation of all British pledges; leading men were confined in prison-ships; and patriotic citizens, who had resumed their swords upon finding all guaranties violated, had their property sequestrated, and themselves were severely punished, sometimes with death. The British rule was truly a reign of terror.

Lord Mahon stigmatizes in the severest language American faith as utterly derelict in carrying out the Convention of Saratoga,[742] while of the sequel of the capitulation of Charleston he has no holy horror. His only remark is: "_Perhaps_ these measures exceeded the bounds of justice; certainly they did the bounds of policy." This same English historian, in his account of Arnold's treason, speaks of the death of André as the "greatest blot" upon the career of Washington. He contends that it was unjust to arrest André, because he had a safeguard from Arnold; and sneers at the twelve distinguished American generals upon the Board which condemned the spy, as incompetent plebeians, drawn from "the plough-handle and from the shop-board." According to Mahon's fallacious mode of reasoning, Washington should not only have let André go free, because protected by the traitor's pass, but should have given up West Point, its garrison and arms, to Sir Henry Clinton, as fully agreed upon by Arnold, the duly constituted American commander. According to such reasoning, Judas Iscariot was justified in betraying the Saviour, because he had been one of the trusted twelve who sat down to the Last Supper. The just fate of the spy and betrayer was the same, except that Judas was his own executioner.

Of the various military conventions, that of Kloster-Zeven, of September 8, 1757, between the Duke of Cumberland and Marshal Richelieu, most resembles that of Saratoga. In both the victors had the vanquished at their mercy; in both the terms of surrender, under the circumstances, were moderate beyond all necessity; in both the capitulations were unsatisfactory to the governments concerned; and in both the treaties were broken from motives of expediency, frivolous pretexts being used to cover the odium of bad faith.

George II., as Elector of Hanover, "to clear himself", says Sir Edward Cust, "from the dishonor of the convention, disavowed his son's authority to sign it", recalled him from his command, and declared that the hero of Culloden had ruined his father and disgraced himself. We cannot enter into the reasons assigned by the British ministry for abrogating this compact, but they were at the least as invalid as those used by our Congress in suspending the execution of the Convention of Saratoga. When the Hanoverian army, under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, took the field in contravention of agreement, Marshal Richelieu declared his own fidelity in keeping the treaty, and that, should the enemy "commit any act of hostility", he, as authorized by the laws of war, "would push matters to the last extremity." The declaration of the French marshal "was seconded", says Smollett, the British historian, "by the Count de Lynar, the Danish ambassador, who had meditated the Convention of Kloster-Zeven under direction of his master to save Hanover from the horrors of war."

EDITORIAL NOTES ON THE AUTHORITIES.

=I.= THE CAMPAIGN AROUND NEW YORK CITY IN 1776.—The Americans had been early warned of the British plans to secure the line of the Hudson (_Journal of the Provincial Congress of New York_, 172; Lossing's _Schuyler_, ii. 16), and on the American side plans of obstructing and defending the river had been made as early as Sept., 1775, and they ever after constituted a chief anxiety of the continental and provincial authorities.[743] Several early maps making record of these efforts have been preserved.[744]

Reduced from the cut in Ruttenber's _Obstructions to the Navigation of Hudson's River_, p. 64.

KEY. A, Fort Montgomery. B, Fort Clinton. C, Poplopen's Kill. D, Anthony's Nose. _a_, floats to chain. _b b b_, boom in front of chain. _c c c_, chain. _d_, rock at which the chain was secured and large iron roller. _e e_, cribs and anchors. _f_, blocks and purchase for tightening chain. _g h_, ground batteries for defence of chain. [S, section showing floats and chain; _c c c_, chain; _f f f_, floats.]

The cut follows the original drawing found in the papers of the secret committee. There is a plate showing the boom and chain at West Point in Boynton's _West Point_, p. 70.]

The anomalous condition of New York during the later part of 1775 is shown from the Tory point of view in Jones's _New York during the Revolution_. Rivington's press was destroyed in Nov., 1775 (_N. Y. City Manual_, 1868, p. 813). There was an irruption from New Jersey into Long Island in Jan., 1776 (Jones, i. 68). In Feb. the military control appears in Col. David Waterbury's orderly-book (_Mag. of American Hist._, Dec., 1884, p. 555). Moore gives current published reports, including Gov. Tryon's proclamation in March (_Diary of the Rev._, i. 216). During the same month Lee made a report on the fortifications of the city (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871, p. 354), and Field, in his _Battle of Long Island_, traces the measures of Lee to convert New York into a camp and to root out the Tories on Long Island.

From the _Sparks Maps_. KEY: "A, Gravel Hill battery, 11 guns. B, Hill clift battery, 3 in front, not finished. C, Marine battery, 8 guns. D, Romain's battery, 14 guns. E, Round Tower, 8 guns." These works were later commanded by those erected at West Point.]

Stirling had also been exercising command in New York (Duer's _Stirling_, 139), and had seized Gov. Franklin of New Jersey (_N. J. Archives_, x. 702). In April, 1776, Putnam arrived with instructions from Washington (Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 337), finding Heath fresh from a review of the troops (Moore, i. 228).[745]

With the arrival of Washington in the middle of April, 1776, the campaign may be said to have begun. His batteries soon sent the few British ships in the harbor down to Sandy Hook, and Benjamin Tupper, commanding the little American flotilla, tried to destroy the lighthouse at that point, June 21.[746] Beside the official letters of this time there are numerous private ones.[747]

Late in June and early in July Lord Howe's fleet arrived in the lower harbor, and the troops were landed on Staten Island.[748]

The harbor of New York necessarily had more or less hydrographical treatment in all the early plans. Before the outbreak of hostilities, this may be seen, not only in the Des Barres series of maps, but in the chart of 1764,[749] reproduced in Valentine's _Manual_ (1861, p. 597).[750] After the war began, we find several harbor maps worthy of note.[751]

During June came the plot for assassinating Washington in New York.[752] Washington was discouraged with the progress of the recruiting. "Washington and Mercer's camps recruit with amazing slowness", wrote Jefferson from Philadelphia, July 20th.[753] Mercer commanded the Flying Camp of militia from Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, which were hovering between the British and Philadelphia.[754]

Clinton's expeditionary force returned from Sullivan's Island Aug. 1st, and the active campaign began when, three weeks later, Howe moved a large part of his force across from Staten Island[755] to Gravesend, on Long Island, Aug. 22d, Sir George Collier commanding the fleet which covered the landing,[756] and the advance then began towards the lines near Brooklyn which General Greene had had the charge of constructing.[757]

Respecting the orders antecedent to and during the battle, those of Washington are in Force; but Johnston adds to them from the orderly-books.[758] Washington's own account can be found in his letters to Congress, to Gov. Trumbull, to the Mass. Assembly,[759] and he probably dictated the letter of Col. Harrison, his secretary, to Congress.[760]

Sketched from a part of a MS. Hessian map in the library of Congress, called _Plan générale des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les Rebelles_, etc.

KEY: "A, Le camp du Général Howe sur Staten Island à l'arrivée du général de Heister avec la 1re division des troupes Hessoises le 22 d'Aoust, 1776. B, Le camp qu'on occupa sur Staten Island cette division après du debarqué. C, L'endroit où les troupes debarquerent sur Long Island. D, Camp du général Howe près de Gravesend. E, Camp du général de Heister après la descente sur Long Island le 27 d'Aoust, 1776. F, Marche de la colonne droite commandée par le général Clinton vers Bedford dans la nuit du 26 au 27 Aoust. G, Marche de la colonne gauche, commandée par le général Grant. H, Attaque de l'avant garde du général Clinton du 27me Aoust. J, Où le général Clinton forma sa colonne pour continuer l'attaque. K, Attaque du général Grant. L, Attaque du général de Heister. M, Les lignes des enemis à Brooklin. N, Corps détachés de l'enemis hors de ses lignes. O, Les redoutes de l'enemis à Readhook. Q, Les redoutes à Gouverneur island."

The lines (·—·—) represent roads. The blocks, half-black and half-white, are the Americans; those divided diagonally are the Hessians; the solid black are the British.

A Hessian officer's map, obtained from Brunswick, and showing Ratzer's topography, is given in fac-simile in Field's monograph (p. 310), and a German map of Long Island is given in the _Geographische Belustigungen_ (Leipzig, 1776). There is a somewhat coarse-colored map among the Rochambeau maps (no. 25), measuring fifteen inches wide by eighteen high, called _Attaque de l'armée des Provinciaux dans Long Island du 27 Août, 1776_. _Publié, 1776._ A MS. "Plan of the Attack of the Rebels on Long Island by an officer of the army" is among the Faden maps (no. 56) in the library of Congress. The map used in Stedman is re-engraved, with additions, in Irving's _Washington_, illus. ed., ii. 309.]

Sketched from a large _Plan of the Battle of Long Island and of the Brooklyn defences, Aug. 27, 1776, compiled by Henry P. Johnston_, which accompanies his _Campaign of 1776_, and is based, as he says, on Ratzer's map of Brooklyn (1767-68) and the United States coast survey. Before daylight on the morning of the 27th, the British advance under General Grant disturbed the American pickets at the Red Lion, which is near the westerly angle of the present Greenwood Cemetery area, marked on the plan with a dotted line. As the day wore on, the conflict pressed between the British at P and Q and the Americans under Stirling and Parsons at O and N,—Smallwood's Marylanders holding the extreme right on the water, and Huntington's Connecticut regiment on the extreme left. Johnston (p. 165) says Stirling's position was between 18th and 20th streets of the modern Brooklyn, and not as Sparks's map places him, near the Narrows. Meanwhile, a British column at 9 o'clock the previous evening had begun to move from Flatlands, and at 3 the next morning captured an American patrol at B, and at 6 the British column (marching in this order,—Clinton, Cornwallis, Percy, Howe) neared the American advance under Miles at C, who retired; and at 9 A. M. the British column was at Bedford and threw out a force to M, which began to attack the American outposts of D (Miles), E (Wyley), and F (Chester), forcing them to retire upon Sullivan, who commanded the forces of Johnston (H), Hitchcock (J), and Little (G), with pickets at K,—all within or near the present limits of Prospect Park, shown by the dotted line. Threatened by the British flanking column as well as by the Hessians in front, approaching from Flatbush under Heister with the commands of Von Stirn (S), Von Mirbach (T), and Donop (U), the Americans, after the capture of Sullivan himself, retreated as best they could across the creek and got within the lines. The column of the British advancing from Bedford threw out a force under Vaughan towards L to menace Fort Putnam and that part of the American works, while Cornwallis advancing towards R had a conflict there round the Cortelyou house at 11.30 A. M. with Stirling, who was trying to check this rear attack of the British, while such of his troops as could be controlled retreated from N and O, and, passing the marsh, crossed the creek (half a dozen or so being drowned), and reached dry land near some redoubts within the American line of defence. The point A represents the position of the present City Hall of Brooklyn. Stirling, meanwhile, with Smallwood's Marylanders in danger of being crushed between Cornwallis and Grant, and foiled in the attempt to reach Fort Box, retreated towards Flatbush, but encountered in that direction Gen. Heister's Hessians, and gave himself up to that officer.

T. W. Field in his monograph, the _Battle of Long Island_, gives a large plan showing the relations of the modern streets to the old landmarks, and marking "the natural defensible line, as nearly as it could be authenticated by documentary and traditionary evidence." Field adds that "the routes of the British were generally over country roads long since abandoned, and now covered with buildings; but their localities were accurately surveyed by the author before their traces were lost." Field also says (p. 145) that the American works were at once levelled by the British, and new ones were erected on interior lines. (Cf. G. W. Greene's _General Greene_, i. 159.) These latter lines are shown, as well as the earlier American works, in a _Map of Brooklyn at the time of the Revolution_, drawn by Gen. Jeremiah Johnson (Valentine's _Manual_, 1858). A rude map by J. Ewing, made Sept., 1776, is given in fac-simile in Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_ (Documents, p. 50) and in 2d ser. _Penna. Archives_, x. 194. Dr. Stiles made a rough plan in his diary, which he based upon a map of the ground and upon the information given him by one who was at Red Hook at the time. It is given in fac-simile by Johnston (p. 70).

The plan in Carrington's _Battles_ (p. 214) is extended enough to illustrate the movements after the British occupation of New York; that in H. R. Stiles's _Brooklyn_ (vol. i. 250) is an eclectic one, made with care, and his text attempts to identify the position of the lines and forts in relation to present landmarks. Gordon acknowledges receiving from Greene a map improved by that general (_Hist. Mag._, xiii. 25).

There are other plans in Marshall's _Washington_ (large and small atlas); Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 68, repeated in Duer's _Stirling_ (p. 162); Guizot's _Washington_; Samuel Ward's lecture on the battle, 1839; J. T. Bailey's _Hist. Sketch of Brooklyn_ (Brooklyn, 1840); W. L. Stone's _New York City_, p. 246; Henry Onderdonk, Jr.'s _Queens County_, and _Suffolk and Kings Counties_; Ridpath's _United States_; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 806, 809, 810; Lowell's _Hessians_; _Harper's Monthly_, Aug., 1876. Ratzer's map of Brooklyn is reproduced in Stiles's _Brooklyn_ (i. 63), with a view of the same date (p. 217). Cf. map in Valentine's _N. Y. Manual_ (1856). Cf. the bibliography of Long Island in _Amer. Bibliopolist_, Oct., 1872, and in Furman's _Antiquities of Long Island_, App.]

Sullivan's letter is in effect a defence of himself,[761] and other letters from participants and observers are preserved,[762] as well as journals of actors on the field,[763] and other personal recitals,[764] and narratives in the public press.[765] On the British side we have Howe's despatch[766] of Sept. 3, with the comments and inquiry which it elicited,[767] and the report and journals of Sir George Collier, in command of the fleet.[768] In addition we have a number of personal experiences and accounts of eye-witnesses,[769] as well as statements from the German participants.[770]

The circumstances of the battle and retreat have occasioned some controversy, in which Bancroft has been criticised by the grandsons of Gen. Greene[771] and Joseph Reed.[772]

Respecting the armies on both sides and their losses, there is ground for dispute. It is claimed that the British had about double the numbers of the Americans, and the losses of killed and wounded were about equal on both sides, though the Americans also lost heavily in prisoners.[773] But on this point see the preceding chapter.

Without enumerating at length the treatment of the general histories,[774] and the biographies of participants,[775] the battle of Long Island has had much special local[776] and monographic treatment, particularly at the hands of Field, Johnston, Dawson, and Carrington.[777] On the English side we have contemporary and later examples of historical treatment.[778] It was the first substantial victory for the royal arms, and had little of the disheartening influence which the forcing of the redoubt at Bunker Hill had brought with it. The effect was correspondingly inspiriting to the Tories in America and to the government party in England.[779]

* * * * *

In transferring the scene across the river to New York, it is best in the first place to trace the topography of the town and island by the maps of the period, and to follow the cartographical records of the military movements during the campaign, before classifying the authorities.

John Hill's large plan of New York, extending as far north as Thirty-fourth Street, surveyed in 1782, and dedicated to Gov. George Clinton, was drawn in 1785.[780] He marks all the works of the Revolution,—coloring yellow those thrown up by the Americans in 1776; orange, those of the Americans which the British repaired; and green, those later erected by the royal forces. Johnston's map[781] adopts these yellow lines. Loosing (_Field-Book_, ii. 593, 799), in describing the New York lines, differs somewhat from Hill's map. Johnston controverts Jones and De Lancey (Jones's _New York during the Revolutionary War_), who claim that the American lines were levelled by the British; he also cites Smythe, who described them in March, 1777, as was also done by Thomas Eddis in Aug., 1777,[782] and by Anburey in 1781, and he depends on Hill's draft of them in 1782. Johnston (p. 36) also describes the appearance of the town at the opening of the war.[783] Johnston (p. 194) claims that his eclectic map is the first to give the entire island as it was in 1776. He followed the surveys of Ratzer and Montresor as far north as Fiftieth Street, and from that point to Kingsbridge he used the map of 1814, made by Randall for the commissioners to lay out streets. The annexed sketch of Johnston's map shows the fortifications surrounding the town of New York.

The following key explains the figures: 1, Fort George; 2, Trinity Church; 5, Old Dutch Church; 6, New Eng. Dutch Church; 8, Presbyterian meeting; 10, French Church; 11, Lutheran Church; 13, Calvinist Church; 16, New Scots' meeting; 17, Quakers' meeting; 18, Jews' synagogue; 20, Free English School; 21, Secretary's office; 22, City Hall; 25, Exchange; 26, Barracks; 27, Fish Market; 28, Old slip; 31, Oswego Market.

This is the best contemporary map on a large scale of the city of New York. It is dedicated to Gov. Moore, and made after surveys by Lieut. B. Ratzer in 1767. The whole map is given in Valentine's _Manual_, 1854; Dawson's _New York City during the Amer. Rev._ (1861); Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev. War_, i. 388. There is an original in Harvard College library. Cf. _Map Catal. Brit. Mus._, 1885, col. 2972. It was reissued in 1776 and 1777. Cf. Lamb's _New York_, i. 757, 760. This map of the town is a different one from Ratzer's map of the city and vicinity, which has at the bottom a southwest view of the town.

Thomas Kitchen, the English cartographer, published a map, after Ratzer's surveys, of New York city and vicinity in the _London Mag._, 1778. It has been reproduced in Shannon's _N. Y. City Manual_, 1869, and in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1885, p. 549.

_A Plan of the City of New York and its Environs_, "surveyed in the winter of 1766", and dedicated to Gen. Gage by John Montresor, is given in Jefferys' _General Topog. of North America and the West Indies_ (London, 1768). Another form of it, purporting to be a later work, is the large folding _Plan of the City of New York and its environs, ... surveyed in the winter, 1775_, also dedicated to Gen. Gage by John Montresor, and published in London. It has been reproduced in D. T. Valentine's _N. Y. City Manual_, 1855, p. 482. It has a corner chart of the bay from Hoboken to Sandy Hook. Cf. the _American Atlas_, nos. 20 and 25. Montresor's plan was reproduced in Paris by Le Rouge in 1777.

Major Holland, the British surveyor-general, made a plan of the city of New York, which appeared separately and as a part of his _Map of New York and New Jersey_ (1776). Cf. Valentine's _Manual_, 1863, p. 533, and the small plan of New York and vicinity, eight miles to an inch, which is given in _New York City in the Revolution_ (1861). A plan of part of the city made in 1771 is given in Valentine's _Manual_, 1856, p. 426. There are among the Rochambeau maps several plans of New York and its environs, rather coarse and faded (nos. 26, 27, 28, 31). Contemporary printed maps are in Gaine's _Universal Register_ (N. Y., 1776) and in the _Universal Mag._, 1776.

A survey of the region of Turtle Bay in 1771 is given in Valentine's _Manual_, 1860, p. 572, and a view at a later day in _Ibid._, 1858, p. 600. A MS. plan of Fort George (New York) by Sauthier is among the Faden maps (no. 95) in the library of Congress.]

Howe was much criticised for his dilatoriness and his failure promptly to use his fleet to get in the rear of Washington's army.[784] There was a division of counsels among Washington's officers as to the advisability of attempting to hold the city; but a decision to evacuate finally prevailed.[785] Washington's army was gradually dwindling, for Congress and the country had hardly reached a conception of the necessity of long enlistments.[786] Finally on Sept. 15th the British passed over from Long Island to Kip's Bay, and the Americans fled in a panic;[787] and, with loss of many stores, Washington gathered his forces within the Harlem lines. Johnston's draft of the works on Harlem Heights follows Sauthier's plan. The site of the fight thereabouts is west of Eighth Avenue and north of One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street of the modern city. Johnston (p. 258) identifies the localities by the present landmarks, and says (p.264) that "some of the works are well preserved to-day" (1878). He also says that Randall, when he surveyed the island in 1812, found the remains of the works agreeing with Sauthier's drafts.[788]

Sauthier's draft of the conflict at Harlem Plains is reproduced in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1880. Later plans of the locality, drawn with reference to the landmarks of the battle, or interesting for comparison, are the map of 1814 in Valentine's _Manual_ (1856) and the large folding plan of the upper part of New York, with the modern streets, upon which, in colors, is superposed a draft of this action. This last is given, with an account of the fight, in Shannon's _N. Y. City Manual_, 1868, p. 812.[789] We may note some of the principal contemporary and later authorities on this action of Harlem Plains.[790]

The origin of the fire of Sept. 21st, by which a considerable part of New York was burned, has been a subject of dispute, the Tories charging it upon the Americans;[791] but later authorities, English as well as American, agree in not believing it the work of incendiaries. It is known that Washington advocated the burning of the city if evacuation became necessary, and Jones (i. p. 84) says committees of Congress had agreed upon it, but that body certainly in the end directed Washington to spare it (_Journals_, Sept. 3, 1776).[792]

A marks the position of Trinity Church; B, the City Hall Park; C, the Mortier house, the American headquarters; D, Badlam's fort; E, Spencer's fort; F, the redoubt on Jones's hill; G, Bayard Hill fort; H, Hospital. Fort Stirling, in Brooklyn, is at K. The figures represent the batteries and redoubts: 1, Grand battery; 2, Whitehall battery; 3, Waterbury's battery; 4, redoubts; 5, Grenadier battery; 6, Jersey battery; 7, McDougal's battery; 8, Oyster (?) battery. The other marks indicate the positions of barricades.

When the British, leaving Newtown Creek, on Long Island, landed at Kip's Bay, the shore batteries thereabouts were abandoned by the Americans. Scott, at L, retreated by the broken line (— — —), and crossed along Bowery Lane, the ground now covered by Union and Madison squares (shown by the dotted oblongs). Wadsworth and Douglas retreated from M and N respectively, back upon Parsons at P and Fellows at Q, and all pursued the Bloomingdale road, just skirting the southwesterly corner of the area now known as Central Park (the large dotted oblong E E). Meanwhile, the garrison of the town lines, under Putnam and Silliman, retreated by the road leading from Fort G towards Greenwich; and near Bloomingdale the several columns joined and pursued their march to the lines on the heights above Harlem. Parton (_Life of Burr_, 86) describes how Burr at this time led Knox's brigade successfully away from Bunker Hill. Howe, who had advanced from Kip's Bay, dallied at the Murray house at O, and so failed to intercept the fugitives. Chester (R) and Sargeant (S) also deserted the works at Horn's Hook, and, striking the Kingsbridge or post read, retreated through McGowan's Pass at T. Thus all, by one road or another, got within the lines on Harlem Heights. Farther on in the text this map will be again referred to, for later movements. Cf. map in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 491.]

The movement of Howe, which now forced Washington off New York Island and to a position at White Plains, is illustrated by a sketch of the "Sauthier-Faden plan", herewith given, and which may be explained by the annexed note[793] in connection with the special original sources,[794] and later historians.[795]

The reader may now revert to two outline maps already given, namely _Johnston's New York Island_ and the _Sauthier-Faden plan_, in order to follow the movements which led to the fall of Fort Washington, using the annexed descriptive key;[796] but the outline of the original sources of the fall of Fort Washington, as well as the later accounts, are much the same as for the earlier events of the campaign.[797]

A part of the map made by Claude Joseph Sauthier in 1774, by order of Gov. Tryon, and published by William Faden in London, Jan. 1, 1779, as a _Chorographical Map of the Province of New York in North America, Compiled from actual surveys deposited in the Patent Office at New York_. This section is reproduced from a reduction made in 1849 by David Vaughan, and published in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i., where Tryon's report on the province in 1774 is printed. There is a copy of the original in Harvard College library (portfolio 3520). It was the basis of the map _Carte des troubles de l'Amérique, par ordre du Chev. Tryon, par Sauthier et Ratzer, traduite de l'Anglais, à Paris, chez Le Rouge_, 1778, which is included in the _Atlas Amériquain_, no. 15. It was also followed in maps published at Augsburg in 1777, and at Nuremberg, 1778. There is another _Special Karte von den Brittischen Colonien in Nord America_, showing the New England and Middle colonies, published in Christian Leiste's _Beschreibung des Brittischen Amerika zur Ersparung der Englischen Karten_, Wolfenbüttel, 1778. An English map with a Swedish title, _Krigs Theatre in America_, is found in the _Beskrifning öfver de Engelska Colonierne i Nord America, 1776-1777_ (Stockholm, 1777). Sauthier's surveys also appear in _A map of the province of New York by Sauthier, to which is added New Jersey from the topographical observations of Sauthier and Ratzer_, 1776. Cf. also _A map of the provinces of New York and New Jersey ... from the topographical observations of Sauthier_, Lotter, 1777 (_Brit. Mus. Maps_, 1885, col. 3,666).

Sauthier's drafts may be compared with _A map of the province of New York with part of Pensilvania and New England from an actual survey by Captain Montresor, engineer, 1775_, which was published in London, June 10, 1775, by A. Dury, making four sheets, and was republished "with great improvements", April 1, 1777 (_Brit. Mus. Map Catal._, 1885, col. 2,969). It was reëngraved in Paris and published in 1777 by Le Rouge, separately, and as nos. 13 and 14 of the _Atlas Amériquain_ in 1778. Ithiel Town, in the preface of his _Particular services_, etc.,—now a scarce book, as only seventy copies escaped a fire,—speaks of his having obtained from a family near London maps of the American war, mostly about Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, made by Montresor, which were submitted to Marshall. There is a portrait and account of Montresor in Scull's _Evelyns in America_, 251.

Another important map is _The Provinces of New York and New Jersey with part of Pensilvania and the province of Quebec, drawn by Major Holland, Surveyor-General of the northern district in America, corrected and improved from the original materials by Govern^r, Pownall, Member of Parliament_. It was first published in London, June 15, 1775, and in a second edition, in 1776, there were added to it marginal maps of Amboy and the city and bay of New York. The _Brit. Mus. Map_, 1885, col. 2,969, shows the plates with different titles, dated 1775, 1776; also Frankfort, 1777, and London, 1777. Cf. the map in Mills's _Boundaries of Ontario_; the Evans map as reproduced by Jefferys, 1775 (see Vol. V. p. 85); the map in the _American Atlas_, and that of the country from the Chesapeake to the Connecticut, in the _Gent. Mag._, September, 1776.]

The letters of Washington and Greene are still the main source of information for the evacuation of Fort Lee, which at once followed.[798]

It may be well now to note some of the contemporary maps of the whole campaign, as indicating the extent and character of the geographical knowledge then current. The earliest of these is one which appeared in the supplement (p. 607) of the _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1776, and is called a _Map of the Progress of his Majesty's Armies_. Two of the American household manuals, _Low's Almanac_ (1776) and _Isaac Warren's Almanac_ (1777), had the same rude cut, a fac-simile of which, with the key, is shown below.

KEY: A, Gen. Washington's lines on New York Island; B, fort at Powles Hook; C, Bunker Hill, near New York; D, the Sound; E, Kingsbridge; F, Hell Gate; G, Fort Constitution [Washington]; H, Mount Washington; I, Governor's Island.]

A popular map (price one shilling) of _The Country twenty-five miles round New York, drawn by a gentleman from that City_, was also published in London, Jan. 1, 1777, by W. Hawkes, with a chronological table of events from Dec. 16, 1773, to Oct. 18, 1776.

Des Barres issued in London, Jan. 17, 1777, a large map, _Plan of the operations of the army and fleet of Admiral and Lord Howe near New York, 1776_,[799] and a more popular presentation of the same field was made in the _Political Mag._, vol. ii. p. 657. The earliest attempt at historical rendering, Capt. Hall's _History of the Civil War in America_ (London, 1780), was accompanied by a map, a portion of which is here given in fac-simile; and Gordon (ii. 310), a few years later, gave an eclectic map, made in the main from American data.[800]

(_Political Mag._)]

A, the landing of the British near Utrecht on Long Island, under cover of the "Phœnix", "Rose", and "Greyhound", with the "Thunder" and "Carcass" bombs, Aug. 22, 1776; B, pass at Flatbush and field of action where the rebels were defeated, Aug. 27th; C, British and Hessian encampment, Aug. 28th; D, encampments of the British army, Sept. 1st; E, embarkation of the British troops at Newtown Inlet, and then landing at New York Island, Sept. 15th; F, skirmish on Vanderwater's Height, the rebels retiring, Sept. 16th; G, route of British in boats to Frog's Neck, Oct. 12th; H, several corps of British troops in boats go to Pell's Point, Oct. 18th; I, skirmish, rebels routed, Oct. 18th. Then followed fighting at Mararo Neck (shown on the full map), the rebels retreating, Oct. 21st; on the road to Kingsbridge, Oct. 23d; again approaching White Plains, Oct. 28th; at Brunx's River, Oct. 28th; followed Nov. 1st by the rebel evacuation of their intrenchments near White Plains, and by Cornwallis's landing on the Jersey shore, Nov. 18th. Q, attack on Fort Washington, Nov. 16th; R, Fort Lee surprised, Nov. 20th.]

In giving detailed references for the several stages of the campaign, the letters from and to Washington have been a source of the first importance; and beside those given by Sparks in his printed works, there are others registered in the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxix.), the _Heath Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xliv.), not to name less important gatherings,[801] all of which form a general running commentary on events of the summer's and autumn's campaign, which could be further elucidated by the memoirs of Heath and Graydon, the lives of Reed and Greene, and by various diaries on both sides.[802]

A section of a large Hessian map in the library of Congress, _Plan général des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les Rebelles_, etc. The lines (·—·—) represent roads. KEY: "3, Marche du général de Heister et le camp qu'il occupa le 14^{me} Juin.—-S, Les batteries faites à Remsen's Mill à Hell Gate. T, Lieu du rendezvous donné aux troupes destinées à faire une descente sur York islande. U, Les vaisseaux de guerre postes pour proteger cette descente. V, Descente de l'armée sur York island. W, Position d'une partie de la première division après la descente. Y, Redoutes de l'armée devant son camp. Z, Où le général Howe, après avoir laissé le général Percy sur York island, debarqua et campa avec le général de Heister le 12^{me} Oct., 1776.—_a_, Descente du général Clinton à Pell's point le 18 Oct. _b_, Camp de l'armée depuis New Rochelle jusqu'à Pell's Point. _c_, Camp du général de Knyphausen après son arrivée avec la 2^{de} division des Troupes Hessoises le 23^{me} Oct. _d_, Marche de la colonne droite sous les ordres du général Clinton. _e_, Celle de la colonne gauche commandée par le général de Heister. _f_, Engagement du général de Heister avec l'enemis aux environs de White Plains [apparently not on the original map]. _g_, Position de l'enemis après sa retraite. _h_, Position de l'armée. _i_, Position des généraux Clinton et Heister à Dobbs' Ferry. _k_, Position de général Cornwallis à Courtland House. _m_, Campement de toute l'armée après que pleusieurs regiments laissés dans differents endroits par le général de Knyphausen l'eurent rejoints. _n_, La colonne droite du général de Knyphausen sous les ordres du Colonel Rall. _o_, Où le général Cornwallis se placa pour soutenir l'attaque du Fort Washington. _p_, Corps commandé par le général Matheu. _q_, Descente des troupes Angloises. _r_, Attaque du général Sterling vis-a-vis de Morris House. _s_, Batteries faites pour soutenir l'attaque. _t_, Batteries construites de l'autre coté du creek d'Harlem. _u_, Le fort du Washington avec ses lignes de defences. _v_, Attaque du général Percy."

There is among the Rochambeau maps (no. 24), measuring about 16 inches wide by 18 high, a map of the campaigns of 1776 and 1777, giving detail with considerable precision, and accompanied by a good key.]

=II.= THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN, 1776-1777.—Gates had taken command in Canada early in the summer of 1776, under instructions from Washington;[803] but as his army fell back within the department which had been assigned to Schuyler, questions of authority arose between them.[804]

The condition of the army during the summer is noted in Colonel Trumbull's _Autobiography_ (p. 302), and in General Gates's returns of September 22, 1776, in 5 _Force's American Archives_ (ii. 479).[805]

There is a list of armed vessels on Lake Champlain in 1776 in _Letters and Papers_, 1761-1776 (MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc.). Arnold received his instructions from Gates.[806]

Arnold's reports on the fight near Valcour's Island, Oct., 1776, are dated Oct. 12 (to Gates) and Oct. 15 (to Schuyler).[807]

Waterbury's account to Congress, Oct. 24, is in Dawson (i. p. 173) and in _Hadden's Journal_ (App.). Gen. Maxwell gave no very flattering account of Arnold's manœuvres in a letter from Ticonderoga, Oct. 20, in Sedgwick's _Livingston_ (p. 209).[808]

On the English side, Carleton's despatch, Oct. 14, and Capt. Pringle's, are in Dawson (pp. 174, 175). The Hanau artillerist Pausch covers the fight in his journal.[809]

KEY: A, schooner "Carleton." B, the "Royal Savage" on shore, and burnt on the 11th of October. C, the "Inflexible." D, schooner "Maria." E, gondola "Royal Convert. F, radeau Thunderer." G, Point au Sable is forty-eight miles from Crown Point. H, The French vessels sunk here in 1759.