Chapter IV: The Struggle for the Hudson (4)

The map of the action accompanying _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 23) is very similar to the Sparks map; and a marginal note says that the gunboats are from 30 to 36 feet long, and 10, 16, or 18 feet wide. Gen. Rogers thinks Hadden's map is based on Brassier, whose amended plate is in the _American Pocket Atlas_ (1776). Rogers objects to the view that Arnold's retreat was round the north end of Valcour's Island (instead of the route marked on the map), as has been maintained by Palmer in his _Lake Champlain_, and by W. C. Watson in the _Amer. Hist. Record_ (iii. 438, 501) and _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (June, 1881, vol. vi. p. 414).]

The earliest plan of this naval action seems to have been added to the then recently published plate of Lake Champlain, engraved after surveys by William Brassier, by order of Amherst, in 1762,[810] which, with Jackson's survey of Lake George, was published by Sayer and Bennett, in London, Aug. 5, 1776. Some copies of the map with the same date show the position of Arnold's fight of Oct. 11. The plate has been altered at that point, and it is this section of the map which Lossing copies in his _Field-Book_[811] (i. 163) and in his paper in _Harper's Monthly_ (vol. xxiii. p. 726). The annexed sketch is based upon a plan in the Sparks maps (Cornell University), kindly transmitted to the editor by the librarian.[812]

* * * * *

In the winter of 1776-77, Burgoyne had submitted to the government some "Thoughts for conducting the war from the side of Canada",—a paper which, barring some important changes, became the scheme of the summer's plans.[813]

The stages of the preparation in Canada can be followed in _Force's American Archives_; and references will be found in the _Index to MSS. in the British Museum_ (particularly under "Canada" and "Burgoyne", in those acquired 1854-1875).[814]

The records of the Germans are mentioned in Lowell's _Hessians_ (p. 117), and in the sources indicated by Mr. Lowell in another chapter of the present volume[815]

In the spring of 1777 St. Clair was designated for the command at Ticonderoga, the advanced post against the invasion of Burgoyne (_St. Clair Papers_). The light-headed Sullivan thought it unfair that he was not selected for the post (_Correspondence of the Rev._, i. 352). The British onset was appalling. James Lovell, in March, wrote, "It is plain that we must look forward for another summer's bloody work" (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1860, p. 9). Congress was emphasizing the stories of British brutality (_Journals of Congress_, ii. 97).

On May 22d Schuyler had been confirmed in his command of the Northern department, and Gates had gone to Philadelphia to lay his grievances before Congress (Lossing's _Schuyler_, ii.; Irving's _Washington_, iii.). Burgoyne (Fonblanque, App. E) was talking to his Indians in June, and two days later he made his famous proclamation to frighten or allure the country people. Fonblanque (p. 23) is not unmindful of its unworthy bombast, and Lecky (vi. 64) says it was "greatly and justly blamed."[816]

There will be occasion later to enumerate the maps illustrating the successive stages and conflicts of the campaign; but it may be well at this point to append in a note the principal maps of the entire movement of the British army, which cover also the field of its actions on both flanks.[817]

The most important source respecting the siege and evacuation of Ticonderoga is the _Proceedings of a General Court Martial, held at Whiteplains, N. Y., for the trial of Maj.-Gen. St. Clair, Aug. 25, 1778_ (Philad., 1778).[818] It was reprinted in the _Collections_ of the N. Y. Hist. Soc. in 1880. It includes various letters of Schuyler and St. Clair in June (pp. 14, 101, 121, etc.), the doings of the council of war, July 5th, which decided upon a retreat (p. 33), and the letters of St. Clair at Ticonderoga, and one to Hancock, July 14th, from Fort Edward (p. 69, etc.). Three days later, July 17th, St. Clair sent an account from Fort Edward to Washington, which, with the letter of Schuyler, likewise to Washington, is in Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 393, 400.[819] Much of this material is also included in the published _St. Clair Papers_.[820] Sparks had earlier added copies of some of the St. Clair papers to his Collection of Manuscripts.[821]

On the English side, Burgoyne's letters are in Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (p. 248), _Gent. Mag._, Aug., 1777, and Dawson's _Battles_. Anburey's _Travels_ (letter xxx.) throws some light.

For the effect of the evacuation on the country, see _Journals of Congress_, iv. 719; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 485, 488; _Diplomatic Correspondence of the Amer. Rev._, i. 315. The apprehension felt in the adjacent country is shown in letters of Ira Allen and others in the _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 632, 633, 643, 644, 648, 651.

We have some contemporary maps of Ticonderoga previous to and during the siege. In August, 1776, Colonel John Trumbull made a plan which is engraved in his _Autobiography_ (N. Y., 1841, p. 32),[822] and is reproduced herewith.[823] The map used at the trial of St. Clair is engraved in the _Proceedings_; and from a MS. copy made for Sparks, and now at Cornell University, the annexed sketch (p. 353) is drawn.

On the affair at Hubbardton, July 7th, the official accounts of St. Clair (July 14th) and Burgoyne (July 11th) are given in Dawson's _Battles_ (i. 224, 229, 231), and other contemporary accounts in the _Vermont Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 168, etc.[824]

In Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_ is a "plan of the action at Huberton under Brig.-Gen. Fraser, supported by Maj.-Gen. Riedesel, on the 7th July, 1777, drawn by P. Gerlach, engraved by Wm. Faden", and published at London, Feb. 1, 1780.[825] Three days later, Burgoyne (July 10) issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Vermont, and Schuyler (July 13) made a counter proclamation.[826]

* * * * *

The chief sources of documentary evidence regarding the movements in 1777 around Fort Stanwix are _5 Force's Archives_ (vols. i., ii., and iii.) and the Gansevoort Papers (copies in _Sparks MSS._, lx.), including a letter of Arnold, August 22, 1777, dated at German Flats, which Sparks has indorsed "evidently intended to be intercepted." On the American side, we have further Colonel Willet's letter[827] to Trumbull, Aug. 11th, in Dawson (i. 248); the account in the _Penna. Evening Post_, given in Moore's _Diary_ (i. 477); Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (pp. 204, 212); the _Journals of the New York Provincial Congress_ (vol. i.); and Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._ (ii. 578). Gordon gives some details from eye-witnesses, mainly through reports made to him by the Rev. Samuel Kirkland. Dwight picked up anecdotes about the battlefield in 1799, which he prints in his _Travels_ (vol. iii.). The best eclectic accounts are those by William L. Stone, father and son,—the elder giving us his _Life of Brant_ (i. ch. 10 and 11), and the younger, his _Orderly-book of Sir John Johnson during the Oriskany campaign, 1776-1777, annotated by William L. Stone. With an historical introduction illustrating the life of Sir John Johnson, by J. Watts De Peyster. And some tracings from the footprints of the tories or loyalists in America contributed by Theodorus Bailey Myers_ (Albany, 1882), being no. 11 of Munsell's historical series.[828] The younger Stone's labors took a wider range in that portion of his _Campaign of Lieutenant-Gen. John Burgoyne_ which is given to the expedition of St. Leger, though he followed in the main his father's _Life of Brant_. In the _Orderly-book_, just mentioned, however he modified some of his views.

There is rather too much of patriotic fervor for a discriminating analysis in a monograph, _The Battle of Oriskany, its place in History, an address at the Centennial Celebration, Aug. 6, 1877, by Ellis H. Roberts_ (Utica, 1877), but it is in most respects valuable and a convenient gathering of information, not otherwise found without much trouble, and is well fortified with notes.[829]

The principal English source is the account by St. Leger.[830]

To illustrate the movements near Fort Schuyler or Stanwix, we have the plan made by Fleury in Sept., 1777, which is engraved in Stone's _Life of Brant_, i. p. 230,—the essential portion of which is given herewith.[831]

KEY: A, old fort in very bad condition, wanting repair; could not be defended with less than 500 men. B, stone redoubt; about 200 men would defend it; overlooketh the line Y, opposite the Lake, in Fort Independence. C, block-house for 100 men. D, French redoubt upon the low ground for about 200 men, commanded by the opposite side. E, new breastwork for 200 men. F, new fleche for 100 men. G, new redoubt for 150 men. H, new redoubt for 100 men. I, redoubt upon the low ground for 250 men, commanded by the opposite side. K, Jersey redoubt upon the low ground for 300 men, commanded by the opposite side. L, redoubt upon the low ground for 100 men. M, redoubt upon the low ground for 100 men. N, French lines upon the high ground; overlooks all the works on Ticonderoga side; for 2,000 men and not less, considering the great length and importance of the place. O, P, Q, R, new works in addition to the French lines. S, high ground occupied by the enemy, and overlooks the French lines. T, Mount Hope; overlooks ground, S, occupied by the enemy. U, block-house burnt by the enemy. VV, high hill; overlooks Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. X, the bridge [and boom]. Y, line upon the low ground, commanded by the opposite side (B), for 800 men. Z, barbet battery.

1, sloops. 2, line only marked upon the ground. 3, picket-fort for 600 men. 4, block-house for 100 men. 5, 6, line with three new-made batteries for 1,500 men and not less. 7, block-house for 100 men. 8, battery made by the enemy. 9, road made by the enemy to cut off the communication from Mount Independence to Skenesborough.

The drawn plan in _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 83) speaks of the lines protecting Fort Independence on the land side as being made "of logs thrown up but not completed", from which a "path for cattle" led to Hubbardton. Mount Defiance is called "Sugar Loaf Hill." The English are represented as landing at the point marked "Camp", and the Germans on the opposite shore. Gen. Phillips took the position on Mount Hope. Lossing (_Field-Book_, i. 131) gives a view from the top of Mount Defiance. A description of the fortifications about Ticonderoga, from Riedesel's _Memoirs_, is in Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_ (p. 434).]

The position of the ground as shown by Fleury can be compared with that of a _Topographical map of the country between the Mohawk River and Wood Creek, from an actual survey taken in Nov., 1758_, which is engraved from the original MS. (in the N. Y. State library) in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (quarto ed. iv. p. 324), where will also be found (p. 327) a detailed plan of Fort Stanwix, as erected in 1758 (see Vol. V., p. 528).[832]

* * * * *

Respecting the action (Aug. 16th) at Bennington, General Lincoln sent the first accounts to Schuyler, who transmitted them to Washington (Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 425). Stark's letter to Gates, of Aug. 22d, is in Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (p. 209); _Vermont Hist. Coll._ (i. 206); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. 260). His letter of the same day to the Council of New Hampshire is in the _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 670. The papers of Stark were used by Sparks in copies in the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxxix.).[833]

There is in the Gates Papers (copies in _Sparks MSS._, xx.) an "account of the enemy's loss in the late action of the 16th Aug., 1777, near Bennington",—amounting to 991 killed, wounded, and prisoners; Hessians, Canadians, and Tories. American loss, killed, between twenty and thirty; wounded, not known.[834]

Burgoyne's original instructions to Baum are in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc.,[835] and are printed in their _Collections_ (vol. ii.).[836]

Letters of Baum and Burgoyne, Riedesel's report to the Duke of Brunswick, Breymann's report[837] to Burgoyne, and Burgoyne's reports to Germain, are in the _Documents in relation to the part taken by Vermont in resisting the invasion of Burgoyne_ (_Vt. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. i. pp. 198, 223, 225); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. 261-264); Eelking's _Riedesel_ (iii. 184, 210, 261). A long account by Glick, a German officer, is also in the _Vt. Hist. Coll._ (i. 211). On the jealousy of the British and Hessians, see a letter by Hagan in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (1864, p. 33).[838] An account "by a gentleman who was present" is copied from the _Penna. Evening Post_, Sept. 4th, in Moore's _Diary of the Rev._ (p. 479). A narrative by the Rev. Mr. Allen in the _Connecticut Courant_, Aug. 25th, is copied in Smith's _Pittsfield, Mass._[839]

KEY: A, Fort Schuyler. B, Flagstaff, 3 guns. C, Northwest, 4 guns. D, Northeast, 3 guns. E, Southeast, 4 guns. F, Powder magazine. G, Laboratory. H, Barracks. I, Hornwork begun. J, Drawbridge. K, Covered way. L, Glacis. M, Sally-port. N, Commandant's quarters. O, Willett's attack. The following are British batteries, etc. 1, three guns. 2, four mortars. 3, three guns. 4, redoubts to cover the batteries. 5, lines of approaches. 6, British encampment. 7, Loyalists. 8, Indians. 9, ruins of Fort Newport. There is a copy of the map made for Mr. Sparks among the Sparks Maps at Cornell University.]

The local aspects of the fight are touched upon in Hall's and other histories of Vermont,[840] and the general authorities necessarily enlarge more or less upon it, as an episode.[841] At the first anniversary of the Bennington fight, in 1778, a speech was made by Noah Smith, which was printed at Hartford in 1779, and is reprinted in the _Vermont Hist. Coll._ (i. p. 251). On Oct. 20, 1848, James D. Butler gave an address before the Legislature of Vermont, which "contained original testimonies of witnesses now long dead, and notes from papers since burned in the Vermont State House." When printed at Burlington, in 1849, it was accompanied by an address by George Frederick Houghton on the life and services of Col. Seth Warner.[842] The centennial observances of 1877 produced several memorials.[843]

Gen. Carrington (_Battles_, p. 334) gives one of the best plans of the Bennington fight. There is among the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxviii.) a sketch map, with this indorsement by Mr. Sparks: "Drawn by Mr. Hiland Hall, Bennington, Oct. 13, 1826. Very accurate. Ground examined by myself at the time." It shows the Walloomsack River (a branch of the Hoosick River) with the skirting road to Bennington, three times crossing the river. On this road, going up stream, are marked (in order) the beginning of the second action, the hill where the stand was attempted, the places where Breyman was met by Warner, where the cannon were posted in the first battle, and the line of Stark's advance.

In Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_ is a plan called "Position of the Detachment under Lieut.-Col. Baum, at Walmscook, near Bennington, shewing the attacks of the enemy on the 16th of August, 1777, drawn by Lieut. Durnford, engineer; engraved by Wm. Faden", and published at London, Feb. 1, 1780.[844]

* * * * *

Meanwhile Schuyler was gathering an army as best he could. In July he wrote to Heath that its spirits were recovering (_Heath Papers_, i. 300). The militia were called out early in August to assist him (_Journals of Congress_, ii. 214). W. L. Stone tells the story of Moses Harris, his faithful spy, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (ii. 414). The discontent with Schuyler on the part of the politicians was beginning to be shaped to party measures, and led to his being superseded in August by Gates, while a battle was imminent, as Schuyler thought.[845]

Bancroft (vol. ix.) does not hold Schuyler free from the responsibility of the ill success of the campaign up to this time; but he is controverted by G. W. Schuyler in his _Correspondence and Remarks upon Bancroft's History of the Northern Campaign_; by Lossing in his _Schuyler_; and by J. W. De Peyster in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (February, 1877, vol. i. 134).[846]

Burgoyne meanwhile (August 26) was writing to Germain that the campaign was looking badly, and the loyalists not as helpful as he hoped. The conflict which Schuyler thought impending took place September 19, and is variously known as the battle of Freeman's Farm, or Stillwater, or the first battle of Bemis's Heights. Gates had already appealed to the Green Mountain boys for assistance, as the records of the Vermont Council of Safety show (Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, 1870, no. 693). Gen. Glover's letters to James Warren during Aug. and Sept. are in the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xlvii.) and in Upham's _Glover_, and his account of the battle of the 19th is in _Essex Institute Hist. Coll._ (v. no. 3). Col. Varick's letter to Schuyler is in the _Sparks MSS._, lxvi. Wilkinson gives the best account of any participant (i. ch. 6), and his letter of Sept. 20 is in Dawson (i. 301). Gates's letter to Congress, Sept. 22, is also in Dawson (i. 301). Gordon gives the American loss.[847]

The question of Arnold's participancy in the battle of the 19th, while the left wing—his own command—was engaged, has been the subject of controversy.[848]

The attempt of an American force to cut Burgoyne's line of communications by the lakes is described in the "Fight at Diamond Island", Sept. 24, by De Costa, who gives the official report of Col. Brown (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1872, p. 147). These evidences come mainly from the Gates Papers, and are recapitulated in Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_ (App. 10).

Respecting the action of Oct. 7, the earliest official accounts are in Glover's letter of Oct. 9, and in Gates's to Congress, of Oct. 18,—both of which are reprinted by Dawson (i. 302, 303). James Wilkinson's letter of Oct. 9 is in the New York Archives, with various other letters of the campaign (_Sparks MSS._, no. xxix.). A letter of Oliver Wolcott from Bemis's Heights is in the _Trumbull MSS._ (vol. vii.). The lives of Arnold (by I. N. Arnold, ch. 10, etc.) indicate his important influence on the field, where he was wounded.[849]

On the action of Col. Brooks in the field see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (vii. 478). There is an account by Samuel Woodruff, an eye-witness, in the appendix of _An account of Burgoyne's Campaign and the memorable battles of Bemis's Heights, Sept. 19th, and October 7th, 1777, from the most authentic resources of information, including many incidents connected with the same_, by Charles Neilson (Albany, 1844).[850]

The story of Major Acland and Lady Acland has long been one of the romantic episodes of the campaign. The family account is given by W. L. Stone in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ 1877 (iv. 50), and Jan., 1880, and in _Lippincott's Mag._, Oct., 1879.[851]

The various stages of the negotiations which resulted in what is known as the "Convention" can be followed in the documents given in Fonblanque (p. 306); Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (pp. 304, 306, 317); Dawson (i. 303); Stedman's _Amer. War_; Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_ (p. 102); and O'Callaghan's _Orderly-Book of Burgoyne_. The original definitive articles are in the N. Y. Hist. Soc., and fac-similes of the signatures are in Lossing's _Field-Book_ (i. 79).[852]

Wilkinson carried the news of the surrender to Congress (Wilkinson's _Memoirs_; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 494). Gates describes his own success to his wife (Moore's _Diary_, 511). Chaplain Smith gives some details of the meeting of Gates and Burgoyne (_Chaplain Smith and the Baptists_, p. 222). There are reminiscences in Surgeon Meyrick's letter in Trumbull's _Autobiography_ (p. 301), and papers in _Pennsylvania Archives_ (vol. v.). Recollections of Gen. Ebenezer Mattoon, an actor in the scene as written out in 1835, are in the Appendix (no. 13) of Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_. The comment of Wm. Whipple is in _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 707. Burgoyne's letter from Albany, Oct. 20, to Germain is in his _State of the Expedition_.[853]

De Lancey (App. p. 674, to Jones's _New York during the Rev._) collates the authorities on the strength of the respective armies. Gates's returns of his army (11,098) are in the Gates MSS. Burgoyne, in his _State of the Expedition_, gives Gates's returns as 18,624,—the difference may be the number of sick and furloughed men. Burgoyne praised Gates's men after he had seen them (Fonblanque, 316). The numbers of Burgoyne's army are given in Appendix D in Fonblanque. The question is also examined in the App. of Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_. Gordon (_Amer. Rev._, ii. 578) gives the number surrendered at 5,791; but there is a great difference in the estimates. Alexander Scammell makes it 10,611 in _Letters and Papers, 1777-80_ (Mass. Hist. Soc. Cabinet). In the Stark MSS. is a table of Burgoyne's losses (14,000), covering the whole campaign, and put into verse (_Sparks MSS._, xxxix.).[854]

Respecting the campaign as a whole, the best contemporary accounts on the American side are found in the official correspondence as embraced in Sparks's _Washington_ (iv. 486, etc.) and _Correspondence of the Revolution_ (vol. ii., App.), and in the letters of the commanding generals.[855]

Various important letters are put in evidence in the _Proceedings of the general court martial for the trial of Maj.-Gen. Schuyler, Oct. 1, 1778_ (Philad., 1778).[856]

An account of Alexander Bryan, Gates's chief scout, is in the App. of Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_.

There are among the copies of the Lincoln Papers in the _Sparks MSS._ (xii.) various letters, etc., respecting the campaign against Burgoyne. The earliest is one from Gen. Schuyler to Lincoln, dated at Saratoga, July 31, 1777, and the last is one from Lincoln to Gov. Clinton, Oct. 5, 1777, expressing anxiety lest Putnam should not be able to resist Gen. Clinton, to whom Burgoyne in his straits was looking for relief.[857] At a later day Lincoln wrote a long letter from Boston, Feb. 5, 1781, to John Laurens, recounting his part in this campaign from the time of Gates's taking command to the date of Lincoln's being wounded, Oct. 8th (Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, ii. 533).

Various letters of Henry Brockholst Livingston during the Northern campaign of 1777 (June-Aug.), only parts of which are printed in Sedgwick's _Livingston_, are among the papers of Gov. William Livingston, which, when Sparks made his copies in 1832 (_Sparks MSS._, lii., vol. iii.) were in the possession of Theodore Sedgwick, Jr. Other letters will be found in the _Trumbull MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Soc.)[858]

The campaign of Burgoyne has necessarily made part of the labors of the general historians. Gordon and Ramsay were among the earliest, on the American, and Stedman (i. ch. 16) on the English side. Of the later writers, Bancroft gives it three chapters (21, 22, 24) in his original edition, and four in his final revision[859] (10, 11, 12, 13). Lowell finds it an important section of his history of the German auxiliaries (_Hessians_, p. 221, etc.). The lives of principal participants, like Arnold, Lincoln, Gates, and Schuyler on the American side, cover it.

A recent life of Morgan, _The Hero of Cowpens_, by Rebecca McConkey (N. Y., 1881), would claim for the Virginian the praise which is usually given to Arnold. The general surveys of Marshall (iii. ch. 5) and Irving (iii. ch. 9-22) brought it within the scope of their lives of Washington; and J. C. Hamilton's _Republic of the United States_ includes it. Local aspects are treated in Dunlap's _New York_; Holden's _Queensbury_ (p. 433); Hollister's _Connecticut_; Hinman's _Connecticut during the Revolution_ (p. 112); and Mrs. Bonney's _Historical Gleanings_ (i. 58). Robin's _New Travels_ (letter 12) gives the current accounts prevailing a little later.

The earliest considerable monographic narrative was Charles Neilson's _Original, Compiled and Corrected Account of Burgoyne's Campaign, and the Memorable Battle of Bemis's Heights, September 19, and October 7, 1777, from the most Authentic Sources of Information_, etc. (Albany, 1844).

The most devoted chronicler of the campaign, however, is the younger William L. Stone (b. 1835), who published _Reminiscences of Saratoga and Ballston_ in 1875, an article on "Burgoyne in a new light" in _The Galaxy_ (v. 78), and one on the campaign in _Harper's Monthly_ in 1877 (vol. lv. p. 673), and in the same year the most important work on the subject yet produced, _The Campaign of Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne and the Expedition of Lieutenant-Colonel Barry St. Leger_, which draws from every important help to the study of the military movements which had been so far brought to light. In the next year (1878), Mr. Stone prepared the _Memoir of the Centennial Celebration of Burgoyne's Surrender, Schuylerville, Oct. 17, 1875_. It included an historical address by Mr. Stone himself, others by Horatio Seymour and George William Curtis.[860]

The English later writers have been in the main fair in their statements. Mahon (vi. 191), while praising the army of Gates, denies him the merit of its successful conduct, giving it essentially to Stark and Arnold. The American student finds little to question in the unusually impartial narrative embodied in Edward Barrington De Fonblanque's _Political and Military episodes in the latter half of the Eighteenth Century, derived from the life and Correspondence of John Burgoyne_ (London, 1776).[861]

On the German side the main sources are Max von Eelking's _Die Deutschen Hülfstruppen im nord-amerikanischen Befreiungskriege, 1776-1783_ (Hannover, 1863,—2 vols.), who gives chapters 7 and 8 to this campaign; the same writer's _Leben und Wirken des Herzoglich-Braunschweig'schen_ _General-lieutenants Friedrich Adolph von Riedesel_ (Leipzig, 1856,—3 vols.) and _Generalin von Riedesel's Berufs-Reise nach Amerika_ (Berlin, 1801), both of which Riedesel memoirs have been translated by W. L. Stone.[862]

The succession of battles and movements preceding the final surrender of Burgoyne have been well mapped.[863]

* * * * *

NOTE.—The main British map of the attack of Clinton and Montgomery (Oct. 6, 1777) is one made by John Hills, and published in London by Faden, Jan., 1784, a portion of which, showing the detail, is annexed. The same map is used by Stedman (i. 362), and there is a reduction in the _Catal. of Hist. MSS. rel. to the War of the Rev._ (Albany, 1868, ii. 298), and in the illus. ed. of Irving's _Washington_, iii. 244. Cf. also the maps in Sparks's _Washington_ (v. 92); _Harper's Mag._, lii. 648; and in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 166. Original MS. drafts, showing the attack on the forts, made by Holland, by the Hessian Wangenheim, and by others, are among the Faden maps (nos. 70-73) in the library of Congress. Holland's surveys were followed in the plans of Montgomery and Clinton (1777) by Lieut. John Knight, of the Royal Navy.]

Respecting the diversion of Clinton in Burgoyne's favor, the letters of Putnam, whose business it was to hold the passes of the Hudson against the British, are in Sparks's _Washington_ (v. App. p. 471), and in his _Correspondence of the Revolution_ (i. 438; ii. App. 536, etc.), and in the _Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts_, no. 46.[864] Dawson, beside the despatch of Putnam to Washington on the capture, gives also George Clinton's to Washington (i. 341, 342).[865] Contemporary American accounts of the capture and of the burning of Kingston are in Moore's _Diary_ (p. 506, 510); and a narrative, by G. W. Pratt, of the Kingston episode is in the _Ulster Hist. Soc. Coll._ (i. 107).

On the British side, Sir Henry Clinton's despatches are in _Almon's Remembrancer_ (vol. v.), and that to Howe of Oct. 9th is in Dawson (i. 344), with one from Commodore Hotham to Howe (p. 346).[866]

The maps of the Hudson already enumerated are of use in the study of this movement.[867] Plans of intended works (1776) and obstructions in the river near Fort Montgomery are given in the _Calendar of Historical MSS. relating to the War of the Rev._ (Albany, 1868, vol. i. 474, 616),[868] and a MS. plan of William A. Patterson, first lieutenant, 15th reg., April 22, 1776, is in the _Heath MSS._, i. 246 (Mass. Hist. Soc.).

The correspondence of the committee of Congress with the commissioners in France, regarding the effect of the surrender of Burgoyne, is in _Diplomatic Correspondence_ (i. 338, 355). Cf. Stuart's _Jonathan Trumbull_. Jonathan Loring Austin, dispatched by the Massachusetts authorities, carried the first intelligence to France.[869] Schulenberg wrote to the commissioners from Berlin (_Diplom. Corresp._, ii. 120), and Izard replied (_Ibid._, ii. 370).[870]

Burgoyne sailed from Rhode Island for England in April, 1778.[871] On arriving, he had an early interview with Lord George Germain, but the king refused to see him. He appeared in Parliament,[872] where he had earlier been a firm but not bellicose upholder of the government,[873] on May 21st, and on the 26th and 28th made speeches in his own defence, which were published in London, June 16, 1778, as _The substance of General Burgoyne's speeches, ... with an appendix containing Gen. Washington's letter to Gen. Burgoyne_.[874]

The king, piqued at finding Burgoyne on the side of the opposition in Parliament, ordered him to return to his imprisoned troops, and, rather than go, the general resigned his civil and military offices, and printed an explanation in _A letter from Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to his constituents, with the correspondence between the secretaries of war and him, relative to his return to America_ (London, 1779).[875]

After the plan in Leake's _Life of Lamb_, p. 176. The legend in northwest corner of the map reads by error "Halt of the _right_ [should be _left_] column." Other eclectic maps are given in Sparks's _Washington_, v. 92; in Boynton's _West Point_; and in Carrington's _Battles_, p. 362.]

Lord George Germain, or, as some have thought, Sir John Dalrymple, published a _Reply to Lieutenant-General Burgoyne's letter to his constituents_[876] (London, 1779), pronouncing it a libel upon the king's government, and this was seconded by an anonymous _Letter to Lieutenant-General Burgoyne on his letter to his constituents_ (London, 1779).[877]

The further controversy over Burgoyne's failure includes the following publications:—

_A brief examination of the plan and conduct of the Northern expedition in America in 1777, and of the surrender of the army under the command of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne_ (London, 1779),—a severe attack.[878]

_An Enquiry into and remarks upon the Conduct of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne; the plan of operations for the campaign of 1777; the instructions from the Secretary of State, and the circumstances that led to the loss of the northern army_ (London, 1780).[879]

_Essay on modern martyrs, with a letter to General Burgoyne_ (London, 1780),[880]—charging him with being the personal cause of his own misfortunes.

In addition, there were some publications reviewing the conduct of Howe's as well as Burgoyne's campaigns in 1777, which will be noticed in another place.

Burgoyne's main defence against all these charges appeared in his _A State of the Expedition from Canada as laid before the House of Commons, with a collection of Authentic Documents, and an addition of many circumstances which were prevented from appearing before the House by the Prorogation of Parliament, written and collated by himself, with plans_ (London, 1780).[881] In his introduction Burgoyne says, that, being denied a professional examination of his conduct, and disappointed in a parliamentary one, he was induced to make this publication.[882]

This publication was followed by _A Supplement to the State of the Expedition from Canada, containing Gen. Burgoyne's Orders respecting the Principal Movements and Operations of the Army to the Raising of the Siege of Ticonderoga_ (London, 1780).[883]

Burgoyne was attacked in return in the following: _Remarks on General Burgoyne's State of the Expedition from Canada_ (London, 1780),[884] being a defence of the ministry, and holding that Burgoyne had forfeited all claims to pity. _A letter to Lieutenant-General Burgoyne occasioned by a second edition of his State of the Expedition, etc._ (London, 1780).[885] Fonblanque (ch. viii.) portrays the effect in England of the parliamentary inquiry. Cf. Macknight's _Burke_ (ch. 30). The Rev. Samuel Peters' reply to Burgoyne in the Appendix of Jones's _New York during the Revolutionary War_ (vol. i. p. 683).

The _Centennial Celebrations of the State of New York_ (Albany, 1879) gives the addresses of that period, by M. I. Townshend and John A. Stevens.[886]