Chapter V (3)

A section of a large map in the library of Congress, apparently of Hessian origin, _Plan général des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les Rebelles_, etc. The broken lines represent roads. The Americans are represented by blocks, half white and half black. The British are solid black. KEY: "76, Marche du Général Cornwallis. 77, Marche du Général Knyphausen le 23 Juin, et son camp près de Richardstown."]

Sketched from a _Plan of the Operations of General Washington against the king's troops in New Jersey, from the 26th of December, 1776, to the 3d January, 1777, by William Faden_. London, 15th April, 1777. This map also makes part of the _American Atlas_, and the original MS. draft is among the Faden maps in the library of Congress. The map (the roads being represented by broken lines) bears legends to the following purport: Washington from his headquarters at Newtown moved his men on the evening of December 25th to 1, and by 4 o'clock on the morning of the 26th he had crossed to 2, where he divided his army into two divisions. The left, composed of 1,200 men with ten field-pieces under Greene, but accompanied by Washington himself, proceeded through 3 towards Trenton; the right, under Sullivan, consisting of 1,500 men with ten field-pieces, went through 4. Meanwhile "Erwin's" and Cadwallader's forces came to 5, hoping to cross the ferry, but the ice in the river prevented. At 8 o'clock on the morning of the 26th, Rahl at Trenton was surprised, and the entire force of Hessians with him were captured except 200 men, who, with some chasseurs and dragoons, escaped to "Burdenton", where they net Count Donop, who now, joined by these fugitives, proceeded with his command to Crosswicks, thence to Allenstown and Princeton. Washington, after his victory, encamped at 6, where he was reinforced by troops from Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. On January 2d the position was this: Washington had been confronted at 7 by the advance of Cornwallis at 8. The second brigade of the British under Leslie was at Maidenhead, and Lieutenant-Colonel Mawhood, with the 17th, 40th, and 55th British regiments, was on the road at 10,—all these troops having moved forward from Princeton after Washington's attack at Trenton. During the night of January 2d, Washington having withdrawn his detachments over the bridge, left fires along the southern bank of the Assumpink Creek to deceive the British, and marched from his camp at 6 to Allenstown, then turned towards Princeton, but his force in part left the road, and by the dotted line proceeded to 9, and on the morning of Jan. 3d attacked Mawhood at 10. Of the three British regiments here, the 17th was driven upon Leslie at Maidenhead, while the 40th and 55th retreated through Princeton and Kingstown towards Brunswick, beyond 12. Washington followed them to Kingstown and encamped there on Jan. 3, after having broken down the bridge over the Millstone to interfere with Cornwallis's overtaking him. On Jan. 4 Washington took the road through 11 to the passes in the hills, while Cornwallis, reaching Kingstown the same day, proceeded through 12 towards Brunswick.]

Wiederhold's plan from the archives at Marburg, sketched from a fac-simile furnished by Mr. E. J. Lowell. (Cf. his _Hessians_, 92.) _A_ marks the centre of the village. The Hessian outposts were at _B_, one officer and 24 men; _C_, Captain Altenbocum's company of the Lossberg regiment, quartered in the neighborhood, which formed in front of the captain's quarters, while the picket at _B_ occupied the enemy; _D_, one captain, one officer, and 75 men; _E_, one officer and 50 Jägers, who retreated over the bridge on Sullivan's approach; _F_, one officer and 30 men, who joined Donop over the Bordentown road. The two columns of Washington and Sullivan emerged from the woods at _G G_. The broken lines (— — — —) indicate their line of march and successive positions, till they surrounded the Hessians. The beginning of the dotted lines (. . . . .) in the village shows where the Hessians attempted to form; but Rahl and Lossberg were driven back to _H_, and Knyphausen to _J_, and surrounded they surrendered. Knyphausen endeavored to reach the bridge, having with him the Lossberg cannon, which got stuck in the marsh at _K_, and the delay in extricating them was sufficient for Sullivan to occupy the bridge and cut off Knyphausen's retreat. His own cannon were at _M_, and were not used. Rahl's cannon were at _N_, and early dismounted. The Americans used cannon at _s s s_, etc. There is also among the Rochambeau maps (no. 18) a map done in faint colors, with an elaborate key, which is marked _Engagement de Trenton_, by Wiederhold, measuring about eight inches wide by ten high. A French plan is given in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1880, p. 369. Cf. map in Raum's _Trenton_; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 228 (with Rahl's headquarters, p. 228, and a view, p. 222). Carrington's special map of Trenton (p. 278) gives more detail than the contemporary plans.]

Bancroft (ix. 217; cf. Irving, ii. 466) notes the Hessian journals which he had used.[900]

The affair at Princeton has special treatment in the Washington papers (Sparks, iv. 259; Dawson, i. 204), and is necessarily covered by the general historians.[901] On the English side Howe's letter (Jan. 5, 1777) to Germain is the principal source, and it will be found in _Gent. Mag._, Feb., 1777; C. C. Haven's _Thirty days_, 60; Dawson, i. 210. Cf. Mahon, vi. 132.[902]

Sullivan delayed at F to give Washington a chance to make his longer detour by A before he (Sullivan) advanced by D. Washington attacked at B, and threw out riflemen at G and H. Rahl, deserted by a part of his force, who fled to Donop at Bordentown, surrendered at I, when he became aware of Sullivan's approach behind him.

Wilkinson also gives a map showing the movements between Dec. 25, 1776, and Jan. 3, 1777, and this is the basis of the map in C. C. Haven's _New Historic Manual concerning the battles of Trenton and Princeton_ (Trenton, 1871).]

The advance, with which Wilkinson was, came by G to the vicinity of the wood A and Quaker meeting-house B. The main column turned off and followed the line _b_. Gen. Mercer proceeded to _f_. A detachment of the British at _d_, with officers reconnoitring at _a a_, discovered the American line on the route _h_; but coming to _g_, they also discovered Mercer at _f_, who wheeled by the line _c_, and gaining the orchard of Wm. Clark's house (5) confronted at 1—2 the British detachment now formed at 3—4. The Americans retreated when the British advanced to the slope (_o o o_), where they saw Moulder's battery, X, near Thomas Clark's house (7), which Washington had sent from his main line at _h_, together with other troops by the line _r r_, which induced the British to retreat on the line _e e_, while Mawhood, their commander, fled with a few infantry by the line, _s s_. At this juncture another British regiment, which had advanced from Princeton to C, fell back, and joining other troops took post at K and C, where they confronted Washington's main body, which now deployed at _i i_; and as the Americans attacked, the British fled to the college building (P), and then beyond by the route _t t_. Cf. plan in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 235. Carrington's plan of Princeton (p. 278) gives further details from later study.]

A map in Captain Hall's _Hist. of the Civil War in America_ (London, 1780), vol. i.]

Howe's campaign of 1777 was the ruin of his military reputation.[903] Jones, in his severe criticism upon Howe, unjustly charges Galloway with making the suggestion of the expedition to the Head of Elk.[904] It is certain that Galloway threw himself upon Howe's protection not far from the time when Howe committed himself to a plan of capturing Philadelphia. About the same time it has been charged that General Lee, by a treasonable project, aided Howe's purposes in the same direction.

From Galloway's _Letters to a Nobleman_, London, 1779. KEY: _A_, the British army before the battle of Brandywine. _B_, Gen. Knyphausen's advance to the attack. _C_, Lord Cornwallis having turned the right wing of the rebel army. _D_, Sullivan advanced to oppose him. _E_, position of the rebel army. _F_, General Howe's quarters, in which he remained five days after the rebel defeat. _a a a_, Washington's retreat to Chester and Philadelphia. _G_, his camp at Chester, where he remained fourteen hours after the battle. The roads with the zigzag mark show those by which the rebels might have been intercepted after the battle. _H_, Washington's flight after the skirmish at Goshen. _I_, Washington's retreat when Sir Wm. Howe crossed the Schuylkill. _K_, Washington's camp, whence he marched to surprise the British army at Germantown, and to which he retreated after the battle. _L_, Washington's camp at Whitemarsh. (For his headquarters see Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 321, and his _Mary and Martha Washington_, p. 162.) _M_, the first position of the British. _N_, the second. _O, O, O_, where Washington's camp might have been attacked with advantage. _P_, British camp at Germantown. The line ——— denotes marches of the British army; the line of dots . . . . . . . . the marches of the rebel army. _Q_, Washington's lines at Valley Forge in the winter 1777. _R, R, R, R, R_, positions which might have been taken to besiege or assault the rebel quarters. _S_, the bridge. This map is also reproduced in _The Evelyns in America_, p. 252.

The principal contemporary engraved maps of this part of the country were the 1770 edition of Scull's _Map of Pennsylvania_ (see Vol. V. p. 240), which was at this time included in the _American Atlas_ (London, 1776), and the _Atlas Amériquain_ (Paris, 1777), and Pownall's edition, 1776, of Evans's _Map of the Middle Colonies_ (see Vol. V. p. 85), as well as Jefferys' edition, 1775, of the same, not so accurate. To these might be added Montresor's _Province of New York and Pennsylvania, 1777_; Mellish and Tanner's _Seat of War in America_; Faden's map of July 1, 1778, given in fac-simile in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 285; the maps in the _Gentleman's Mag._, 1776 and 1777; Almon's _Seat of War in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 1777_. A modern map, covering the same field to illustrate the campaign, is given in Theodore W. Bean's _Washington at Valley Forge one hundred years ago_, and is repeated, with a few changes, in _Proceedings at the Dedication of the Paoli Monument_ (Westchester, 1877). The contemporary French maps are Du Chesnoy's _Théâtre de la Guerre_, 1775-1778, Beaurain's _Carte pour servir à l'intelligence de la guerre_ (Paris, 1777), Brion de la Tour's _Théâtre de la Guerre_ (Paris, 1777), with another by Phelippeaux "pour servir de suite", and Bourgoin's _Théâtre de la Guerre_ (Paris). There is a German map in the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_. There is in the Maryland Hist. Soc. library a map of stage routes between Baltimore and New York, showing the operations of the British from Elk River (1777) to Neversink (1778). (Lewis Mayer's _Catal. of MSS. etc., in Maryland Hist. Soc._, 1854.)

Cf. also the maps in Sparks's _Washington_, v. 66; Moore's _Diary of the Revolution_, orig. ed., 495; _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser. vol. iii.; Moorsom's _Fifty-second Regiment_; Hamilton's _Coldstream Guards_; Carrington's _Battles_, p. 398.]

George H. Moore laid before the N. Y. Hist. Soc., in June, 1859, the document in Lee's handwriting, dated March 29, 1777, while he was a prisoner in New York, in which he sketches a plan for Howe's guidance in the coming campaign. The "plan" in fac-simile, together with an elucidation of it, was printed in Moore's _Treason of Charles Lee_, New York, 1860. The "plan" is also in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1872, p. 361. Lee was at that time trying to induce Congress to send commissioners to New York to confer with him (Bancroft, ix. ch. 19), but Congress was not ensnared. Moore contends (p. 84) that the "plan" is responsible for Howe turning towards Philadelphia, instead of going north to help Burgoyne. Bancroft (ix. 333; also see p. 211) asserts that it could have had no influence on Howe's movements.[905]

Lecky quotes Galloway's testimony, that of the 66,000 men voted by Congress for this campaign, hardly 16,000 were in the field. Bancroft admits that no one better than Marshall (iii. ch. 3) has described the part of Washington in this campaign.[906]

At the opening of the campaign Washington was kept long in suspense as to the purpose of Howe. The eastern people feared his object was Boston.[907] Alexander Hamilton early in the season had become Washington's aide, and his letters at once begin to contain speculations on Howe's purpose (_Works_, Lodge's ed., vii. 481, 496, 500). On May 28th, Washington moved his headquarters from Morristown[908] to Middlebrook, and it was thought Howe would attempt to march direct for Philadelphia. On June 12th, Sullivan writes to Weare that Howe was to be confronted the next day (_N. H. State Papers_, viii. 584); and when it was known that Howe was retiring towards New York, Washington, June 23d, little credited a report, then prevalent, that the British army was panic-struck (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vii. 138).[909] Cf., for all these movements, Montresor's _Journal_.

From _The Impartial Hist. of the War in America_.]

In July, when news came of the fall of Ticonderoga, there were no signs that Howe was preparing to coöperate with Burgoyne, and Hamilton wondered (_Works_, vii. 507, 515). When Howe sailed from New York, Washington was in suspense.[910] On July 31st, it was learned that Howe's fleet was at the capes of Delaware, and the next day the vessels had disappeared.[911] It was now supposed that Howe had gone to Charleston, S. C., and that Washington might safely reinforce the Northern army (_Hamilton's Works_, vii. 517). Lafayette first took his seat at a council of war called to consider the propriety of this (Sparks's _Washington_, v. 445).

In August, 1777, Gen. Sullivan conducted a raid into Staten Island to seize Tories. He captured some papers which implicated the Philadelphia Quakers in inimical movements. (Cf. _Journals of Congress_, ii. 246, 253.) In other respects the incursion was unfortunate, and his movements were examined by a court of inquiry, which acquitted him.[912]

Howe had been six weeks at sea, with three weeks' provisions, when he landed at the Head of Elk.[913]

Upon Washington's march to confront Howe, see, for the preliminary movements, William J. Buck's paper on "Washington's Head Quarters on the Neshaminy", in the _Penna. Mag. Hist._, i. 275.[914]

From Andrews's _Hist. of the War_, London, 1785, vol. i. It is reëngraved in Gay's _Pop. Hist. U.S._, iii. 412. Cf. engraving in Irving's _Washington_, illus. ed., New York, 1857, ii. Sargent gives a clever presentation of the character of Howe in his _André_, p. 136.]

Upon the battle on the Brandywine the main American source is the letters of Washington. With Washington's aid, R. H. Harrison wrote to Congress from Chad's Ford, Sept. 11th, at 5 P. M., a letter which was at once circulated in broadside (Sabin, iii. p. 463; Hildeburn, no. 3,533). Pickering drafted for the commander-in-chief the report (_Life of T. Pickering_, i. 157) written at Chester, at midnight, September 11th (Sparks, i. 251; v. 58; Dawson, i. 278). Hamilton was on Washington's staff (J. C. Hamilton's _Life of Hamilton_). C. C. Pinckney, also on the staff, wrote a letter in 1820 (_Hist. Mag._, July, 1866, x. 202). Marshall, as a participant, drew somewhat upon personal experience in his account in the _Life of Washington_. Lafayette's narrative, as given to Sparks, is in the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xxxii. Cf. also Lafayette's _Mémoires_). There is a journal of Capt. William Beatty, of the Maryland line, in the _Hist. Mag._, 2d. ser., i. 79. Sparks examines some of the disputed points of the battle.[915]

There are contemporary records and opinions in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., x. 316; the letter of the N. H. delegates in Congress in _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 678; current reports in Moore's _Diary_, 495; gossip in Adams's _Familiar Letters_, 296, etc.; Knox's account (Sept. 13th) in Drake's _Knox_, 48.[916]

On the British side, we find Howe's report, Oct. 10th, to Germain in Almon, v. 409; Dawson, i. 281. Cf. the evidence before Parliament in the _Conduct of the War_ and the narrative in Stedman.[917]

The Hessian participancy is examined in Lowell's _Hessians_, 197. Bancroft quotes Ewald's _Beyspiele grosser Helden_ as the testimony of an eye-witness of Washington's well-conducted retreat.[918]

A portion of the British troops used breech-loaders.[919]

The movements of the opposing armies toward Philadelphia can be followed in the main in the authorities cited for the battle. Some local details are in Pennypacker's _Phœnixville_, and an account of the damage done by the British on the march is in Smith's _Delaware County_ (p. 544).

For the Paoli attack, we have Wayne's defence at the court-martial in Dawson, i. 315, and in the _One hundredth anniversary of the Paoli massacre_, p. 52, which last contains also, beside sundry contemporary records, the addresses of J. S. Futhey (also in _Penna. Mag. Hist._, i. 285) and Wayne McVeagh. The report of Howe to Germain is in Dawson, i. 317.[920]

On Sept. 26th, Washington described the state of the army, then at Potsgrove (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 461). He was foiled by a rain in an effort to hold the British once more at bay, and Howe entered Philadelphia.[921]

NOTE TO THE OPPOSITE MAP.—Washington's map of the Brandywine campaign, on the opposite page, is reduced from a tracing of the original in the possession of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. The legends upon it in Washington's handwriting are noted in the following key by letters, while those of the surveyor are given by figures. At one end of the map is the following inscription: "Laid down at 200 p^s in an Inch, the 27^{th} day of August, An. Dom^i 1777. P^r Jais. Broom, Surv^r. N. Castle Co^y." At the other end is the following table:—

"_m._ _q._ _p^s._
From Chester County to Brandywine 7 0 21
From Brandywine to New Castle 6 1 19
From New Castle to Red Lyon 7 1 0
From Red Lyon to St. George 3 2 46
From St. George to Cantwell's Bridge 7 0 60
From Cantwell's to Blackbird 5 2 70
—— — ——
37 0 56

From Chester County to Brandywine 7 0 21
From Brandywine to Newport 4 0 79
From Newport to Bridgetown 5 0 12
From Bridgetown to Red Lyon 4 0 19
From Red Lyon to Harris Inn 5 2 51
From Harris Inn to Witherspoon's 6 1 44
From Witherspoon's to Blackbird 6 1 42
—— — ——
38 3 28

From New Castle to Christiana Bridge 4 3 45"

KEY: A, Chandler Ford, very good, but very broken ground and narrow defiles on the Et. side. B, Fording place by Thomas Gibson's. C, To Gibson's Ford. D, Road leading to Kennet's Square. E, Road leading towards Red Clay Creek. F, Hendrickson's Tavern. G, Richland fording place. H, Tavern. I, Smith's Store. J, James Walker. K, Mill Town. L, Rising Sun Tavern.

1, The Bottom Road, passing Brandywine at Chad's Ford (18). 2, Newlin's. 3, The line dividing the counties of Chester and Newcastle. [This is the curved northern boundary of Delaware.] 4, Gibson's Mill. 5, Gibson's Ford. The Center Road [runs to F]. 6, Kennet Meeting-house. 7, Clark's Inn. 8 [to 7 and beyond], The Road leading from Wilmington to Kennet's. 9, Naaman's Creek. 10, Grubb's Inn. Grubb's Road [leads from 10 to 5]. 11, The Road leading from Wilmington to Chester. 12, Shelpot Creek. 13, Foulk's Road. 14, The Concord Road. 15, Brandywine Creek. This creek, except the fording place, impassable. 16, Bridge. 17, M'Kim's [?] Mill. 18, Chad's Ford. 19, 20, Delaware River. 21, Wm. Miller's Mill. 22, Red Clay Creek. 23, Christiana River. 24, The Borough of Wilmington. 25, The Road leading from Wilmington towards Lancaster. 26, Mill Creek. 27, Bridge. 28, The Road leading from Wilmington to Newcastle. 29, Ferry. 30, Newport. 31, The Road leading from Newport towards Lancaster with bridge at 32. 33, The Lancaster Road. 34, Mill creek. 35, Bridge. 36 [to 46], White Clay Creek. 37, New Castle. 38, The Road leading from N. Castle to Christiana Bridge. 39, Bridge [Christiana]. 40, Hamburgh. 41, [The Road] to the Red Lyon. 42, The Road leading from New Castle to the Elk River. 43, The Road leading from Christiana Bridge to Elk River. 44, Ogle Town. 45, The Road leading from Ogletown to the Head of Elk. 46, Mill of Capt. Black's. 47, 48, [Shaded space showing where the original is worn through]. 49, Newark. 50, The Road to Johnson Ferry on Susquehanna. 51, [Road to Nottingham]. 52, Iron Hill. 53, The Road leading from Red Lyon to Black Bird Creek. 54, St. George's Creek. 55, Mill Pond. 56, Trap [?] 57, Drawyer's Creek. 58, Appoquinimink Creek. 59, Cantwell's Bridge. 60, Witherspoon's. 61, Part of Bohemia. 62, The upper Road leading from Red Lyon to Blackbird Creek. 63, Clemon Mill. 64, Elk. 65, Part of Elk River. 66, Joseph Gilpin's. 67, Harris Inn. 68, The Road leading towards Bohemia.]

Sullivan, with the charge of inefficiency for Brandywine still hanging over him, was the first to encounter the outposts of the British at Chestnut Hill, when he opened the day of Germantown. His letter (Oct. 25th) addressed to the president of New Hampshire was first printed by Sparks.[922]

Washington's letters to Congress and others are of the first importance.[923]

In Timothy Pickering's _Life_ (i. 166) there is an account of the battle from his journal, which sustains the positions taken by Pickering in 1826,—though he does not refer to it at that time,—in the controversy which was waged by him and Sparks with Johnson, the author of the _Life of Greene_.[924]

Sketched from a large MS. Hessian map in the library of Congress, _Plan générale des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les Rebelles_, etc. KEY: "19, Marche de l'armée pour New Gardens. 22, Marche du général Knyphausen pour Kennet Square, 9 Sept. 24, Camp que l'armée occupa aux environs de Kennet Square. 26, Marche du général Cornwallis vers le Brandywine. 30, Première position du Gen. Cornwallis. 31, 2me position de ce général. 32, Attaque de ce général. 33, Position des enemis. 34, Retraite des enemis. 38, Marche du corps detaché à Wilmington. 57, Marche du corps detaché à Wilmington pour Philadelphia le 16 Oct." The lines (·–·–) represent roads.

The published plans of Brandywine are the following: In the _Examination of Joseph Galloway and letters on the Conduct of the war_. In Sparks's _Washington_, v. 58. Cf. also Duer's _Stirling_, ii.; Irving's _Washington_, iii. 190. In Marshall's _Washington_, vol. v. Sketch by J. S. Bowen and J. S. Futhey in _Penna. Hist. Soc. Bull._, i. no. 7 (1846). In _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., x. 316; Carrington's _Battles_, p. 382; Hamilton's _Grenadier Guards_, ii.; Lowell's _Hessians_, 198; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 377 (with views of the ground, 378, 379).

There are among the Faden maps (nos. 78, 79) in the library of Congress a careful topographical drawing of the battle of Brandywine, and a corrected proof of the map as published by Faden in 1778. There are among the Faden maps (nos. 80, 80½) plans, by the Hessian Wangenheim, of the camp at Wilmington to cover the British hospitals after the fight at Brandywine, and a map of the positions of the army in the action of Sept. 19th, as well as Cornwallis's march in November to Philadelphia.]

Of the writers near the event, Gordon drew from original sources; Marshall was an actor in the scenes; and there are accounts in Wilkinson, i. 353, 359, 361. G. W. P. Custis's _Recollections_, ch. 4, and the later writers need to be consulted.[925]

On the English side, Howe's despatch to Germain is in Dawson (i. 330). The letter of a British officer, dated Philadelphia, Oct. 19, 1777 (London Chronicle, Jan. 3-6, 1778), is reprinted in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, April, 1887, p. 112.[926]

Sketched from a portion of a MS. Hessian map in the library of Congress, called _Plan générale des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les Rebelles_, etc. The lines ·–·– represent roads.

KEY: "41, marche du général Knyphausen et son camp le 18^{me}; 42, marche du général Cornwallis le même jour; 43, camp du corps près de Valley Forge; 44, corps des Rebelles surpris par le général Grey le 21^{me}; 45, camp et marche du général Knyphausen le 21^{me}; 46, marche de l'armée par le Schuylkill près de Valley Forge, et le camp qu'elle occupa le 23^{me} près de Norris Town House." The British are shown in solid black blocks, the Americans in black and white.]

NOTE.—This map is a fac-simile from one of Faden's maps. There is among the copies of the Lafayette maps in the Sparks collection at Cornell University one of the _British Camp at Trudruffrin, from the 13th to the 21st of September, with the attack made by Major-General Grey against the Rebels near White Horse tavern on the 20th of September_. This is merely a transcript of the Faden map, of which there is a fac-simile in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 285. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., x. 316. The MS. of Faden's maps is among the Faden maps in the library of Congress (no. 81). There is a view of the Paoli monument in Scharf and Westcott's _Philad._, i. 349, and in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 372.]

Cf. the maps in Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 353, and in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 375.]

The seaward defence of Philadelphia depended on the forts Mercer and Mifflin, on the _chevaux-de-frise_ in the river, and on the Pennsylvania navy. Howe's first attempt, in October, to get his shipping up to support his army failed.[927]

NOTE.—This map is sketched after an original in Harvard College library. There is a duplicate, evidently made by the same hand, among the Peter Force maps, in the library of Congress. The map was engraved and published in London. There is a map published by Faden in London, March 12, 1784, which is not trustworthy, however, as to roads, which was called _Sketch of the Surprise of Germantown by the American forces commanded by General Washington, Oct. 4, 1777, by J_[ohn] _Hills, Lt. 23d Reg._

Other published maps are the following: in Johnson's _Greene_, i. 80 (showing three stages); Sparks's _Washington_, v. 86 (also in Duer's _Stirling_, ii. 177; Irving's illustrated _Washington_, iii. 286; Guizot's _Atlas_); Carrington's _Battles_, 392; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 314; Scharf and Westcott's _Philad._, i. 354; _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., xi. 188; _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 368.

For views of the Chew House, see Day's _Hist. Coll. of Penna._, 492; Scharf and Westcott's _Philad._, i. 356; Egle's _Penna._, 178; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 514; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (March, 1880), iv. 192.

The following are the main portions of Howe's despatch to Lord George Germain, dated at Germantown, Oct. 10, 1777: "The enemy marched at six o'clock in the evening of the third from their camp near Skippach Creek, about sixteen miles from Germantown. This village forms one continued street for two miles, which the line of the encampment, in the position the army then occupied, crossed at right angles, near a mile from the head of it, where the second battalion of light infantry and the fortieth regiment were posted. At three o'clock in the morning of the fourth, the patrols discovered the enemy's approach, and the army was immediately ordered under arms. Soon after the break of day the enemy began their attack upon the second light infantry, which they sustained for a considerable time, supported by the fortieth regiment; but at length being overpowered by increasing numbers, the light infantry and a part of the fortieth retired into the village, when Lieutenant-Colonel Mulgrave with six companies of the latter corps threw themselves into a large stone house [Chew's], which, though surrounded by a brigade, and attacked by four pieces of cannon, he most gallantly defended, until Major-General Grey, at the head of three battalions of the third brigade, turning his front to the village, and Brigadier-General Agnew, who covered Major-General Grey's left with the fourth brigade, by a vigorous attack repulsed the enemy with great slaughter. The fifth and fifty-fifth regiments from the right, engaging them at the same on the other side of the village, completed the defeat of the enemy in this quarter. The regiments of Du Corps and Donop being formed to support the left of the fourth brigade and one battalion of the Hessian grenadiers in the rear of the Chasseurs, were not engaged. The precipitate flight of the enemy preventing the two first corps from entering into action, and the success of the Chasseurs in repelling all efforts against them on that side, did not call for the support of the latter. The first light infantry and the pickets of the line in front of the right wing were engaged soon after the attack began upon the head of the village. The pickets were obliged to fall back, but the light infantry, being well supported by the fourth regiment, sustained the enemy's attack with such determined bravery that they could not make the least impression on them.

"Two columns of the enemy were opposite to the guards, twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth regiments, who formed the right of the line. Major-General Grant, who was upon the right, moved up the forty-ninth regiment about the time that Major-General Grey had forced the enemy in the village, and then advancing with the right wing, the enemy's left gave way, and was pursued through a strong country between four and five miles.

"Lord Cornwallis, being early apprised, at Philadelphia, of the enemy's approach, put in motion the two battalions of the British and one of the Hessian grenadiers, with a squadron of dragoons, and his lordship getting to Germantown just as the enemy had been forced out of the village, he joined Major-General Grey, when, placing himself at the head of the troops, he followed the enemy eight miles on the Skippach road; but such was the expedition with which they fled, he was not able to overtake them. The grenadiers from Philadelphia, who, full of ardor, had run most of the way to Germantown, could not arrive in time to join in the action."]

Sketched from a part of a large map in the library of Congress, evidently of Hessian origin,—_Plan générale des opérations de l'armée Britannique contre les Rebelles_, etc. (August, 1776 to 1779). From the Renvoy the interpretation of the following numbers is taken: "40, marche du général Cornwallis le 16^{me}; 47, marche du général de Knyphausen vers Germantown et le camp qu'il occupa le 23^{me} près de ce village; 48, marche du général Cornwallis vers Germantown et son camp près de village; 50, campment de l'armée aux environs de Germantown; 51, emplacement des enemies et leur attaque; 52, la maison deffendue par le Colonel Musgrave avec un partie du 40^{me} regiment; 54, retraite de l'enemie." The lines (·–·–) mark the roads.]

The _chevaux-de-frise_ at Billingsport was laid by Robert Whyte, who went subsequently over the enemy, and he is charged with placing it purposely in a defective manner. Wallace (p. 228, with plans, p. 134), who examines the evidence, seems to think the charge is proved. Respecting the share of the navy in the defence of the river, the principal sources are the minutes of the naval board, etc., in _2 Penna. Archives_, vol. i., and other papers in iv. 748. An examination of this defence is made in Wallace, p. 130, etc.[928]

This view of the house occupied by Howe and Washington as headquarters is taken from a painting in the Penna. Hist. Society. It is a rear view of the building. There is in the same collection a pen-and-ink sketch by Joseph Pennell. The position of the house can be seen in the map on another page, called "Approaches to Germantown." Howe occupied it at the time of the battle of Germantown. Cf. Scharf and Westcott, p. 871.]

Sketched from an adaptation of Faden's _Course of the Delaware river from Philadelphia to Chester, exhibiting the several works erected by the rebels to defend its passage, with the attacks made upon them by his majesty's land and sea forces, engraved by Wm. Faden, 1778_, which is given in Wallace's _Col. Wm. Bradford_, p. 228.

KEY: 1, Lord Howe in the "Eagle", with the "Apollo" and transports; 2, the "Camille" and "Zebra;" 3, the "Vigilant" and "Fury", which moved up by the dotted line to a position in the channel between Mud Island and Carpenter's Island, to attack Fort Mifflin, on Mud Island; 4, the "Experiment" and transports, below the "lower stackadoes" (shown by the zigzag line) through which there was a passage of seventeen feet near the fort at "Billingport", which was abandoned to Lt.-Col. Stirling, Oct. 1st; 5, camp on Nov. 18th; 6, wreck of "Merlin;" 7, the "Augusta" blown up; at these points (6 and 7) were the other British vessels, "Somerset", "Isis", "Roebuck", "Pearl", "Liverpool", "Cornwallis's galley",—some attacking Fort Mifflin, others engaging the American fleet at 8, others the battery of two 18-pounders and two 9-pounders at 10; the house of Tench Frances is between this battery and Manto Creek; 8, between the American fleet at this point and Mud Island is the "upper stackadoes" (shown by the zigzags); 9, the nearer of the two islands off Fort Mercer is Woodberry Island, and the other is Red Bank Island. These two islands have since disappeared. The rest of the American fleet was at this point. Beside the shore batteries on Carpenter's Island, there was a redoubt further inland, and another redoubt protected Webb's Ferry and the road to Philadelphia.]

Upon the attack of Donop on Fort Mercer, at Red Bank (Oct. 22), the letter received by Washington from Major Ward, written at the desire of the commander of the fort, Col. Christopher Greene (cf. Greene's _Nath. Greene_, i. 489), is in Sparks's _Washington_, v. 112, and Dawson, i. 355, as is also Commodore Hazlewood's description of the naval part of the attack.[929]

This sketch follows a colored map among the Lafayette maps in the Sparks collection at Cornell University, entitled _Carte de l'action de Gloucester entre un parti Américain, sous le G^l. Lafayette et un parti des Troupes de Lord Cornwallis, commandé par ce G^l. après son fourage dans le Jersey, le 25 9^{bre}, 1777_. While Lafayette's forces were at Haddonfield, the enemy at Gloucester were reconnoitred from Sand Point (1), and when the troops moved along the Haddonfield road the American riflemen (6), supported by the militia, attacked the Hessian outposts (9), when detachments were stationed on the cross-roads (7, 7) to protect the American right flank, while some chasseurs (8) threatened the Hessians' right flank. The enemy were driven back (10) till Cornwallis supported them with some English. They were still further pushed back till within a mile of Gloucester (11), when night closed the conflict. The legend on the map puts the English and Hessians (2, 3, 9) at 5,000 men, the boats (4) representing the withdrawal of part of them with their baggage across the river.

Lafayette's narrative, as given by him to Sparks, is in the _Sparks MSS._, no. xxxii.]

Lafayette talked with Sparks of Donop (_Sparks MSS._, xxxii.). Knyphausen's report is in the archives at Marburg, and is used by Lowell (_Hessians_, 206). The despatches of the Howes are in Almon (v. 499), and Dawson (i. 356, 357).

Of the attack (Nov. 10-16) on Fort Mifflin (Mud Island) and its evacuation, with the opening of the river to the British fleet, the best garner of contemporary accounts with comment, is in Wallace's _Bradford_ (p. 194, etc.), but some of this material is found also elsewhere.[930]

There has been some dispute over the respective claims of Col. Samuel Smith[931] and Commodore Hazlewood for the defence of the fort (Wallace, App. 10).

NOTE.—The annexed plan is a fac-simile, somewhat reduced, of a pen-and-ink sketch among the Sparks maps in the library of Cornell University. It is endorsed "Maj. Fleury's Plan of Fort Mifflin", and it bears also on the back in the author's hand these words:

"The engineer author of this imperfect draugh begg endulgence for it; considering that he has not paper, pen, rule, neither circel, and being disturbed by good many shells or cannon balls flying in the fort. LEWIS FLEUR."

The reverse also bears an "Explanation" in French in Fleury's hand, and beneath an English translation in another hand, seemingly made at the time. This last is as follows:—

"Explanation—All marked A are new works. A 1, 2, 3. Traverses to defend the battery from ricochet shot. A 4, 5. Ditches to close the left of the battery, which was open. A 6. A double iron chain which encloses the right of the battery. A 7. Pits with sharp upright stakes to defend the approaches to our enclosure. A 8. Banquet raised round the wall. A 9. Ditches and parapet of reunion between our barracks, which will make a second inclosure and be furnished with loop-holes. A 10. Last retreat in the middle of the Fort, made when we had only 120 men in garrison. A 11. Demilunes to flank the front, substituted to [_sic_] the block house, which was blown up. A 12, 13, 14. Fraisework.

"15. Enemy's battery of 2 mortars. 16. [Ditto] 5 pieces large cannon, 1 mortar. 17. [Ditto] 2 pieces cannon, 1 mortar. 18. Unfinished Redoubt at a mile and a third from the fort, near the road. 19. A pretty extensive work at about the same distance. 20. Epaulements for the guards."]

NOTE.—This map is reduced in fac-simile from one of Fleury's pen-and-ink sketches among the Sparks maps at Cornell University. It is endorsed "Mudd Island", but not by Washington, as the _Sparks Catalogue_ (p. 207) says. There are noted in the same catalogue (p. 207) two other pen-and-ink drafts of the fort and its vicinity, both apparently the work of Fleury, also. One is smaller, covering much the same ground as the present fac-simile except that it does not show the ships and Hog Island. It is entitled: "Figuré aproximatif de fort island et des ouvrages des assiégeans. 16 octobre, 1777." It has an "Explanation" in French on the reverse, accompanied by a statement that it had been scrawled on a gun-carriage, without compasses, rule, or scale, and under difficulties arising from the bursting of one bomb which carried away his inkstand, and of another which ploughed the ground where he sat.

The other plan is larger, and has been folded like a letter, and is addressed on the outside, "His Excellency General Washington, Headquarters." It shows only the west edge of Mud Island, but marks particularly the distance, range, and armament of the attacking batteries, and is called, "Figuré aproximatif des ouvrages des assiégeans 14 9^{bre,} 1777." It marks the distance from the redoubt on the highland to Fort Mifflin as "1 mile 1-4 5 p." The wharf on the island is described as "où l'enemie déscendra, quoi que nous l'ayons detruite."

Other published maps of Mud Island (Fort Mifflin) are in Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 363; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 296; Wallace's _William Bradford_, p. 229.

Scharf and Westcott (p. 361) also give a plan made before the attack, by Col. Downman, of the British army.

Red Bank is particularly delineated in Smith's _Delaware Co._, 321; _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. v.; and Lossing, ii. 290, with views, etc.]

On the British side we have the despatches of the Howes (Dawson, i. 364, 366), the journal of Montresor (_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1882, v. 393; vi. 34); the letters in Scull's _Evelyns in America_, 246, 253; and the account in Rivington's _Gazette_, cited by Wallace.

In addition to the references already made for the two attacks, the entire movements on the river are illustrated more generally in the letters of Washington, copied from the Penna. Archives, as well as in the diary of the Council of War in the _Sparks MSS._, no. 2. There are other contemporary accounts.[932]

Lafayette's attack on Gloucester soon followed. See plan on page 430.

The contrasts between the hilarities of the British in Philadelphia and the trials of the Americans at Valley Forge during the winter are abundantly illustrated.

The publication of the _Penna. Evening Post_ was resumed in Philadelphia, Oct. 11, 1777, and continued during the British occupation of Philadelphia.[933]

Various diaries kept in and near Philadelphia have been preserved,[934] and the details of the life in the town have been worked up by modern writers.[935]

The complimentary festival given to General Howe on his departure, known as the Mischianza, took place May 18th, at the Wharton house.[936]

On the condition of Washington's camp at Valley Forge we have first the testimony of his own letters and those of his corespondents,[937] as well as that of sundry diaries and journals.[938]

The question of supplies as affecting the camp is considered in Stuart's _Trumbull_ and Greene's _Greene_ (ii. 48), this general being made quartermaster-general in March.

From Galloway's _Letters to a Nobleman_, London, 1779. The leading published map of Delaware Bay and River at this time was one surveyed by Joshua Fisher, and published in London by Sayer and Bennett, 1775 and 1776. It was reproduced in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. iii.; and maps based on them are in the _Gent. Mag._, July, 1779. There was a French edition issued in Paris by Le Rouge in 1777, which also made part of the _Atlas Amériquain_. Other charts are in the _No. Amer. Pilot_, 1776, and in the _Neptune Américo-Septentrional_, 1778.

There are plans for obstructing the river, in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., i. 749. Other maps of the river defences will be found in Sparks's _Washington_, v. 156; Irving's _Washington_ (quarto), iii. 278; Smith's _Delaware County_, p. 321; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 298; Carrington's _Battles_, p. 396.]

There are preserved various orderly-books of the camp.[939]

There were efforts to reorganize the army during the winter. Congress had created a board of war in November, 1777 (Pickering, i. 187; Lossing, ii. 867). On Jan. 10, 1778, a committee of Congress was appointed to visit the camp and concert plans for the reorganization (_Journals_, ii. 401). A plan was drawn up by conference, and later adopted by Congress (Sparks, v. 525). Francis Dana wrote from the camp, Feb. 12th, to Congress, and the draft, found among the papers of Laurens, was printed in the _Polit. Mag._ (vol. i.,—1780), by which it was thought to appear that Howe could have destroyed the American army if he had had enterprise.[940]

A few days after the taking of Philadelphia, the Rev. Jacob Duché, of that city, who had been an approved supporter of the Americans, transmitted a letter to Washington, tempting him to desert the cause. Washington sent the letter to Congress; but Sparks could not find it in the Archives at Washington, and prints it from _Rivington's Gazette_ (_Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 448). The letters which grew out of this act, including one of expostulation from Francis Hopkinson, the brother-in-law of Duché, and that of repentance sent to Washington by Duché in 1783, can be found in Sparks, v. 94, 476.[941]

Sketched from a corner map of the large MS. map, called on another page, "The Defences of Philadelphia, 1777-1778."]

The military movements during the autumn of 1777 were mainly to try the temper of the opposing forces and to secure forage, and the incessant watching of each other's motions made Pickering write to Elbridge Gerry (Nov. 2d,—_Mag. Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 461) that "since Brandywine we have been in a constant state of hurry."[942]

A sketch made by combining two in the Sparks collection at Cornell University. One is a French plan, from the Lafayette maps, which gives the main features of the topography to the present sketch. The other is one transmitted by General Armstrong to Mr. Sparks in 1833, embodying the recollections of a Mr. William Davis, "a remarkably active and intelligent man, who resided within the limits of the camp during its continuance there." General Armstrong cites the testimony of a son of General Wayne, that the recollections of Davis "of the most minute occurrences of the period were entirety unaffected by age." Upon this dependence has been put for the positions of the troops and the quarters of the general officers. The plan given by Sparks (_Washington_, v. 196) seems to have been made by a similar combination, though he omits the locations of the general's quarters. The plan of Sparks is essentially followed in Guizot's _Washington_, in Lossing's _Field-Book_ (vol. ii. 334,—also see _Harper's Monthly_, xii. 307), and in Carrington's _Battles_, p. 402 (and in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1882).

There is a view of Washington's headquarters in Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 369; Egle's _Pennsylvania_, p. 182; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 332, and in his _Mary and Martha Washington_, p. 168; and _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1882.

The French alliance was celebrated in camp May 6, 1778 (Sparks, v. 355; Moore's _Diary_, ii.).

For landmarks, etc., of Valley Forge, see Lossing's _Field-Book_; Read's _Geo. Read_ (p. 326), from the _Ohio State Journal_; _Harper's Mag._, lx., 660, April, 1880.

At the centennial celebration, June, 1878, there were addresses by Henry Armitt Brown (in his _Memoir and Orations_, edited by J. M. Hoppin), and one by Theodore W. Bean, printed in the _Daily Local News_, Westchester, Pa., June 20, 1878.]

During this time, Oct.-Dec., Washington was kept informed of the British movements through the letters of Maj. Clark (_Penna. Hist. Soc. Bull._, vol. i.). There was in November a project discussed of taking Philadelphia by storm (Drake's _Knox_, 136). Congress was urging the States to renewed efforts (_N. H. State Papers_, viii. 728). Early in December Howe had tried to allure Washington to a battle near Chestnut Hill or Whitemarsh (Sparks, v. 180; Dawson, i. ch. 31). By the middle of December the American army had gone into winter-quarters at Valley Forge (Reed's _Reed_, i. 345), but not without having thought at the same time of an attack on New York (_Ibid._, 344).

NOTE.—This plan of the British works between the Delaware and the Schuylkill is sketched from the main portion of a drawing preserved in the Penna. Hist. Society, which bears the following indorsement: "The redoubts in the English lines are ten, beside two advanced ones. No. 1, which I took a plan of in the month of July, was then compleat, but the excessive heat of the weather and many avocations prevented our prosecuting the survey till October, by which time the wooden work of the other redoubts, as well as the abaties, were carried away, which rendered it uncertain how many platforms there were in each, but from what traces remained [I] believe I am right in nos. 2 & ten: the other seven [eight] varied so little from no. 2, that the plan of that may serve for the rest: I am equally uncertain whether the abatis ran in direct lines from redoubt to redoubt or formed angles, but know that each part terminated at about 20 feet from the counter-scarps of contiguous redoubts, these intervals being occasionally stopped up by chevaux-de-frize. All the 10 redoubts were well faced both within and without with strong planks, but the advanced redoubts and other small pieces were only faced with fascines. On the right of the line where small streams run through swampy ground an inundation was formed by sloping the arches of the bridges, and making dams were necessary, each furnished with a tumbling dam, well planked on the top and slopes of the main dam, to carry off superfluous water.

LEWIS NICOLA."

Enlarged plans and cross-sections of redoubts nos. 1, 2, and 10 are given in the margin, as well as of the western advanced redoubt, and other small works, including the "Barriers across Kensington and Germantown roads with a cremaillered work between them cut out of the bank between the roads." The stars near the lines denote the places of "houses destroyed by the English." Cf. description in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iv. 181.]

Sketched from a large MS. map by John Montresor in the library of Congress, dedicated to Sir William Howe, and called _Plan of the City of Philadelphia and its environs, shewing the defences during the years 1777-1778, together with the Siege of Mud Island_. A similar map by Montresor is among the King's maps in the British Museum (_Catal._, ii. 176).]

Sketched from a part of a MS. Hessian map in the library of Congress, called _Plan générale des opérations de l'Armée Britannique contre les Rebelles, etc._ The lines (·—·—) are roads. KEY: "59, Attaque de mudden island le 15 Novembre. 60, Position du général Howe le 4 Dec. pour forcer le général Washington à quitter sa position sur les hauteurs de White Marsh. 61, Marche du général Howe pour fourages entre Derby et Chester. 62, Camp de l'armée près de Philadelphia. 63, Camp de l'armée après avoir evacué Philadelphia le 26^{me} Juin, 1778. 64, Corps detaché à Gloucester. 65, Marche du général Knyphausen le 18^{me} Juin et son camp à Haddenfield. 66, Marche et camp du général Cornwallis le 18^{me} Juin. 67, Marche du général Knyphausen le 20^{me} Juin et son camp à Moorfield."

The published maps of Philadelphia and its vicinity at this time are the following: N. Scull and G. Heap's, originally in 1750 (cf. Vol. V. 240), and reproduced by Faden in 1777, and reduced in the _Gent. Mag._, Dec., 1777. Kitchin's _Philadelphia and Environs_, in _London Mag._, Dec., 1777, and reproduced in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d series, vol. iii. A map surveyed by Eastburn in 1776, Philad., 1777; one surveyed by Hill, Philadelphia, 1777. Plan of Philadelphia in the _Atlantic Neptune_ (1777), vol. i. Plan in the _American Atlas_ (1777). _Gegend und Stadt von Philadelphia_, in _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_, Nürnberg, 1778, Zehnter Theil. There was published by John Reed, in 1774, _An Explanation of the Map of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia_. A folding plan showing the British works is in Scharf and Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 360. Various MS. plans of Philadelphia and its neighborhood, with the river defences, are among the Faden maps (nos. 82-86) in the library of Congress. Among the Penn papers in the Hist. Soc. of Penna. is a MS. map showing the positions of the British at Germantown before the battle.]

In January an attempt by the Americans to destroy the shipping at Philadelphia, by floating combustibles down the river from above, failed; but it gave rise to Hopkinson's humorous verses on the "Battle of the Kegs."[943]

In March Congress was urging young men of spirit and property to raise light cavalry troops (_Journals_, ii. 463), for Simcoe's British horsemen were raiding about the country for forage, meeting, however, now and then with resistance, as at Quintin's Bridge (March 18th) and Hancock's Bridge (March 21st).[944] At the beginning of May there was another conflict at Crooked Billet.[945] Three weeks later (May 20th) Lafayette skilfully extricated himself from an advanced position at Barren Hill, whither Washington had sent him towards the enemy, and Where the British commander sought to cut him off.[946]

This map is sketched and reduced from a MS. map preserved in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, signed "Major Capitaine, A. D. C. du Gen^l. Lafayette", and called _Plan de la retraite de Barrenhill en Pensilvanie, où un detachement de 2,200 hommes sous le Général la Fayette, etoit entourré par l'armée Anglaise sous les G^x. Howe, Clinton, et Grant, le 28 May, 1778_. It bears the following KEY: (_translation_) _a._ Position of the American detachment on Barren Hill, eleven miles from Philadelphia and twelve miles from Valley Forge, on the right bank of the Schuylkill. _b._ Pickets of the Americans, which retired on the approach of the enemy. _c._ A French company under Captain M'Clean, with fifty Indians. _e._ Place where the militia were ordered to gather, but they failed to do so. _f._ March of Maj.-Gen. Grant at the head of grenadiers and chasseurs, and two brigades, making in all 8,000 men, with 15 pieces of cannon. _g._ Where the enemy were first discovered. _h._ Americans occupying the meeting-house and burial-ground, deploying to defend their left flank. _i._ March of the detachment on the second warning to reach Matson's Ford. _k._ Chasseurs detached to confront Gen. Grant. _l._ Body of English cavalry, followed by a body of grenadiers and chasseurs. _m._ March of Gen. Grant, always following the Americans. _n._ Matson's Ford, which the Americans gained and passed, when they occupied the highlands, _o_, while a small force was sent to Swede's Ford. _p._ Rich road by which Howe and Clinton advanced with the rest of the British army. _q._ Point where Howe and Grant formed, whence, seeing that their attempt had failed, they returned to Philadelphia. _r._ Road from Swede's Ford, by which the American detachment returned the next day to occupy Barren Hill.

There is among the Sparks maps at Cornell University a duplicate copy of this map, made from Lafayette's original. Cf. maps in Sparks, v. 378; Carrington's _Battles_, p. 408; Lossing, ii. 329; and the view of the church (p. 322).]