Chapter IX: The West, (10)

On the choice by Congress of Washington as commander-in-chief, see _John Adams's Works_, ii. 417; Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. ch. 37; Hildreth's _United States_; Hamilton's _Hamilton_, i. 110; Frothingham's _Rise of the Repub._, 430, and his paper in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, March, 1876, and C. F. Adams in _Ibid._, June, 1858.

On the proposed articles of confederation (May 10th) and the debate thereon, see Sparks's _Franklin_, v. 91; _N. Jersey Archives_, x. 692; _Secret Journals of Congress_ (July and Aug., 1775); and a contemporary draft of the articles in _Letters and Papers, 1761-1776_ (MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc. library).

In June, 1775, the Congress was called upon to approve the form of autonomy into which the progress of events had forced the people of Massachusetts Bay. Mr. A. C. Goodell, Jr., has traced the legal bearings of successive steps in a paper in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, May, 1884, p. 192. The word "province" was renounced, as the dependence upon the royal governor had ceased; and the word "colony" accepted, as indicating the modified dependence which still held applicable to the relations of the people to the throne. Up to April, 1776, the regnal year was used in acts, but upon the Declaration of Independence being received, all legislative acts run in the name of the "State." For the change of government in New Hampshire, see Belknap's _Hist. of N. Hampshire_, and papers in the Belknap MSS. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, x. 324). An _Historical Sketch of the Hillsborough County Congresses held at Amherst, N. H., 1774 and 1775, with other Revolutionary Records_, by Edw. D. Boylston, was published at Amherst in 1884.

On May 10th Congress adopted _Rules and articles for the better government of the troops raised and to be raised by the twelve United English Colonies_ (Philad., Watertown, Mass., New York, 1775). Also in Force, 4th ser., ii., 1855; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 538; _R. I. Col. Rec._, vii. 340; _N. J. Prov. Cong._, etc. (1879), p. 264. The Massachusetts articles of war were much the same. The _Rules_ arranged by Timothy Pickering were published in 1775, and a presentation copy from Pickering to Gen. John Thomas, with a letter annexed, belongs to W. A. Thomas, of Kingston, Mass.

The plan of Congress for organizing the militia is given in their _Journals_, i. 118. They also caused to be printed W. Sewall's _Method of making saltpetre_ (Philad., 1775). A paper by C. C. Smith on the making of gunpowder during the Revolution is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, March, 1876. As to the manufacture of other munitions of war, see Bishop's _Hist. Amer. Manuf._, i. ch. 17 and 18, and index, under cannon and firearms; and J. F. Tuttle on the Hibernia furnace, in the _N. J. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 2d ser., vi. 148.

An agreement of the members (Nov. 9th) to keep the proceedings secret is given in fac-simile in _Force_, 4th ser., iii. 1,918. A Committee of Secret Correspondence, for preserving relations with sympathizers in Europe, was established Nov. 29th. (Cf. C. W. F. Dumas's letters in _Diplom. Corresp._, ix.; and _Force_, 5th ser., ii. and iii.)

For the Congress in general, see the histories of Gordon, Pitkin (i. ch. 9), Bancroft (vii. 353, viii. 25, 51), Grahame (iv. 407), Hildreth (iii. ch. 31); Greene's _Hist. View_, 89; Frothingham's _Rise_, etc., 419; Thaddeus Allen's _Origination of the Amer. Union_; Lecky (iii. 465); Ryerson (i. ch. 23); and the histories of the original States. Also, see lives of the members, etc.,—Franklin (by Sparks, Bigelow, Parton), Washington (by Marshall, Sparks, Irving), Sam. Adams (by Wells, ii. ch. 37), John Adams (by Adams, i. 212, ii. 408, x. 163, 171, 396, and his _Familiar Letters_, 83), R. H. Lee (i. 140), Schuyler (by Lossing, i. 316), Jefferson (by Randall, i. ch. 4, by Parton, ch. 19), Jay (by Jay), Madison (by Rives, i. 105), Geo. Read (by Read, 110), Gouverneur Morris (by Sparks, i. 46), Rutledge (by Flanders, ch. 8); lives of John Alsop and Philip Livingston (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. 226, 303); Silas Deane's letters in _Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii.; diary of Christopher Marshall; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, by John Ward, ii. 193; _Poole's Index_, p. 295. A memorial of the inhabitants of Newport to the Congress is in the _R. I. Hist. Mag._, July, 1855. Sam. Adams wrote, Nov. 16th, from Philadelphia to Bowdoin: "The petition of Congress has been treated with evident contempt. I cannot conceive that there is any room to hope for the virtuous efforts of the people of Britain" (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii., 227). Walpole (_Last Journal_, i. 439) describes the effects of the action of this Congress in England.

The most significant controversial reply in England to the action of Congress came from a man of whom William S. Johnson (Beardsley, p. 71) was reporting to his American friends that he "was not much above an idiot" in appearance, but could repay one for his unfavorable appearance when he spoke,—Dr. Samuel Johnson, who published in 1775 his _Taxation no tyranny, an answer to the resolutions and address of the American Congress_, passing through four editions in that year. Macaulay says of it: "The arguments were such as boys use in debating societies. The pleasantry was as awkward as the gambols of a hippopotamus." Cf. Johnson's works, all editions; Boswell's _Johnson_; Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 257-8; Smyth's _Lectures_, ii. 399; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 110; Sabin, ix. 36,303, where (36,304-9) are various tracts which appeared in answer. Cf. _Cooke Catal._, no. 1,315. One of the most prominent of these replies was an anonymous _Defence of the resolutions and address of the American congress, in reply to Taxation no tyranny. By the author of Regulus. To which are added, general remarks on the leading principles of that work, as published in the London Evening Post of the 2d and 4th of May; and a short chain of deductions from one clear position of common sense and experience_ (London, 1775,—Sabin, iv. 15,523). The next year the same writer published _A letter to the Rev. Dr._ [Richard] _Price_. Moore's _Sheridan_ (ch. 3) gives an outline of an intended answer to Johnson.

A sort of semi-official response to the Declaration, made on the part of the government, appeared in the _Rights of Great Britain asserted against the claims of America_, which is usually ascribed to Sir John Dalrymple, though by some to James Macpherson. It appeared in seven or eight editions at London in 1776, and also the same year at Edinburgh and Philadelphia, and was translated into French (Sabin, v. 18,347). Dalrymple is said also to have been the writer of an _Address of the people of Great Britain to the inhabitants of America_, published anonymously by Cadell, at London, in 1775. This was a conciliatory effort at coöperation with certain placating measures, which the government sought to promote, and copies of the tract in large numbers are said to have been sent to America for distribution (Sabin, v. 18,346; _Sparks Catal._, no. 709; Stevens, _Nugget_, no. 3,106).

A Portuguese Jew, Isaac Pinto, living in Holland, took up the line of argument used in the _Rights of Great Britain_, and "employed a venal pen", as Franklin expressed it, "in the most insolent manner, against the Americans" (_Sparks Catal._, no. 2,075; _Diplom. Corresp. of the Rev._, ix. 265). Pinto's tracts were addressed to Samuel Barretts of Jamaica, and were called _Lettre ... au sujet des troubles qui agitent actuellement toute l'Amérique Septentrionale_, and a _Seconde Lettre_ (both La Haye, 1776,—Sabin, xv. 62,988-89). The English translation, _Letters on the American Troubles_, appeared the same year in London (Sabin, xv. 62,990). Pinto was answered in _Nouvelles observations_, and a _Réponse_ followed, also La Haye, 1776 (Sabin, xiii. 56,095, xv. 62,991).

Almon published in 1775 an _Appeal to the justice and interests of the people on the measures respecting America_, and the same year a _Second appeal_; and later, by the same author, _A speech intended to have been delivered in the House of the Commons in support of the petition from the general Congress at Philad._ There has been much difference of opinion as to the writers of these tracts, the names of Arthur Lee, C. Glover, Lord Chatham, and Franklin having been mentioned. (Cf. _Cooke Catal._, iii. no. 1,033; R. H. Lee's _Life of A. Lee_, i. 19.)

[316] "Massachusettensis", a Tory writer, brought out his first letter in the _Mass. Gazette_, Dec. 12, 1774, and continued them at intervals till April 3, 1775. The evidence that their writer was Leonard is presented in Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 231; by Lucius Manlius Sargent in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, Oct., 1864, or vol. xviii. 291, 353 (from the _Boston Transcript_). The letters were separately published in New York, 1775, as _The present political state of the province of Mass. Bay in general and the town of Boston in particular_, and again as _The origin of the Amer. Contest with Great Britain, or the present political state_, etc.,—both giving the writer as "a native of New England" (Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 660). What is called a second and third edition (London, 1776) purports to follow a Boston imprint, and is called _Massachusettensis, or a series of letters containing a faithful state of many facts, which laid the foundation of the present troubles, ... by a person of honor upon the spot_. (Cf. Sabin, x. p. 219.) There was also an edition in Dublin, 1776 (_Hist. Mag._, i. 249). Lecky (iii. 419) speaks of these letters as showing "remarkable eloquence and touching and manifest earnestness." Trumbull, in the first canto of his _M'Fingal_, had early assumed that Leonard was the author. See, on Leonard, Sabine's _Amer. Loyalists_ and Ellis Ames in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 52.

John Adams, on the patriot side, began Jan. 23, 1775, a series of letters in the _Boston Gazette_, to counteract the effect of those of "Massachusettensis", and used the signature "Novanglus." The fight at Lexington broke off further publication for either disputant. Almon printed an abridgment of these papers in the _Remembrancer_, and they were later (London, 1783, 1784) published as _A history of the Dispute with America_, and were included finally in C. F. Adams's ed. of _John Adams's Works_ (vol. iv.,—see also ii. 405, x. 178-79).

Both series were reprinted together in Boston in 1819, with a preface by Adams, who then still considered Sewall his adversary. Cf. Edmund Quincy's _Life of Quincy_, p. 381; Frothingham's _Rise of the Repub._, 393.

Of the Boston newspapers, _Fleet's Evening Post_ was used indiscriminately as the organ of the patriots and their opponents, and expired April 24, 1775; the _Boston Newsletter_ passed under governmental control, and alone continued to be published during the siege of Boston; the _Massachusetts Gazette_ was the chief organ of the government; the _Boston Gazette_, devoted to the patriots, and more temperate than the _Massachusetts Spy_, which was later removed to Worcester. The most important Massachusetts journal outside of Boston was the _Essex Gazette_. (Cf. B. F. Thomas's _Memoir of Isaiah Thomas_, prefixed to the Amer. Antiq. Society's ed. of Thomas's _Hist. of Printing_ [also see ii. 294]; J. T. Buckingham's _Specimens of newspaper literature_; F. Hudson's _American Journalism_; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 130.)

Rivington published in New York the principal paper in the Tory interests, known as the _Gazetteer_, 1773-1775, and later as the _Loyal_ and then _Royal Gazette_. The footnotes in Moore's _Diary of the American Revolution_ and Thomas's _Hist. of Printing_ will show the newspapers of the other colonies.

The tracts of 1775-76 are too numerous to enumerate. Grahame characterizes the chief writers (_United States_, iv. 320). The monthly lists of the _Gent. Mag._ and _Monthly Rev._ will show most of their titles for England. Cf. Adolphus's _England_, ii. 331; Morgann's _Life of Richard Price_; Fitzmaurice's _Shelburne_, iii. 95. Haven's list for America ends with 1775; but the Brinley, Sparks, and other catalogues give many of them, and they can be found in Sabin by their authors' names. Many of these tracts embody plans of reconciliation.

[317] Sabin, xv. nos. 65,444, etc.; P. O. Hutchinson, ii. 38. John Wilkes, who had been Lord Mayor of London since 1774, brought the influence of its government against the ministry, and Price was offered the freedom of the city. Wilkes's speech of Feb. 6, 1775, is in Niles (ed. 1776, p. 425). In April, 1775, Wilkes and the aldermen had appealed to the king against the ministry (Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 282), and there is a broadside copy of an appeal, July 5, 1775, by the city to the king, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. In Aug., 1775, when the king issued his proclamation for the suppression of the rebellion, Wilkes paid it studied affront.

[318] Varying views of the current of British feeling will be found in Frothingham's _Rise of the Repub._, p. 412, etc.; in Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 219, 241, 257, etc., and in the final revision, iv. ch. 22 and 23. Lecky (iii. 573) thinks the majority of the people were with the king, and Hutchinson reported like views (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 255). Galloway was still communicating to the ministry secret intelligence through Gov. Franklin, of New Jersey (_N. J. Archives_, x. 570), and was causing it to be known that the people in the colonies who were for war were the violent ones, while the Quakers and the Dutch, the Baptists, Mennonists, and Dumplers, were for moderation (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 340).

A letter of John Wesley, June 14, 1775, to the Earl of Dartmouth, protesting against the war, is among the Dartmouth Papers, noted in the _Hist. MSS. Com. Rept._, ii., and is printed in _Macmillan's Mag._, Dec., 1870. Dartmouth, July 5th, wrote to Governor Franklin, of N. Jersey, that the king was determined to crush the revolt (_N. J. Archives_, x. 513, 645), and the king issued his proclamation "for suppressing rebellion and sedition" Aug. 23, 1775. It was sent over in broadside (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 186), and is printed in Force's _Amer. Archives_. In September Arthur Lee was writing of the violent temper of the ministry (_Calendar of A. Lee Papers_, p. 7, no. 62). The _Diary_ of Governor Hutchinson helps us much, and throws light on the talk of compromise (ii. 25, 27), the temporary forgetfulness of the American question in the trial of the Duchess of Kingston (ii. 34), and Pownall's talk (ii. 127). The military resources of the colonies were not overlooked, and _A letter to Lord Geo. Germain_ (London, 1776) warned that minister of what this meant, while the decision to pardon criminals in order to enlist them in the service of suppressing the rebellion did not a little to widen the breach (Lecky, iii. 585).

Abstracts of various papers in the Public Record Office for 1775 are given in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 340, etc.

[319] Cf. the indexes under the names of the leading debaters.

[320] The subject gets some enlivenment in the Toryism of Walpole's _George the Third_, edited by Le Marchant, and his _Last Journals_, edited by Dr. Doran.

Edmund Burke's conspicuousness makes his character and the record of it of first importance, and we need for successive estimates of his influence to consult the lives of him by Bisset, Prior, P. Burke, and Macknight. For his bearing as a speaker, see Wraxall's _Hist. Memoirs_ (ii. 35). For an estimate of his arguments, see Smyth's _Lectures_ (Bohn's ed., ii. 403, 408). His speeches on American Taxation (April 19, 1774) and conciliation (March 22, 1775) are in the various collected editions of his _Works_,—among the best of such being the Boston edition (1865, etc., Little, Brown & Co.) and the edition published by Nimmo (1885),—all of them following in the main Rivington's first octavo edition in 16 vols., London, 1801-27. Henry Morley has edited, with an introduction, Burke's _Two speeches on Conciliation with America_ (London, 1886). His speech of March 22, 1775, is in Niles's _Principles_, etc. (1876 ed., p. 429). Lecky (iii. 426) sketches his policy. For conversations of Burke and North, see _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1881, p. 358.

The lives and speeches of Chatham are quite as necessary. Franklin was introduced into the Lords in Jan., 1775, by Chatham himself, when Chatham brought forward his motion for conciliation with America, and Franklin considered as much the best the notes which Josiah Quincy, Jr., made (Jan. 20, 1775) of the speeches of Chatham and Camden (_Life of J. Quincy, Jr._, 226, 264, 272, 318, 335, 403, 418; Sparks's _Franklin_, v. 43). Among the Cathcart MSS. is a contemporary copy of Chatham's plan which the Lords rejected (_Hist. MSS. Com. Rept._, ii. p. 28). The later speech of Dec. 20, 1775, for removing the troops from Boston, is also in Niles (1876 ed., p. 455). Cf. Gordon, i. 298; Force, 4th ser., i. 1,494; Smyth's _Lectures_, ii.; Parton's _Franklin_, ii. Mahon says that the whole spirit evaporates from the reports of Chatham's speeches in Almon. In March, 1775, Camden made a speech which Hutchinson (P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor Hutchinson_, 408, 410) describes and imagines Camden to have made in order that Franklin might take the speech to America. Hutchinson also in the same month describes Franklin in the Commons gallery, "staring with his spectacles", and listening to the speeches against America. Two speeches of Mansfield against America were criticised in _The Plea of the Colonies on the Charges brought against them by Lord M——d and others_ (London, 1775, 1776; Philad., 1777,—Sabin, xv. 63,401-2).

Charles James Fox had been dismissed from the Tory government in 1774, and was now on the opposition side, a young and vehement debater of twenty-five (Lecky, iii. 571; Russell's _Mem. and Corresp. of Fox_, and his _Life and Times of Fox_; numerous references in _Poole's Index_, p. 472). On the relations of English parties to the American question, see Lecky (iii. 586); Campbell's _Life of Loughborough_, in his _Lord Chancellors_; _Rockingham and his Contemporaries_; Geo. W. Cooke's _Hist. of Party_ (London, 1786-87; 1837, vol. iii.,—Sabin, iv. 16,309).

[321] Cf. Franklin's letters in his _Works_, and the letters to him from Quincy, Winthrop, Cooper, and Warren in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, vii. 118, etc.

[322] Parton, ii. 26.

[323] Cf. Parton's _Franklin_, ii. 41, 44; Mahon, v. 24; Niles (1876 ed.), 476, _Gent. Mag._, xlvii. Franklin left London in March, 1775, and on his voyage home he wrote out an account of his recent negotiations, which is printed in Sparks (vol. i.) and in Bigelow (ii. 256). There are different copies of this paper (Parton, ii. 71); and Stevens (_Hist. Coll._, i. p. 160 D) has an account of one given to Jefferson (Bigelow, ii. 253).

Just before leaving London, Franklin wrote some articles for the _Public Advertiser_ on _The Rise and Progress of the Difference between Great Britain and her American Colonies_, which are reprinted in Sparks, iv. 526. (Cf. _Ibid._, v. 2, 97, and Parton, ii. 72.)

[324] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 85.

[325] P. O. Hutchinson's _Gov. Hutchinson_, i. 115, 116. Percy, writing (April 17, 1774) just before he left England, said: "I fancy severity is intended. Surely the people of Boston are not mad enough to think of opposing us. Steadiness and temper will, I hope, set things in that quarter right, and Gen. Gage is the proper man to do it." Letter to Dr. Percy (Bishop of Dromore), among the Percy MSS. in Boston Public Library.

[326] Address of the Merchants of Boston in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 45. A broadside list of the addressers, as taken from the _London Gazetteer_ and _New Daily Advertiser_ of Sept. 24, 1774, was printed in Boston. There is a copy in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society.

[327] Where he had occupied the Hooper house. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 6; _Evelyns in America_, p. 267. There is a view of it in _The Century_, xxviii. p. 864. "King Hooper", as he was called, was born in 1710 and died in 1790. Cf. Perkins' _Copley_, p. 74, for a picture of him.

There is a portrait of Gage, now in the State House at Boston, which came to Gen. William H. Sumner through his marriage with Gage's niece, and which is engraved in Sumner's _Hist. of East Boston_. A contemporary engraving of Gage is reproduced in Shannon's _N. Y. Manual_, 1869, p. 766, and in Wheildon's _Siege of Boston_.

[328] Lee, in Sept., 1774, was writing of Gage: "He is now actually shut up at Boston ... and has perhaps the most able and determined men of the whole world to deal with." Chas. Lee Papers, _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871, p. 136. Various letters of this period written from Boston are in the _Evelyns in America_ (Oxford, 1881).

[329] This is the house still standing, belonging to James Russell Lowell. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 114.

[330] Loring's _Hundred Orators_, p. 89; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 62; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi. 261.

[331]

For an account of Preble, see _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1868, pp. 404, 421. He, as well as Ward and Pomeroy, had been in the French wars.

[332] P. O. Hutchinson, 293, 297. Percy was writing, October 27, 1774, from the camp in Boston: "Our affairs here are in the most critical situation imaginable. Nothing less than the total loss or conquest of the colonies must be the end of it.... We have got together a clever little army here." _Percy MSS._ in Boston Public Library.

[333] _Percy MSS._, Nov. 25, 1774: "I really begin now to think that it will come to blows at last, for they are most amazingly encouraged by our having done nothing as yet. The people here are the most artful, designing villains in the world."

[334] _Mem. of Quincy_, p. 216.

[335] Letters, Dec. 12 and 28, 1774. The census or estimate by congress in 1775 gave New England 800,000 souls.

[336] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1868, p. 337; letters of Gov. Wentworth in _Ibid._, 1869, p. 274; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 450; Force's _Am. Archives_; Belknap's _New Hampshire_; T. C. Amory's _General Sullivan_, 295; _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, i. 31; _N. H. Provincial Papers_, vii. 420-423, 478; Mary P. Thompson's _Mem. of Judge Eben. Thompson_ (Concord, N. H., 1886).

[337] E. S. Riley, Jr., in _Southern Monthly_, xiv, 537.

[338] Sept. 30, 1774.

[339] Gibbes' _Doc. Hist. of the Amer. Rev._

[340] Thornton's _Pulpit of the Rev._, p. 218.

[341]

The paper which excited Patrick Henry was the "Broken Hints" of Joseph Hawley, which was first printed in Niles's _Principles and Acts of the Revolution_; and since in _John Adams'_ _Works_, ix. p. 641.

[342] See documents in _Amer. Archives_; Frank Moore's _Diary of the Revolution_, i. 15.

[343] Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 416.

[344] _Ibid._, p. 413.

[345] P. O. Hutchinson, p. 371.

[346] Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 418.

[347] Gage seems to have reported to the War Office that the information was erroneous which induced him to send out this expedition. P. O. Hutchinson's _Gov. Hutchinson_, 432. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 348.

[348] They started April 5th. Howe's record appears in _A Journal kept by Mr. John Howe, while he was employed as a British Spy during the Revolutionary War; also while he was engaged in the smuggling business during the late war_. (Concord, N. H., 1827.) The only copy known is in the library of the New Hampshire Hist. Soc. Extracts from it are printed in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Apr. 20, 1886.

[349] Their reports to Gage are in Force's _Amer. Archives_.

[350] P. O. Hutchinson, p. 397.

[351] _Ibid._, p. 529; Joshua Green's diary in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 101.

[352] Rivington's _N. Y. Gazetteer_, Mar. 16, 1775, cited in Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_, 60; also Moore's _Diary of the Amer. Rev._, i. 34.

[353] The manuscript of Warren's address is preserved in the hands of Dr. John C. Warren, and a page of it is in fac-simile in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, 143. Frothingham enumerates the editions of the printed pamphlet in his _Warren_, p. 436.

[354] It was printed as given "at the request of a number of the inhabitants of the town of Boston." Haven in Thomas, ii. 654.

[355] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 64.

[356] Niles's _Principles and Acts of the Revolution_ (ed. of 1876), p. 277.

[357] "Much art and pains have been employed to dismay us", wrote Samuel Cooper to Franklin, Apr. 1, 1775, "or provoke us to some rash action, but hitherto the people have behaved with astonishing calmness and resolution." _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 124.

[358] Moore's _Diary of Amer. Rev._, i. 57.

[359] On this same day, Percy, in Boston, was writing "Things now every day begin to grow more and more serious. The [rebels] are every day in great numbers evacuating this town, and have proposed in congress either to set it on fire and attack the troops before a reinforcement comes, or to endeavor to starve us. Which they mean to adopt time only can show." _Percy MSS._ in Boston Public Library.

[360] P. O. Hutchinson, pp. 428, 433.

[361] _Ibid._, 434, 475.

[362] Thomas's letter in the _Worcester Centennial Anniversary_, p. 116.

[363] They lodged in the house of the Rev. Jonas Clark, half a mile away from Lexington Common. Loring's _Orators_, 81. The house was built in 1698. See Hudson's _Lexington_. A painting of the house was owned by the late H. G. Clark, of Boston.

[364] As early as Jan. 28, instructions to Gage to apprehend the leaders of Congress had been signed. P. O. Hutchinson, p. 416.

[365] Gage had married her in 1758. She died in 1824, aged 90.

[366] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 70.

[367] Gen. Wm. H. Sumner (_New Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, viii. 188) records some recollections of the opening of the fight as narrated to him by Dorothy Quincy, later Mrs. John Hancock, who saw it begin.

[368] Hudson's _Lexington_, 200.

[369] The night had been chilly; but the day grew rapidly warm. The season was a month early. Cf. Geo. Dexter's note in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 377.

[370] John Howe was sent towards Lexington to meet and hurry Percy along. _Journal of John Howe._

[371] Cf. Everett's _Orations_, i. p. 102.

[372] These were under the command of Col. Timothy Pickering, who was then and has been since charged with dilatoriness in coming up. Bancroft (_United States_) and W. V. Wells (_Sam. Adams_) so assert. Bancroft was controverted by Samuel Swett in a pamphlet in 1859, and Octavius Pickering, in his _Life of T. Pickering_ (ch. 5 and App.), makes a full defence of his father.

[373] Andrews' letters (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, July, 1865) show the rumors which reached Gage in Boston during the day. There were some among the provincials who thought the news, when received in England, would stir up civil war (_Proceedings_, vol. v. p. 3); but Washington records, respecting its influence there, that it was "far from making the impression generally expected here." Sparks' _Washington_, iii. 43.

[374] Minutes in _Mass. Archives_, vol. cxv.

[375] Bancroft, orig. ed., vii. 311.

[376] Frothingham's _Warren_, 467.

[377] It was before long known what a reception these delegates had had in New York, and how the crowd were with difficulty prevented from taking the horses from Hancock's carriage and drawing it. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1865, p. 135. The journey of the delegates to Philadelphia in May, 1775, is described in the Deane Correspondence (_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 222, etc.), and Jones (_N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 45) describes their reception.

[378] The papers of Quincy include a long message to the patriots, practically a report on his English mission, which he was too weak to write himself, but dictated to a sailor on the voyage. The only poetrait of Quincy is one painted after his death. This is engraved in the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. iii.

[379] The trouble was in part whether "effects" included merchandise as well as furniture. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 58. Cf. Frothingham's _Warren_, p. 483. James Bowdoin, as representative of the Boston people, tried to make an arrangement on the basis of a surrender of arms, and the draft of an order in Bowdoin's handwriting, in the name of Gage, is given, with references, in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 76. Cf. _Evacuation Memorial_, p. 115. A part of the agreement with Gage was that the country Tories should be allowed to move into Boston. Among those who soon found their way into Boston, but under difficulties, were Lady Frankland and Benjamin Thompson, afterwards Count Rumford. (_Evacuation Mem._, 125-130. Cf. Barry's _Mass._, iii. 5, and references.)

[380] Whittier's "Great Ipswich Fright", in his _Prose Works_, ii. 112; _Ipswich Antiq. Papers_, iv. no. 46; Crowell's _Essex_ (Mass.), 205.

[381] See Alexander Scammell's letter in Amory's _General Sullivan_, 299. New Hampshire was already sending forward her men. _Hist. Mag._, vii. 21.

[382] Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876), p. 141.

[383] Force's _Am. Archives_, ii. 433-39; Beardsley's _Life of W. S. Johnson_, 110, 210. The Massachusetts delegates meanwhile had tarried long enough in Connecticut, on their way to Philadelphia, to confirm the patriots there, and force the halting to take a decided stand. Cf. _Journals Prov. Cong._, 179, 194, 196.

[384] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 227.

[385] Cf. account of Warner in _Hist. Mag._, iv. 200, and by Gen. Walter Harriman in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1880, p. 363.

[386] De Costa's _Lake George_, p. 11; Jones, _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. p. 550. There is an account of Bernard Romans in F. M. Ruttenber's _Obstructions to the Navigation of Hudson's River_, (Albany, 1860), p. 9.

[387] Various papers respecting the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point in the spring of 1775, and movements thereabouts, are in the Mass. Archives, including letters of John Brown, Arnold, Allen, Easton, and some of these are copied in the _Sparks MSS._, vol. lx. Sparks indorses on a copy of the letter of the Mass. committee at Crown Point, June 23, 1776: "By the journal of the Mass. assembly it appears that Arnold, on his way to Ticonderoga, had engaged a company of men in Stockbridge, who marched on the 10th of May, under Captain Abraham Brown, but how far is uncertain."

On the trouble between Allen and Arnold at Crown Point (May, 1775), see the Deane Correspondence. (_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 247.)

[388] Frothingham's _Siege_, 106.

[389] Circulated in broadside. There is one in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Cabinet, among the Elton broadsides.

[390] _Heath Papers_ (MS.), vol. i.

[391] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 352.

[392] Grape Island, May 21: Moore's _Diary of the Am. Rev._, i. 84, 85; Adams' _Familiar Letters_, 56; Frothingham's _Warren_, 492, 496; _New Jersey Archives_, x. 606.

Noddle's Island, May 27: Frothingham's _Siege_, 109; Dawson's _Battle_, i. 47; Force's _Am. Archives_, ii. 719; Gordon, ii. 24; Humphrey's _Putnam_, 69; Tarbox's _Putnam_; Sumner's _East Boston; N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, April, 1857, p. 137.

[393] Frothingham's _Warren_, 490 (May 16).

[394] P. O. Hutchinson's _Gov. Hutchinson_, 457.

[395] Thornton's _Pulpit of the Revolution_, p. 277.

[396] _Life of Gerry_, i. 79.

[397] _Familiar Letters_, p. 60.

[398] P. O. Hutchinson, p. 468.

[399] Issued in pursuance of Dartmouth's instructions of April 15. Sparks' _Washington_, iii. 510. There are copies of the broadside in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, and in the Bostonian Society's rooms.

[400] Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 136, with the document in the Appendix. It is also in Niles's _Principles and Acts_ (1876), p. 122. Moore, in his _Diary of the Amer. Rev._, i. 93, gives a sample of the fun made of it in rhyme. Cf. Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 310.

[401] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 352.

[402] E. E. Hale, _One Hundred Years Ago_.

[403] Cf. John Adams's account of this choice, _Works_, ii. 417; _Familiar Letters_, 65; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 68. Also see Sparks' _Washington_, i. 138, etc.; iii. 1; Barry's _Mass._, iii. 18, and references; Irving's _Washington_, i. 411. His commission and instructions are in Sparks' _Washington_, iii. 479.

[404] Frothingham's _Warren_, 512; _Evacuation Memorial_, p. 731; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 13, 17.

[405] It was torn down in the summer of 1884. See cut and note in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 108.

[406] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 83.

[407] The first boat to approach was struck by a three-pound shot from the redoubt. _Life of Josiah Quincy_, by Edmund Quincy, p. 372.

[408] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 69.

[409] This is Stedman's statement, but it seems at variance with the official report, which states that they took sixty-six rounds with their guns, and did not use over half. Denman's _Royal Artillery_, 3d ed., ii. 303.

[410] Washington, on his arrival in Cambridge, recognized the services of Col. Joseph Ward, who at this time had borne an order from General Ward across Charlestown Neck amid the cross-fire of the British batteries, by giving him a brace of pistols, now preserved; and perhaps the only written order of the battlefield now remaining is a requisition by Jos. Ward for ammunition, which is given in fac-simile in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 86, where are also other notes on Jos. Ward. Cf. also J. V. Cheney in _Scribner's Monthly_, xi. 424. Some memoranda respecting Joseph Ward are in the _Sparks MSS._ (LII. vol. iii.)

[411] Only one or two hundred people, out of a population of from two to three thousand, were now remaining in the town.

[412] Belknap (_Papers_, ii. 164) says the wind was southwest all day, and incommoded the British but not the intrenchment. There are some verses on the burning of Charlestown, attributed to Barlow. (Moore's _Songs and Ballads of the Amer. Rev._, 95.) For a supposed painting, see _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 86.

[413] Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 154; C. Hudson, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1880. He was killed by a negro. (Livermore's _Historical Research_, etc., p. 119.) His body was taken to Boston and buried under Christ Church. There is said to have been a blunder subsequently in taking the wrong body to England. Sargent's _Dealings with the Dead_, i. 54; Drake's _Landmarks of Boston_, 207.

[414] When Elisha Hutchinson, in London, heard of the battle, he said: "If every small hill or rising ground about Boston is to be recovered in the same way, I see no prospect of an end to the war." (P. O. Hutchinson's _Governor Hutchinson_, p. 506.) Belknap (_Papers_, published by Mass. Hist. Soc., ii. 159) says the criticism on Howe for attacking in front was general. The royalist Jones, in his _New York during the Revolutionary War_ (i. 52), charges the British general with obstinacy in this respect. Lee (_Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department_, 2d ed., p. 33) traces Howe's subsequent timidity in his conduct of campaigns to the lesson this battle taught him.

[415] Their loss was 150 killed, 270 wounded, and 30 taken prisoners,—450 in all.

[416] Their loss was 224 killed and 830 wounded,—1,054 in all, of which 157 were officers.

[417] Jones (_N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 55, 555) is characteristic upon the double-faced spirit of New York at this time.

[418] The news of Bunker Hill reached Philadelphia in a vague way, June 22. The cannonade at Boston Neck during the battle had been magnified into a second fight going on at the same time at Dorchester Point. (Adams, _Familiar Letters_, 70.)

[419] Sparks, iii. 11.

[420] The provincial congress of New York assembled on the 22d of May, and it soon became evident that some violent wrenching would be necessary to unloose the grasp which the loyalists had upon it. The Johnsons, with their Indian affiliations, were strong royalists, and the leadership of the family, by the death of Sir William in July, 1774, fell to his son-in-law and nephew, Guy Johnson. The motives which actuated the one remained with the other.

[421] This elm, now going to decay, has been often pictured: _Amer. Mag._ (1837), iii. 432; _Harper's Monthly_, xxiv. 729; Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 410; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 110, etc.; Von Hellwald's _Amerika in Wort und Bild_, i. 73.

On the 22d. of June, 1775, Hancock had written to Ward, transmitting his commission as first major-general, and next in command after Washington. He says of the new commander-in-chief, that "he takes his departure to-morrow morning from this city [Philadelphia] in order to enter upon his command. I the rather (he adds) mention the circumstance of his departure, that you may direct your movements for his reception." (_Ward MSS._, in Mass. Hist. Society.)

The assumption of command by Washington under this tree rests, so far as the writer knows, on tradition only, and he knows of no detail of the ceremonies given by contemporary evidence, though writers have much exercised their ingenuity in giving various attendant circumstances.

[422] Cf. Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 486.

[423] He held subsequent councils during the siege, at Cambridge, Aug. 3, Sept. 11, Oct. 8, Oct. 18, Jan. 16, 1776, Jan. 18, Feb. 16, and at Roxbury, Mar. 13. Copies of their proceedings are in the _Sparks MSS._ Minutes of Gates's speech at the council of war in Cambridge, Dec., 1775, in which he advised against an assault on Boston, are among the Gates papers (copied in _Sparks MSS._, xxii., and xxxix. 446).

[424] Washington complained that vessels cleared at New York with fresh provisions for the West Indies, and, when free of the harbor, steered for Boston. (N. Y. Arch., in _Sparks MSS._, no. xxix.)

[425] Cf. John Adams' _Works_, i. 245; ix. 358. See, on the Southern view of the North at this time, _Life of Chief Justice Parsons_, p. 40.

[426] Bancroft, orig. ed., viii. 26. Cf. John Adams's opinion, _Works_, ix. 362.

[427] Lee had his headquarters at one time at the Royall house, in Medford. Cf. Drake's _Landmarks of Middlesex_, ch. vi.; Lamb's _Homes of America_; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 334. A paper on Lee, Gates, Stephen, and Darke as generals from the Shenandoah Valley, by J. E. Cooke, is in _Harper's Mag._, 1858, p. 500.

[428] Cf., for the letters and comment, Niles's _Principles and Acts_, 1876, p. 118; Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 498; Moore's _Diary_, 108; _Boston Evacuation Memorial_, p. 146; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, 172. The correspondence was soon printed, as _Letter from General Lee to General Burgoyne, with General Lee's answer, and the letter declining an interview_ (Boston, 1775). Cf. Haven, in Thomas, ii. p. 659. The letters are given in the _Lee Papers_ (_N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1871, pp. 180, 188, 222), and were translated into German and published at Braunschweig, 1777. (Sabin, iii. no. 5,259.) When Burgoyne sailed for England, Lee says, in a letter written from the camp at Winter Hill, Dec. 15, 1775: "I have written a parting letter to Burgoyne. It is in my opinion the most tolerable of my performances." _Sparks MSS._, xxvi.

It was Burgoyne's opinion at this time that no force which Great Britain and Ireland could supply would bring the war to a speedy conclusion; while he thought that hiring foreign troops, levying Canadians, and arming blacks and Indians, might do it. (Fonblanque, 153.) By July 3, Dartmouth had become aware that almost every colony had caught the flame, and he had deduced from Gage's letters that twenty thousand men would be required to reduce New England alone. Burgoyne soon began to chafe under Gage's inaction, and urged him to transfer the army to New York. (Fonblanque, p. 190.) He writes to the ministry about "being invested on one side and asleep on the other" (_Ibid._, p. 198), and says Gage is "amiable for his virtues, but not equal to the situation."

There is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library (Misc. MSS., 1632-1795) a printed burlesque of a supposed battle of "Roxborough, July 19, 1775", which shows the drift of public satire.

[429] W. B. Reed thinks these letters on Washington's part the production of Colonel Reed. _Life of Jos. Reed_, i. 111.

[430] Sparks' _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 12.

[431] Sullivan writes to Schuyler from Winter Hill, Aug. 5, 1775: "Our enemies fear to come out, though we endeavor in every way to aggravate them."

[432] Of the attack at Stonington, Aug. 30, 1775, see _Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 298 and references.

[433] Draper's _Gazette_, of Sept. 21, had intimated that there was to be some faithlessness in the patriot party. Barry's _Mass._, ii. 48.

[434] Being carried to Connecticut, he sunk under his confinement, and was allowed to embark for the West Indies, but the vessel on which he sailed was never heard of. For the sources and their examination, see Sparks' _Washington_, iii. 115, 502; John Adams's _Works_, ii. 414; ix. 402; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 51, 333; Greene's _Life of Greene_, i. 120; Cowell's _Spirit of Seventy-Six in Rhode Island_; Bancroft, vi. 409; Chandler's _Criminal Trials_, i. 417; Frothingham's _Siege of Boston_, 258; Loring's _Hundred Boston Orators_, 37, 40; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 111, 145; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, June, 1884, p. 15; _Sparks MSS._, xlix. vol. i.; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 622; _New Jersey Archives_, x. 671. An exculpatory letter of Church, dated American Hospital, Sept. 14, 1775, is among the Sullivan papers (_Sparks MSS._, xx.)

[435] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 353.

[436] _Sparks MSS._ xlv. There is a list of his addressers (Oct. 6) in Curwen's _Journal_, p. 474.

[437] A letter from H. Jackson to John Langdon, describing the preparations (Sept. 3, 1775) is in the _Sparks MSS._, xlix., vol. 2.

[438] Mahon, vi. 74.

[439] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 129, 145, 520; _Correspondence of the Rev._, i. 70, 71; _Genl. Mag._, 1775; Bailey's letter, in _Me. Hist. So. Coll._, v. 437. Washington, Oct. 24, 1775, transmits a statement (Oct 16) of Pearson Jones. (N. Y. Archives in _Sparks MSS._ xxix.). A letter of William Whipple, Nov. 12, 1775, to Langdon, describing the burning, is among the Langdon Papers, and a copy in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). There is a rude copperplate engraving of the burning town, by Norman, in the Boston ed. of the _Impartial Hist. of the War_ (1781), vol. ii. Cf. Williamson's _Maine_, ii. 422; William Goold's _Portland in the Past_ (1886), ch. 10; Willis's _Portland_, with plans and views; Smith and Deane's _Journal of Portland_; Jos. Williamson's _Belfast_; Barry's _Mass._, ii. 56; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1873, p. 256; _Hist. Mag._, Mar., 1869 (xv. 202); _Old Times_, vi. 823; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 633, 635. Hutchinson records (_Life and Diaries_, i. 583) that when the news reached London, Lord George Germain told him that "Graves had been put in mind of his remissness, and he imagined he would run to the other extreme." Cf. Mahon's _England_, vi. 75.

[440] Lynch, Franklin, and Harrison.

[441] _Heath MSS._, p. 3.

[442] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 288, 297; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Dec., 1877, p. 390; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 147 and references.

[443] Fac-simile of handbill printed to send among the royal troops to induce desertion. It follows an original in a volume of _Proclamations_ in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society. Cf. _Evacuation Memorial_.

[444] P. O. Hutchinson, 123.

[445] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 141; _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 73; Quincy's _Life of J. Quincy, Jr._, 412.

[446] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 113. Gage had, as early as July 14, 1775, pronounced Boston a "disadvantageous place for all operations", and expressed a preference for New York as a base of operations. The government had advised (Sept. 5, 1775) Howe to abandon the town. Before Howe, perhaps, got this, Gage wrote to Dartmouth that "the possession of Boston occasions a considerable diversion of the enemy's force; but it is open to attacks on many sides, and requires a large body to defend it." In November Howe had made up his mind that he must winter, at least, in Boston. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 353, 354, 356.) The Secretary of War, as early as Nov. 12, 1774, had urged that Boston was a place where the royal troops could do little good, and might do much harm. (_Life of Barrington_, 140.)

[447] Dr. Peter Oliver wrote (Nov. 27) from Boston: "The pirates, or, as the rebels term them, the privateers, have taken a Cork vessel, Captain Robbins, of this town, with provisions, and carried her into Marblehead; and a number of wood vessels from the eastward are carried into the worthless town of Plymouth." P. O. Hutchinson, i. p. 571. Again, Dec. 7, he writes: "We have eight or ten pirate vessels out between the capes; and yet our men-of-war are chiefly in the harbor." _Ibid._, p. 581. Admiral Graves was as inactive as Gage, and, on Dec. 30, Admiral Shuldham arrived with orders to relieve him. Percy, writing from Boston of the new admiral, says: "We wanted a more active man than the last, for really the service suffered materially during his stay." (_Percy Letters_, in Boston Pub. Library.) Curwen records how matters at this time were regarded in London: "Their [the rebels'] activity and success is astonishing."

[448] She reached Cambridge Dec. 11.

[449] Adams's _Works_, ix. 270, 369. Burgoyne was soon too distant for the implied blow. He sailed for England Dec. 5.

[450] See the rolls in the State House in Boston, and _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, i. 240. Cf. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 675-681.

[451] There is in a volume of _Misc. MSS._, 1632-1795, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, an agreement to release Andrew Richman, who had joined the regiment after the suppression of the rebellion,—signed by John Small, major of brigade.

[452] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 77.

[453] It will be recollected that independence had not yet been declared.

[454] Percy wrote from Boston, January 7, 1776: "I take it for granted that the next campaign will be so active and, I hope, so decisive a one, that the rebels will be glad to sue for mercy. All, however, will depend on our having a sufficient force sent us out very early in the spring.... Brig. Gen. Grant directs our commander-in-chief and all his operations. Mr. Howe is, I think, the only one here in his army who does not perceive it. I wish from my soul that we may not feel the consequences." (_Percy Letters._) Hutchinson was writing in January, 1776, from London: "I count the days, and absurd as it is so near the close of life, I can hardly help wishing to sleep away the time between this and spring, that I may escape the succession of unfortunate events which I am always in fear of." (P. O. Hutchinson, vol. ii.)

[455] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 223.

[456] Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. 193, 199.

[457] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 230; _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 106, 112; John Adams's _Works_, ix. 370.

[458] Lee's instructions in Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 230. Cf. Duer's _Stirling_, p. 123; Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_, p. 49; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 570, 593.

[459] Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 124, 135, 139; _Life of Gouverneur Morris_, i. 74-88. Already, on Jan. 6, 1776, the provincial congress of New York had organized a company of artillery to defend the colony and guard its records; and March 14, 1776, a student in King's College was made its captain. That organization still exists as Battery F, Fourth Regiment U. S. Artillery. (Asa Bird Gardner, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1881, P. 416.)

[460] Letters to and from Lee during his movements from Connecticut to Charleston (S. C.) are in the Lee Papers. (_Sparks MSS._, xxv., January, 1776-July, 1776, for copies, and _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1871 and 1872, for the print. There are letters from Lee during Jan.-March, 1776, from Connecticut and New York, in the _Sparks MSS._ xxix.) Cf. Sparks's _Gouv. Morris_, i. ch. 5.

[461] _Works_, ii. 431.

[462] Knox's instructions are in Sparks's _Washington_, iii. p. 160; Knox's letters from the Lake, in the _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 86, 94.

Knox's diary is in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1876, p. 321; and an inventory of the cannon, made Dec. 10, 1775, is in Drake's _Soc. of Cincinnati_, p. 544. Cf. Drake's _Knox_, pp. 22, 128, 129. A roll of men whom Knox enlisted in his artillery, 1775, is in _Mass. Archives; Rev. Rolls_, vol. xlix.

[463] N. Y. Archives in _Sparks MSS._, no. xxix. Curiously enough, Franklin was at this time urging a resort to bows and arrows. (_N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1871, p. 285.)

[464] His headquarters here were in the Roxbury parsonage, a house still standing, and delineated in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 115. On the 2d of March Washington gave notice to Ward, then commanding in Roxbury, of his intention. His letter in fac-simile is given in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, March 17, 1876.

[465] Burgoyne had suggested the occupation of these heights by the British very soon after the battle of Bunker Hill. Fonblanque, p. 150. Clinton says (_Notes on Stedman_) that he had told Gage and Howe, in June, 1775, that if ever the royal army was forced to evacuate Boston, it would be owing to the rebels getting possession of Dorchester Heights. What is given in T. C. Simond's _South Boston_, p. 31, as "a plan of Dorchester Neck for the use of the British army", seems to be but an extract from Pelham's Map.

[466] _Heath's Papers_ (MSS.), i. 180.

[467] See Washington's letters on the occupation of Dorchester Heights and its effect, in Sparks, iii. 302, 311. Cf. _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 86; Mary Cone's _Life of Rufus Putnam_ (Cleveland, 1886) p. 45.

[468] Hutchinson says the list which reached England showed 938 souls. (P. O. Hutchinson, ii. 61.) On Nov. 20, 1775, Lieut.-Gov. Oliver wrote that there were 2,000 loyalists in Boston, men, women, and children, and that Boston had then 3,500 inhabitants, instead of the 15,000 properly belonging to it.

[469] _Mem. of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, 416.

[470] These before long were gone. Jones (_N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 54), referring to the captures after the British left Boston harbor, says: "One or two frigates stationed in the bay would have prevented all this mischief. But a fatality, a kind of absurdity, or rather stupidity, marked every action of the British commanders-in-chief during the whole of the American war."

[471] Nearly eighty armed vessels and transports were necessary to carry the army and its followers, but a large number of other vessels loaded with merchandise accompanied the fleet. Abigail Adams counted 170 sail in all, from her home in Braintree. Washington had supposed they would steer for New York, and so had warned the New York authorities as early as March 9. (N. Y. Archives, in _Sparks MSS._, no. xxix.) Cf. his letter to Stirling of March 14. (Duer's _Stirling_, p. 143.)

[472] A small number of General Ward's papers, given by Mrs. Barrell, a granddaughter, are in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society. Ward resigned April 12, 1776, and Hancock's reply to him of April 26 is among these, as are also sundry papers pertaining to his retention of the command of the Eastern department after Washington went to New York. Cf. a paper on Ward in _Scribner's Monthly_, xi. p. 712. A letter of Ward's, April 16, 1776, describing the army's condition, is in the Mass. Archives, and is copied in the _Sparks MSS._, vol. lx. There is an engraving of Ward, after an original picture in Irving's _Washington_, illus. ed., ii. Cf. also picture in A. H. Ward's _Hist. of Shrewsbury, Mass._; and _Memorial Hist. of Boston_, vol. iii.

[473] _Mem. of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, p. 417.

[474] Edmund Quincy's letter in _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1859, p. 233.

[475] For the Mugford affair, see Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 204; Moore's _Diary_, i. 244.

[476] _Secret Journals of Congress_, i. 19.

[477] John Adams understood these sectional difficulties. _Works_, ix. 367. Cf., on the New England distrust of Schuyler, Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 535. Bancroft says of Schuyler that he was "choleric and querulous, and was ill suited to control undisciplined levies of turbulent freemen." Schuyler, who was honest and uncompromisingly zealous, is defended in Lossing's _Life of Schuyler_, where (vol. ii. 27) Bancroft's assertion (original ed., viii. 423) that Schuyler "refused to go into Canada" is controverted on the ground that Congress declined to accept Schuyler's resignation, when ill-health prevented his leading the army. Bancroft, in his final revision (iv. 377), says of Schuyler that he owned himself unable to manage the men of Connecticut, and proposed to resign. The differences between Schuyler and Wooster have led to much championing of the two by writers of New York and Connecticut. Wooster, a man now of sixty-five years, austere in habit, could hardly be expected to commend himself to one of Schuyler's temperament. Cf. Hollister's _Connecticut_.

[478] Hinman's _Conn. in the Rev._, p. 571; Guy Johnson's despatch to Dartmouth, Oct. 12, 1775, in _Canadian Antiquarian_, iv. 25, 135.

[479] Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. 153, 158; Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 471; Allen's own _Narrative_; Lossing in _Harper's Monthly_, xvii. 721. Cf. Warner's letter of Sept. 27, in the _Sparks MSS._, xlix. vol. 2.

[480] On November 3, the colors taken at Chamblée were hung up in Mrs. Hancock's chamber at Philadelphia.

[481] Silas Deane seems to have comprehended something of the intractable quality of Wooster (_Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 288.)

[482] Parton's _Burr_, i. 68.