Chapter LIV: {victoria. 1843—1844} (1)

State of the Country..... Meeting of Parliament.....
National Distress..... The Corn-law Question..... Address to
the Crown on the Subject of Education..... Affairs of India,
&c. The Corn-law Question resumed..... Irish
Affairs..... Financial Statements, &c.
Education..... Church Extension, &c. Law Reform.....
Prorogation of Parliament..... Agitation; Ireland.....
Formation of the Free Church in Scotland..... The State of
India..... Continental Affairs.

STATE OF THE COUNTRY.

{A.D. 1843}

AT the opening of this year the aspect of public affairs was such as to create disquietude and anxiety. In every branch of trade and industry there was great depression, which was by some attributed to the workings of the new tariff, and by others to a groundless panic occasioned by that measure. Whatever it arose from it certainly existed; and the fact of its existence was clearly proved by the diminished consumption of those articles which contribute in so large a proportion to the public revenue. The total decrease in the excise, stamps, customs, and taxes on the quarter was £1,379,057, which was equivalent to a total yearly deficiency of £5,516,222. The distress which prevailed naturally give rise to various opinions as to the remedies to be applied. Some suggested and advocated the repeal of the corn-laws; others threw the blame upon the income-tax, and the other financial measures of Sir Robert Peel’s government; some attributed the distress to the poor-laws; and others pointed to emigration as the natural safety-valve and outlet for the pressure of a too rapidly increasing population. All these subjects were discussed at length in both houses of parliament; but few practical results arose from these discussions.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was opened by commission on the 2nd of February. The speech, read by the lord-chancellor, referred to a treaty which had been concluded with the United States of America and the adjustment of differences which, from their long continuance had endangered the preservation of peace. Allusion was also made to the termination of hostilities in China; and a hope expressed “that, by the free access which would be opened to the principal mart of that populous and extensive empire, encouragement would be given to the commercial enterprise of her majesty’s people.” The speech continued:—“In concert with her allies, her majesty has succeeded in obtaining for the Christian population of Syria, the establishment of a system of administration which they were entitled to expect from the engagements of the Sultan, and from the good faith of the country. The differences for some time existing between tire Turkish and Persian governments had recently led to acts of hostility; but as each of these states has accepted the joint mediation of Great Britain and Russia, her majesty entertains a confident hope that their mutual relations will be speedily and amicably adjusted. Her majesty has concluded with the Emperor of Russia a treaty of commerce and navigation, which will be laid before you. Her majesty regards this treaty with great satisfaction, as the foundation for increased intercourse between her majesty’s subjects and those of the emperor.” The affairs of India and the events in Afghanistan were next adverted to; satisfaction being expressed at the victories obtained “on the scenes of former disasters.” Concerning the decrease of revenue the speech remarked:—“Her majesty regrets the diminished receipt from some of the ordinary sources of revenue. Her majesty fears that it must be in part attributed to the reduced consumption of many articles, caused by that depression of the manufacturing industry of the country which has so long prevailed, and which her majesty has so deeply lamented. In considering, however, the present state of the revenue, her majesty is assured that you will bear in mind, that it has been materially affected by the extensive reductions in the import duties which received your sanction during the last session of parliament, and that little progress has hitherto been made in the collection of those taxes, which were imposed for the purpose of supplying the deficiency from that and other causes. Her majesty feels confident that the future produce of the revenue will be sufficient to meet every exigency of the public service.” The speech concluded by adverting to her majesty’s recent visit to Scotland; to disturbances which had taken place in some of the manufacturing districts; and to measures connected with the improvement of the law which were to be brought forward during this session.

The address was agreed to, and the house adjourned.

In the house of commons also the address was agreed to without a division, and the house adjourned.

NATIONAL DISTRESS.

Allusion had been made in the royal speech to the distress which pervaded the country at this time; and in this state of things Lord Howick give notice for a committee of the whole house to investigate the causes of this distress. The debate commenced on the 18th of February, by Lord Howick, calling attention to the paragraph in her majesty’s speech referring to diminished revenue. This having been read by the clerk at the table, his lordship then moved that the house do now resolve itself into a committee upon the said passage in her majesty’s speech. The debate on the motion continued during five nights: various members on both sides of the house supporting or opposing the motion. On the fifth and last night Mr. Cobden said that his chief objection to the motion was, that it did not include agricultural as well as manufacturing distress. The agricultural labourers were in a wretched state; neither them nor the farmers were any gainers by the corn-laws. With neither of these classes had landlords any right to identify themselves. The landlord was no agriculturist: he might live all his days in London or in Paris. He was no more an agriculturist than a shipowner was a sailor. The real agriculturists were beginning to get a glimmering of light upon this question. The member for Dorsetshire had attacked the league; he protested against the notion that the league had been the movers of sedition and assassination. He would next inquire why the present motion was to be resisted by the government. When Sir R. Peel took the reins of government, he took with them the responsibility of introducing the measures necessary for the country..The ministers were advocates of free-trade: why did they not carry it into effect? They adopted it, it was said, only in the abstract: the house had nothing to do with abstractions. Length of time was pleaded; he should like to know whether that would be a defence to the claim of a just plaintiff in a court of law? It could not be said that the period was unsuitable; the year lay before them, and there was no pressure of legislative business, publie or private. Had government any other remedy? They had last year imposed a corn-law which gave umbrage to all classes of mercantile men. That law had not given any extension to regular trade, and had ruined the speculators. The tariff had reduced the duty on seven hundred articles, and had omitted the only two which would have done anything for tire people—corn and sugar. Sir R. Peel had it in his power to carry the measures necessary for the people; and if he had not that power as a minister, he would have it by resigning his office. The right honourable baronet should be held responsible individually: the electoral body would compel him to do them justice. Sir Robert Peel declared that no responsibility which Mr. Cobden could fix upon him, or induce others to fix upon him, should deter him from doing his duty. He then proceeded to analyse the nature of the motion, in order to show that it could not be conceded. It was not a motion, he said, to inquire into the causes of the distress; but a motion that the house should resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, Lord Howiok having some proposition to bring forward for the relief of the distress. Lord John Russell justified the form of the present motion, and the fitness of the time at which it was brought forward; but on a division it was rejected by a majority of three hundred and six against one hundred and ninety-one.

ADDRESS TO THE CROWN ON THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION.

On the 28 th of February Lord Ashley moved the following resolution in the house of commons:—“That an humble address be presented to her majesty, praying that her majesty will be graciously pleased to take into her instant and serious consideration the best means of diffusing the benefits and blessings of a moral and religious education among the working classes of her people.” The motion was agreed to.

AFFAIRS OF INDIA, ETC.

In the early part of this session, some interesting discussions occurred in both houses of parliament, on the recent events and military operations in India. The first of these discussions took place on the 9th of February, when Mr. Vernon Smith moved for the production of some papers relative to Indian affairs. The motion was agreed to.

The following resolutions, after considerable discussion, were carried in both houses:—“That the thanks of this liouse be given to the Right Honourable Lord Ellenborough, governor-general of the British possessions in the East Indies, for the ability and judgment with which the resources of the British empire in India have been applied to the support of the military operations in Affghanistan. That the thanks of this house be given to Major-general Sir George Pollock, G.C.B., to Major-general Sir William Nott, G.C.B., to Major-general Sir John M’Gaskill, K.C.B., to Major-general Richard England, and the other officers of the army, both European and native, for the intrepidity, skill, and perseverance displayed by them in the military operations in Affghanistan, and for their indefatigable zeal and exertions throughout the late campaign. That this house doth highly approve and acknowledge the valour and patient perseverance displayed by the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers, both European and native, employed in Affghanistan, and that the same be signified to them by the commanders of the several corps, who are desired to thank them for their gallant behaviour.” About the same time resolutions were passed both in the lords and commons, with respect to the services of the fleet and army employed in the late operations in China. The affairs of India became the subject of discussion again in the house of commons on the 2nd of March, when Mr. Roebuck moved for a select committee to inquire into the causes which led to the late war in Affghanistan; but it ended in mere words: the motion was rejected by a majority of one hundred and eighty-nine against seventy-five.

THE CORN-LAW QUESTION RESUMED.

This great question—a question which interested all parties, and all classes of society—formed the subject of several debates during this session. It was first brought prominently forward by Mr. Ward, who, on the 14th of March, moved, “That a select committee be appointed to inquire whether there are any peculiar burdens especially affecting the landed interest of this country, or any peculiar exemptions enjoyed by that interest; and to ascertain their nature and extent.” This motion was negatived, after a lengthened discussion, by a large majority; but, on the 13th of May, the whole subject of the corn-laws was brought under discussion upon the motion annually brought forward by Mr. Villiers, for a committee of the whole house to consider the duties on the importation of foreign corn. This was met by Mr. Gladstone with a direct negative. The most remarkable speeches delivered were those of Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Cobden. Mr. Cobden combated the notion that if the corn-laws were repealed, the whole system of revenue must be cut down; and declared that the anti-corn-law league would persist in agitation until the attainment of their object. On a division, the motion was rejected by a majority of three hundred and eighty-one against one hundred and twenty-five. Another general debate on the same subject occupied the house on the 13th of June, when Lord John Russell again proposed the consideration of the corn-laws in a committee of the whole house; which, however, was negatived by a large majority. But, previous to this debate, a measure partially effecting the operation of the corn-laws had been proposed in the house of commons by Lord Stanley, the secretary for the colonies. His lordship moved the following resolutions—“Resolved that, on the 12th day of October, 1842, an act was passed by the legislative council and legislative assembly of the province of Canada, and reserved by the governor-general for the signification of her majesty’s pleasure, imposing a duty of 3s., sterling money of Great Britain, on each imperial quarter of wheat imported into Canada, except from the United Kingdom, or any of her majesty’s possessions, and being the growth and produce thereof. That the said act recites that it was passed in the confident belief and expectation that, upon the imposition of a duty upon foreign wheat imported into the province, her majesty would be graciously pleased to recommend to parliament the removal or reduction of the duties on wheat and wheat flour imported into the said United Kingdom from Canada. That, in consideration of the duty so imposed by the said act of the legislature of Canada, it is expedient to provide that, if her majesty shall be pleased to give her sanction to the said act, the duties imposed upon wheat and wheat flour imported into the United Kingdom from Canada should be reduced. That, during the continuance of the said duty, in lieu of the duties now payable upon wheat and wheat flour imported into the United Kingdom from Canada, under an act passed in the last session of parliament, entitled ‘An act to amend the laws for the importation of corn,’ there shall be levied and paid the duties following:—viz., for every quarter of wheat, 1s.; for every barrel of wheat, meal, or flour, being one hundred and ninety-six pounds, a duty equal in amount to the duty payable on thirty-eight and a half gallons of wheat.” In moving these resolutions, Lord Stanley said that exaggerated notions of the measure had prevailed on all sides; and if he had not given a direct promise to the Canadian legislature, he would not have brought forward a question tending to create uneasiness among them. He brought it forward, in fact, only as a boon to Canada, which he had reason to expect, and of which the refusal would be highly injurious to her interests and feelings. His proposal was, not to let American wheat into England, but to let into England Canadian wheat, and flour ground in Canada, from whatever growth it might be manufactured. That was in accordance with the broad principle of the navigation act—“that all manufactured goods shall be deemed to be the produce of the country in which they are manufactured.” The resolutions of Lord Stanley, after a stormy debate, were confirmed by a majority of two hundred and forty-four against one hundred and eighty-eight. A few days afterwards the house went into committee on them, when Lord John Russell moved an amendment, which proposed to omit that part of them which referred to the Canadian legislature, his lordship objecting to the making of the legislation of the imperial depend on that of the colonial parliament. Lord Stanley defended the course taken by government as necessary to secure the object; and after a desultory conversation, the amendment was negatived. Another amendment, to the effect that no alteration should be made in the corn-law of the preceding session, and in the degrees of protection which it afforded to British agriculture, was moved by Lord Worsley; but this also was negatived; and after some further discussion the house divided on the original resolutions, which were carried by a majority of two hundred and eighteen against one hundred and thirty-seven. On the 2nd of June, a bill founded on the resolutions was brought in when Lord Worsley moved that it be read that day six months. This led to a renewed debate on the measure: but ultimately the second reading was carried by a majority of two hundred and nine against one hundred and nine. A debate in the house of lords took place on the committal of the bill, which was moved by Earl Dalhousie on the 4th of July. Lord Brougham seconded the motion, not “because the measure was a step in the right direction”—that is, towards the removal of the corn-laws—“but because it removed an anomaly.” Earl Stanhope moved, as an amendment, that the bill be committed that day six months; and he was supported in his opposition by the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Radnor, and Lords Beaumont and Teynham. The amendment was, however, negatived by a majority of fifty-seven against twenty-five. The house subsequently went into committee, and the bill passed without amendment.

IRISH AFFAIRS.

Towards the close of the session the unusually agitated state of Ireland, produced by the repeal movement, noticed in a subsequent article, gave rise to angry debates in parliament. In the month of May ministers proposed a bill requiring the registration of fire-arms, and restricting the importation of arms and ammunition. The second reading of this bill was moved on the 29th of May by Lord Eliot, the secretary for Ireland, who, in introducing the subject, gave a short history of the origin and successive renewal of the Irish arms acts, beginning with the 33rd George III. c. 2, and ending with the bill introduced by Lord Morpeth in 1838. This measure was opposed with uncommon energy and skill by the Irish Roman Catholic members, and by several liberal Protestants among the representatives of Ireland. Messrs. Hume, Roebuck, Buller, and other liberal representatives of Great Britain were also its strenuous opponents. Mr. Shiel, always eloquent, made a brilliant speech in resisting it, which won members of various schools of politics to his opinion. The general feeling of the house and of the country was in favour of the bill, and the Protestants of Ireland declared by their petitions, and through their representatives, that it was necessary to their safety, as in many districts of the country property and life were in constant danger, armed bands of lawless ruffians prowling about by night, committing outrage, incendiarism, and murder upon those who were obnoxious to their political or religious opinions. The second reading was carried by a majority of two hundred and seventy against one hundred and five. On the motion for committing the bill, Mr. Smith O’Brien moved as an amendment, “that a select committee be appointed to inquire whether the condition of Ireland was such as to require statutory enactments different from those of Great Britain; and, if so, to ascertain to what cause the difference of legislation was to be attributed.” This amendment was negatived without a division, and the bill was then ordered to be committed. In the committee the measure encountered the most pertinacious and protracted opposition from many members, who moved repeated amendments, and divided again and again on some of the most obnoxious sections. It was, in fact, the 9th of August before the Irish arms bill reached its final stage in the house of commons. On that day Lord Eliot moved that it should be read a third time, which motion was met by an amendment by Lord Clements, that it be read a third time that day six months. Another warm discussion followed, but the bill was carried by a majority of one hundred and twenty-five against fifty-nine. In the house of lords two nights’ discussion took place upon the bill; but it met with a much easier passage in that house, and towards the close of August it passed into law.

In the meantime discussions of a different nature took place in both houses of parliament on Irish affairs. On the 14th of July Lord Clanricarde moved resolutions declaring the dismissal of certain magistrates by the Lord Chancellor, for taking part in the movement in favour of repeal, unconstitutional, unjust, and inexpedient. Their dismissal, he said, had given a great impulse to the prevailing agitation, manifested by the rise in the repeal-rent; and he imputed the state of Ireland, bordering on anarchy, to the policy of the present government. The Duke of Wellington met these resolutions by a direct negative, and contended that repeal agitation originated in the time of the later ministers; the acts impugned were forced upon the present administration. A long discussion ensued; but on a division the resolutions were negatived by a majority of ninety-one against twenty-nine. The state of Ireland again came under discussion in the house of lords on the 8th of August, when Lord Rod en presented a petition from upwards of five thousand of her majesty’s Protestant loyal subjects residing in the county of Down, praying for measures to repress the rebellious spirit in Ireland, and expressing surprise at seeing the marked difference made between Protestants and Roman Catholics in respect of the enforcement of the law against processions.

In the house of commons, on the 4th of July, Mr. Smith O’Brien moved, “That this house will resolve into a committee for the purpose of taking into consideration the causes of the discontent prevailing in Ireland, with a view to the redress of grievances, and to the establishment of a system of just and impartial government in that part of the United Kingdom.” The debate which this motion gave rise to occupied five nights, and, unlike the other debates on Irish affairs, it was conducted in a calm, practical, and dispassionate temper. The chief speakers for the motion were Messrs. Wyse, Charles Wood, Smythe, Mr. J. O’Connell, Captain Rous, and Viscount Howick; against it, Lord Eliot, Sirs J. Graham and R. Peel, and Messrs. B. Cochrane, Lascelles, and Colquhoun. On a division the motion was negatived, by a majority of two hundred and forty-three against one hundred and sixty-four.

FINANCIAL STATEMENTS.

Mr. Goulburn made his annual statement of ways and means on the 8th of May. His statements were by no means cheering. The revenue, he said, calculated upon by Sir Robert Peel for the year, from the customs, had been £22,000,000, but the actual produce had only reached £21,750,000. On the estimated produce of the excise, there had also been a deficiency of £1,200,000; and upon the whole the revenue had fallen short of the estimate by somewhat more than £2,000,000. That defalcation, however, had been diminished to about £1,250,000, by a payment from China of about £725,000. Against the deficiency thus constituted also was to be set the produce of the income-tax, which had exceeded the expectation formed of it: the net revenue from that source would be about £5,100,000. It might be asked, Mr. Goulburn continued, in what way he intended to meet the deficiency:—he had no new measure to propose; his calculation was, that the causes which had occasioned the deficiency of the last year were of a temporary character; that in the next and subsequent years there would be a surplus of revenue, and out of that he proposed to discharge the deficiency of the past year. Mr. Goulburn next proceeded to present his estimate for the ensuing year. There were two heavy charges, he said, which did not form part of the ordinary expenses of the year—the one a payment of £800,000 to the owners of opium seized in China; the other a payment of £1,250,000 to the East India Company, on account of expenses borne by them for the Chinese war. He proposed to advance the money requisite for these two payments, and to take repayment from the future remittances of China. The total estimate of revenue stated by Mr. Goulburn was £50,150,000, in which, however, he included a sum of £870,000 from the Chinese government; and the total estimated outlay was £49,387,645, which being deducted from the £50,150,000, would leave a surplus of £762,000 in favour of revenue above expenditure. In conclusion, the chancellor of the exchequer said, that though he was not in a condition to make a flattering statement of the country’s resources, he trusted the time was not far distant when he should be able to come down with a proposal for easing the industry of the country by important resolutions. He moved a vote of £47,943,000, which, after some discussion, was granted.

At a later period of the session the state of the public finances was made the subject of debate in the house of lords. On the 14th of August Lord Monteagle moved this series of resolutions:—“1. That this house observes with much concern and disappointment, that the expectation held out of a surplus revenue, exceeding £500,000, for the year ending the 5th of April. 1843, has not been realized; but that there has been an actual deficiency of £2,421,000, notwithstanding the imposition of a tax on property, the application to the public service within the year of £511,406, obtained from the government of China, and a receipt exceeding £1,300,000, as duties upon grain imported. 2. That the charge for the permanent debt has been increased during the last two years, the exchequer balances have been reduced, and upwards of £1,000,000 exchequer-bills held by the trustees of the savings’ banks converted into stock. 3. That under these circumstances it is most peculiarly the duty of the legislature, and of her majesty’s government, to enforce the strictest economy which is consistent with the public service, and to adopt all such measures as may increase the ordinary revenue, by insuring to British industry, whether agricultural, manufacturing, or commercial, its widest and freest extension, and its largest reward; thus averting from the country the calamity of the reenactment of a tax upon property in time of peace, and promoting the well-being of all classes of her majesty’s subjects.” The object of Lord Monteagle in introducing these resolutions was to vindicate the Whig administration of the public finances, and to show that the same line of conduct which had been censured in the late ministry had been pursued by the present government. His lordship delivered a long and able speech to this end, which was replied to with equal ability by the Duke of Wellington and Lord Brougham.

Another question, involving fiscal considerations, which occupied the attention of parliament, related to the sugar duties. Government proposed a renewal of tire duties of the year preceding, on which the free-trade party in the house of commons made their usual protest against the preference shown to the produce of the British colonies. On the 22nd of June, when it was moved that the speaker should leave the chair, in order to the house going into committee on the subject, Mr. Cobden moved: “That it is not expedient to compel payment of a higher price for colonial than for other commodities; and that, therefore, all protective duties on colonial produce ought to be abolished.” As this resolution, however, extended further than the mere sugar question, on which it had been moved “that the speaker leave the chair,” it could not be put; and the house then went into committee on the sugar duties. In committee Mr. Ewart, who condemned the policy of government on this subject, proposed that one uniform duty on foreign and colonial sugar should be levied; but this motion was lost by a majority of one hundred and thirty-five against eighty-five. Mr. Hawes subsequently proposed that the house should cease to maintain an impost which was equivalent to total prohibition, and should lower the duty to 34s.; but this was negatived by a still larger majority, and the proposition of government was confirmed. On a later day, the 17th of July, another important article of traffic was brought under consideration. As an amendment on the motion for going into a committee of supply, Mr. Charles Wood moved “that the house do resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to consider so much of the 5th and 6th Victoria, c. 47, customs’ act, as relates to the duties on the importation of foreign sheeps’ and lambs’ wool.” Mr. Wood supported his motion on the ground that the trade had been declining for nearly thirty years; but it was opposed by the chancellor of the exchequer; and after a desultory conversation, it was rejected by a majority of one hundred and forty-two against seventy. About the same time, however, government showed that they were not disinclined to all further commercial relaxation; for at their instance the restrictions on the importation of machinery, imposed by an act of King William the Fourth, were taken off. A bill for this purpose was brought in by the president of the board of trade, and, being supported by all parties in the house, passed without difficulty. After some opposition from Earl Stanhope, it was subsequently carried in the lords, and was incorporated finally into “an act for amending the customs,” which received the royal assent before the close of the session.

EDUCATION.

It has already been seen that, on the motion of Lord Ashley, an address was voted to the crown on the subject of the education of the working classes. The queen’s answer to this address was delivered by Earl Jermyn at the bar of the house, on the 8th of March. It read thus:—“I have received your loyal and dutiful address. The attention of my government had been previously directed to the important object of increasing the moral and religious education among the working classes of my people; and the assurance of your cordial co-operation in measures which I consider so necessary, confirms my hope that this blessing will be secured by legislative enactment.” On the same day Sir James Graham introduced his promised bill for regulating the employment of children and young persons in factories. Its clauses were, in fact, strongly opposed both in parliament and by the people, being objected to chiefly on the ground of giving a too exclusive management of the schools to the clergy of the church of England, thereby prejudicing dissenters and Roman Catholics. This objection was forcibly urged by several members in the discussion which ensued; while, on the other hand, it was controverted by several members with equal force. Avoiding this source of contention, Lord Ashley earnestly enforced the arguments respecting the necessity of the measure. The bill was finally read a second time. The measure, however, met with so much opposition from the dissenting and Roman Catholic bodies, and appeared to be so distasteful to a large section of the community, that Sir James Graham, on the 1st of May, produced a series of amendments which had been prepared by government. But although the bill was thus altered to meet the views of all classes, it was still strenuously opposed by several members, though eventually it was recommitted. Such was the animosity still displayed by the Roman Catholic and dissenting bodies against the measure, that government at length came to the resolution of abandoning it. The home secretary announced this intention on the 15th of June, on which occasion he promised to state on an early day the future intentions of government. In fulfilment of this promise, on the 19th he declared that government did not mean to give up the remainder of the factories’ bill; and on his motion it was recommitted.

CHURCH EXTENSION, ETC.

On the 5th of May Sir Robert Peel brought forward, in a committee of the whole house, a plan for relieving the spiritual wants of the kingdom by the endowment of additional churches, and augmentation of small livings. In explaining his measure, the right honourable baronet said that at the end of 1834 he had advised the crown to issue a commission to ascertain whether aid might not be obtained for religious instruction from ecclesiastical resources. The result of the inquiries of this commission had been to show that the revenues of certain bishoprics, cathedrals, and other ecclesiastical establishments, were larger than their purposes required. The commissioners recommended the transfer of such surplus receipts of the church to a new fund, which now amounted to £25,000. Out of this fund about £16,700 per annum had been applied to the augmentation of small livings; and other analogous purposes had been marked out, which, with the sum applied for, would absorb about £32,000. In a few years the fund would be increased by the falling in of canonries and other preferments; and the question was whether it would be better to wait till that increase should have been realized, or to anticipate that increase by some immediate measure. Government were in favour of the latter course, and for this purpose it would be necessary to combine the instrumentality of two bodies—the ecclesiastical commissioners and the board of Queen Anne’s bounty for the augmentation of small livings. The latter board possessed about £1,200,000, invested in the funds; and what he now proposed, was to authorize the advance of £600,000 by this board, to the ecclesiastical commissioners, on the security of the before-mentioned revenue of the ecclesiastical fund, existing and hereafter accruing. This advance to the extent of £30,000 a year he would apply in endowments for ministers of the church of England; and that annual sum, with the interest on the principal at three per cent., being £18,000 a year, would in seventeen years exhaust the whole. By that time the accumulation in the hands of the ecclesiastical commissioners would, even upon the narrowest calculation, exceed £100,000 a year, and the commissioners would thenceforth continue the £18,000 a year interest, and the proposed augmentation of £30,000 a year, together with the £32,000 already applied, or destined by them to similar or analogous purposes; and they would then possess a considerable surplus, applicable to future improvement. In conclusion, Sir Robert Peel said that he should have rejoiced if he could likewise have carried a grant of public money for these purposes with general goodwill; but he did not think that a public grant without such goodwill would have effectually accomplished the benefits which he anticipated from the application of ecclesiastical revenues. Several members spoke in terms of approbation of the measure, and the motion was unanimously voted.

The great secession in the church of Scotland gave occasion to the introduction of a bill proposed by Lord Aberdeen, on the part of the government to remove doubts respecting the admission of ministers to benefices. This bill provided that the presbytery, or church court, to which objections should be referred to be cognosced, should be authorized to inquire into the whole circumstances of the parish, and the character and number of persons by whom the objections and reasons should be preferred; and if the presentee should be found not qualified or suitable for that particular parish, the presbytery should pronounce to that effect, and should set forth the special grounds upon which their judgment was founded. The bill further abolished the veto, to guard against any doubt or difficulty on that point; providing that it shall not be lawful for any presbytery, or other ecclesiastical court, to reject any presentee upon the ground of any mere dissent or dislike, expressed in any part of the congregation of the parish in which he was presented, and which dissent or dislike should not be founded upon objections or reasons to be fully cognosced, judged of, and determined in the manner aforesaid, by the presbytery, or other ecclesiastical court. Lord Aberdeen declared his belief that the adoption of this measure would retain in the establishment a numerous body of ministers then in a state of suspense. Those parish ministers who had seceded were about two hundred and forty, or one-fourth of the whole number; the unendowed ministers, about two hundred, or about one-third of the entire clergy of Scotland. He did not apprehend, he said, any fatal consequence from the secession; but the bill would tend to tranquillise those who remained within the pale. The measure encountered the most strenuous opposition of Lords Brougham, Cottingham, and Campbell in all its stages; but it passed the upper house, and was introduced in the commons by Sir James Graham on the 31st of July. After explaining the nature of the bill, and supporting it by all the arguments he could bring forward in its favour, the right honourable baronet expressed a hope that the church of Scotland would find a haven of peace and security, and in that spirit of hope and peace he moved its second reading. Mr. Wallace said that the bill would create more doubts than had heretofore existed, and would make the people renounce the church; on which grounds he moved that it be read that day six months. This amendment was supported by Lord John Russell, and Messrs. Rutherford, Hume, Cochrane, and Alexander Campbell. On the other hand the bill was supported by the solicitor-general, Sir George Clerk, Mr. Hope Johnstone, and Sir Robert Peel; and on a division the second reading was carried by a majority of ninety-eight against eighty. The opponents of the measure renewed their attempts of throwing it out on the motion for going into committee, when Mr. P. M. Stewart moved that it be committed that day three months; but this was negatived, and the bill finally passed, and received the royal assent.

LAW REFORM.

Several reforms in the law were made during this session. One of the most important of these changes was the registration act. This passed the commons without any difficulty; and the second reading of the bill was moved in the upper house by Lord Wharncliffe, on which occasion his lordship thus explained its leading provisions. The objects of the bill, he said, were first, to establish in every part of the country a real and _bona fide_ list of voters; secondly, to settle certain doubts with respect to qualifications which had arisen in the revising barristers’ courts; and, thirdly, to prevent the personation of voters, or the possibility of individuals voting twice at the same election. One of the greatest alterations in the bill was that which related to the right of voting, as it depended on the payment of taxes. As the law at present stood a person could not have his name placed on the list of voters unless he had paid all his rates and taxes up to the time of making his claim. By this bill it was provided, that persons should be allowed to have their names inserted in the list of voters if they paid, on or before the 20th of July next ensuing after making their claim, all the poor’s-rates and assessed taxes payable from them for twelve calendar months before the 6th day of the preceding April. One great objection to the existing law was, that the decisions of the revising barristers were final; but by this measure an appeal from their decisions, on legal points, was allowed to the court of common-pleas. Provision was also made to clear up doubtful points as to the right of voting in counties, and likewise with reference to the place where a claim to the right of voting should be made, when the party resided in an extra-parochial district where there was no overseer. Another important point provided for by the bill was that which related to votes on account of trusts on mortgage estates. It was now provided that no mortgagee of any lands or tenements should have a vote for members unless he was in actual possession or receipt of the rents and profits of the lands or tenements mortgaged; but that the mortgager in actual possession, or in receipt of the rents or profits, should be allowed to vote in respect of the property, notwithstanding the mortgage. Another bill carried this session made some alterations in the law relating to defamation and libel. By this bill, which was introduced by Lord Campbell, it was made lawful to give evidence of the truth of the allegations complained of in any criminal proceedings for libel, but subject to this limitation—that the truth shall not, _ipso facto_, constitute a defence, unless the party shall also make out that the publication of it was for the public benefit. Provision was also made for the case of publication of libellous matter by inadvertence in newspapers. In such case the defendant was empowered to plead the facts in extenuation, and also to pay money into court by way of amends. Other clauses were directed against that nefarious system practised by some conductors of newspapers, who drive a trade in slander; while others imposed additional penalties upon those who make the publication of libels, or the threat of such publication, a means of extorting money from individuals. Two other measures brought in by government during this session—namely, a measure for the reform of the ecclesiastical court, and a bill for the extension of county courts—were not received with so much favour as the preceding: both met with stern opposition, and were in consequence postponed.

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued by the queen in person on the 24th of August. In the speech her majesty alluded with satisfaction to the various measures passed during the session; and thanked both houses for the measures they had adopted for enabling her to give full effect to the several treaties which had been concluded with foreign powers. Her majesty also alluded to the lawless combinations and commotions which had disturbed the public peace in some districts of Wales; and to the agitation in Ireland for a repeal of the legislative union.

AGITATION IN IRELAND, FORMATION OF THE FREE CHURCH IN SCOTLAND, ETC.

After the attainment of the Roman Catholic relief act, Mr. O’Connell had from time to time held out the repeal of the legislative union to the deluded people of Ireland as the great ultimatum, in his view, for their benefit. His exertions in this pursuit were at times relaxed, or diverted in favour of some other object; and there were many who thought his sincerity in this matter demanded a doubt. During this year, however, he took up the cause of repeal with redoubled energy. Abandoning the house of commons, he gave himself wholly up to the task of raising the banner of national independence in Ireland. In this work he resorted to the same plan of organization which had been adopted with success in prosecuting the Roman Catholic claims. An association, indeed, for the furtherance of repeal, provided with all the machinery requisite to give effect to its comprehensive designs, formed the main instrument by which the union was to be assailed. This body, which was styled the National Loyal Repeal Association, consisted of associates, members, and volunteers. The distinction of these classes was marked out by money-payments; for it was the “rent” to which the agitator was mainly looking. Thus associates were to pay one shilling each; while members were to pay one pound each. Cards were issued to all sections of the association; but those issued to members, or those who paid the most “rent,” were distinct from the rest. This card bore the names of four places in Ireland, the scenes of fights in which the Irish had conquered either the Danes or the English. A printed document described these victories. In another part of the card the geographical position of Ireland was contrasted with various states with the following words underneath:—“Ireland has not a parliament.” The card further set forth the revenue expended by Ireland during the last great war in France, and stated that the commander-in-chief, and two-thirds of the officers and men of the English army and navy on that occasion were Irishmen. Added to these features there was a scroll at the top of the card, bearing the following words:—“Resolved unanimously that the claims of any body of men, other than the king, lords, and commons of Ireland to make laws to bind this kingdom are unconstitutional, illegal, and a grievance;” which resolution was agreed to by the Dungannon volunteers in 1782. At the bottom of the card was an extract from a speech of Mr. Saurin, declaring the union not to be binding on conscience. In addition to the several kinds of members, the Repeal Association comprised officer’s, consisting of general inspectors, repeal-wardens, and collectors. Repeal-wardens were appointed by the association on the recommendation of the clergymen of their parishes; and a book of instruction was prepared, in which the several functions which they were to execute were described. One leading branch of their duties was the transmission and circulation among the associates in every district of certain newspapers devoted to the repeal cause, to be purchased out of the subscriptions in aid of the general object. The main object of the association appears to have been to provide a machinery of the most effective kind for the collection of funds, and to train the people to combination, and prepare them for simultaneous movements at the bidding of their leaders. How well calculated it was for the former object the weekly reports of the “rent” show; and its effectiveness in the latter design was proved by the “monster meetings,” which were held at Trim, Mullingar, and other places throughout Ireland. At all these meetings the most violent language was used by Mr. O’Connell and his coadjutors; and government was importuned to adopt some energetic measures for the suppression of this dangerous conspiracy. The only measures, however, adopted by the ministry for some time was the Irish arms bill, and the removing from the commission of the peace the names of those magistrates who attended or participated in any of the repeal meetings. But the more lenient government showed itself, the more bold and insolent the repealers became. At a “monster meeting” held at Tara on the 15th of August, Mr. O’Connell spoke out with unequivocal significancy. Another “monster meeting” was subsequently held at Roscommon, which Mr. O’Connell said, from its numbers, ought “to strike their enemies with terror, and to give their friends a great consolation.” At a later period of the year other “monster meetings” were held; and at each succeeding meeting the language of the repealers grew bolder and bolder. At length government was roused to action. A great meeting was announced for the 8th of October, to be held at Clontarf, the scene of an Irish victory over the Danes; and the programme of the proceedings to take place on this occasion, and the regulations to be observed by those who should attend it, had been announced with more than common ostentation and solemnity. Against this meeting government issued a proclamation; and as soon as the issue of it was known, Mr. O’Connell called a special meeting of the repeal association, at which, speaking with marked calmness, he said, in consequence of the step taken by government, there would be no meeting on the next day at Clontarf. A counter-proclamation was adopted by this meeting, in which the abandonment of the intended assembling at Clontarf was announced, and the people were exhorted not to assemble. As, however, the proclamation and the counter-proclamation were issued only the day before the intended meeting was to take place, thousands knew nothing of their promulgation, and consequently repaired to Clontarf, in the expectation of meeting their leaders. Instead of Mr. O’Connell and his associates, they met with troops; and thus disappointed, they returned home. Happily the day passed off with tranquillity; for, notwithstanding the vast concourse who thronged to the scene throughout the day, no disturbance took place. But the operations of government against the repealers did not stop here. A few days afterwards the public were startled by the announcement of the arrest of Mr. O’Connell and his coadjutors, on charges of conspiracy, sedition, and unlawful assembling. Mr. O’Connell entered into recognisances, himself in £1000, with two sureties of £500 each, to abide his trial on the charges preferred against him. Both Mr. O’Connell and his coadjutors were bound to appear on the first day of Michaelmas term, at the court of Queen’s-Bench at Dublin; and on their appearance the grand jury brought in the indictment, “a true bill;” but the proceedings of the trial were so much hindered by the various pretexts of the prisoners’ counsel, that it was finally agreed that it should be deferred till the 15th of January, 1844.

One of the most remarkable events which occurred in the course of this year, was the secession of a considerable number of the ministers and laity of the established church of Scotland from that body. This secession arose out of a controversy which had been raised upon the limits of ecclesiastical and civil jurisdiction, and the agitation which had been produced in tire minds of the non-intrusion party since the adverse decision of the law-courts and the house of lords in the Auchterarder case. The final act of separation took place in the month of May, during the meeting of the General Assembly of the church of Scotland. A committee had been appointed to consider the propriety of separation; and on the 22nd of May, at a general meeting in the church of Dr. Candlish, the report of this committee was produced, and a resolution incorporating the recommendations of the report was adopted, in which it was resolved that an act of separation should be reported to the Assembly on the morrow. The next day, accordingly, the act of separation was produced; which act solemnly renounced for those who should affix their names to it the status, privileges, and emoluments derived from the establishment, reserving to ministers the right to act as pastors of particular congregations, or portions thereof, adhering to them, with the rights and benefits accruing from the ministers’ widows’ fund. This document contained an order that the act of separation should be transmitted to the Moderator of the General Assembly—denominated by the seceders “Ecclesiastical Judicatory, by Law Established.” The signing of the document occupied four hours, and the act of separation was then transmitted to the General Assembly. The number of ministers who signed it, or were enrolled in the list of the secession during its first assembly, was three hundred and ninety-five; but the ranks of the separatists were subsequently swelled by the addition of a considerable number of ministers and others, who from time to time gave in their adhesion to the “free church.” This secession is one of the most remarkable ecclesiastical revolutions on record; and its effects were extensively felt throughout Scotland. The secession even gave rise to outrages on the part of the people. In the course of the autumn several serious disturbances took place throughout the country in connection with the free church movement; but it is just to remark that those who took part in these disgraceful proceedings formed only a minority cf the people: the general demeanour of the population during this change in their domestic affairs, was that of peace and good order.