Chapter XVII: {george III. 1789–1791} (3)

It has been well said that the season of hope and delusion ought now to have been over—that whatever right-hearted and right-headed Englishmen might have thought of the French revolution at the opening of the States-general in May, 1789, they ought not at the close of this year to have regarded it with any other sentiments than those of horror, disgust, and pity. But “rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft.” Although it was as clear as the sun at noon-day, that the events which had taken place in France were but the precursors of some horrible catastrophe—that the French regenerators sought not wholesome and legitimate reformations, but the ruin of their country, yet it is a lamentable fact that their admirers in England were now greatly on the increase. On the very day that the festival of confederation took place in Paris, six hundred gentlemen in England assembled to celebrate the event which it commemorated. The chairman of this assembly was Earl Stanhope, who acted as president of the Revolution Society in London: a society which, after extending its ramifications throughout the country, entered into an active correspondence not only with the National Assembly, but with the societies in all parts of France, instituted for the promotion of revolutionary principles. Among the associates of this society were men of all ranks and professions—men who could lay no claim to a practical acquaintance with politics, or the working of governments, and who knew little or nothing of human nature. Happily for the country, however. Burke and other writers put forth all their strength to show the danger which lurked in the Revolution Societies of England, and government opposed a mighty barrier to the progress of their dangerous principles. These wrought the salvation of the country. The most powerful antagonist to these societies, who worked by means of the press, was Burke, who, toward the end of this year, published his great work on the subject, entitled “Reflections on the Revolution, &c.” a work which sounded the knell of the old Whig confederacy. Some of this party yielded at once to the force of his arguments, while others retreated as they saw the development of the principles against which they were directed. In fact, the result of this work was to make the old appellations of Whig and Tory assume a widely different meaning from that which had hitherto been attached to them: by the term Whig was now understood the favourers of such democratic principles as existed in France; by that of Tory, those who were alarmed at the progress of the French revolution. The bold and uncompromising stand which Burke made against these principles led to a final rupture between him and his old friend Fox, and consequently to the permanent separation of the great Whig party: from this time there was a division in the camp; a breach which could not be healed.

WAR IN INDIA.

During this state of affairs in Europe, a war which directly concerned England broke out in India. Tippoo Sultaun, whose hatred towards the English was mortal, in the year 1789 sent a secret messenger to France, to invite the French government to send six thousand of their best troops to the Carnatic, with which he engaged to drive the British forces out of every part of Hindustan. This messenger was favourably received by the people, and even some of the king’s ministers were in favour of the project. Louis, however, had not forgotten the lesson he had been taught by interfering in the American war—an act for which he was still indeed suffering—and he turned a deaf ear to the plausible representations which were made to him in order to obtain his consent. But before Tippoo received an answer from the French monarch, he had commenced operations, by attacking the Rajah of Travancore, who had long been the close ally of the English. Before the end of the year 1789 Tippoo had overrun and took possession of the greater part of the rajah’s dominions, and subsequently he defeated a detachment of the company’s army, under Lieutenant-Colonel Floyd. His progress, however, was soon stopped. The Bengal government, having formed a close alliance with the Mahrattas, the Nizam of the Deccan, and other native powers, raised two armies; one in the Carnatic of 15,000 men, under General Medows, and another of 7,500 men, in the presidency of Bombay, under General Abercrombie. Thus threatened, Tippoo evacuated the Travancore country, and retreated to his strong capital, Seringapatam. But he had provoked the war, and it was not to close with his retreat. In June, 1790, Medows, with the Carnatic army, marched towards Seringapatam, and took several important fortresses in his route. Medows, however, was obliged to retrace his steps by intelligence that Tippoo had again burst into the Carnatic, and was carrying fire and sword to the walls of Madras. Tippoo was soon obliged to retire beyond the mountains; and in the meantime General Abercrombie, with the Bombay army, landed at Tellicherry, and reduced all the places which the enemy possessed on the Malabar coast, in which he was aided by the Nairs, and the other petty Hindu rajahs, who were glad of an opportunity of rescuing themselves from Tippoo Sultaun’s rule. In the end the Rajah of Travancore was re-established in his dominions, and then the campaign closed: but the war was not yet over.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

The new parliament assembled on the 25th of November. In his speech his majesty expressed great satisfaction at the amicable adjustment of the late disputes with Spain about Nootka Sound; observed that since the last session of Parliament a foundation had been laid for a pacification between Austria and the Porte, and that a separate peace had been concluded between Russia and Sweden; noticed the hostilities which had broken out in India; acquainted the house of commons that the expenses of the armament, together with the estimates for the ensuing year would be laid before them; and called particular attention to the state of the province of Quebec. The address was carried in both houses with large majorities; though ministers were censured by opposition, in the lords and in the commons, for the convention which they had made with Spain. On the 3rd of December, when copies of this convention were laid before the two houses of parliament, it was urged in the commons that more papers ought to be produced, and on the 13th of the same month Mr. Grey made a motion for all that related to the affair of Nootka Sound. This motion was negatived by a majority of nearly two to one; and on the following day Mr. Duncombe, one of the members for Yorkshire, after mentioning that trade and manufactures had suffered but little during the late dispute with Spain, moved an address to his majesty on the late successful negociations with the court of Madrid, which was carried by a still larger majority. A similar address was moved in the lords by the Duke of Montrose, when the Marquess of Lansclowne took occasion to reprobate the convention in very strong language. The marquess contended that the Spanish nation had an indisputable right to the whole of the American coast on which Nootka Sound is situated; a right which was acknowledged in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Overlooking the provocation which Spain had given, and her previously concerted plan to enter upon a war in conjunction with France, he said that ministers had, in the arrogance of power, insulted the present weakness of that country, and inflicted a wound which would rankle in the heart of the Spanish people. The marquess also argued that they had alienated and made enemies of Prance, Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, as well as of Spain. He also argued, that by the late treaty of France, which was an infringement of the old Methuen treaty with Portugal, ministers, had alienated the court of Lisbon, and that had war taken place, the Portuguese, Venetians, and Neapolitans, would have joined the Spaniards against England. Lord Rawdon spoke on the same side; hinting a suspicion that our fleet had been destined for the Baltic, while we were bullying Spain, which had not offered any insult to this country; and that this farce had been carried on until the King of Sweden had made peace with Russia. The convention was defended by Lord Grenville, and the address was carried by a majority of forty-three. Another debate took place on this subject on the 15th of December, when Pitt gave in, in a separate account, the expenses of the late armament; intimating at the same time that some of those expenses, which arose out of the engaging an additional number of seamen, must be continued, as these seamen could not be all disbanded at once. The expenses incurred by the late armament, and the funds necessary to keep up the additional number of seamen, he said, was £3,133,000, which he thought might be defrayed without entailing any permanent charge upon the revenue. He proposed to defray it by temporary taxes, assisted by £500,000, which he contemplated taking from the unclaimed dividends lying in the Bank of England, the total amount of which he estimated at £680,000. This latter proposition, however, excited such alarm in the great chartered companies and to the mercantile world in general, that Pitt was obliged to abandon it, and to accept of a loan of £500,000 from the Bank without interest, so long as a floating balance to that amount should remain in the hands of the cashier. The bulk of the money required was raised by an increase of the duties upon sugar, British and foreign spirits, malt, game licences, and by an increase of the assessed taxes, except the commutation and land-taxes, part of which were to continue for two years, and the rest for four only. Pitt also introduced, in aid of the expenses of the armament, a variety of new regulations, to prevent the evasions and frauds practised in the taxes upon receipts and bills of exchange: these were to be permanent.