Chapter XXXVI: {george IV. 1826—1827} (2)

During this session cases of great cruelty and injustice, exercised by owners, magistrates, and judicial courts, against the slaves in our colonies, were brought before the parliament, and eloquently exposed. At the close of 1823, and the early part of 1824, a plan of an insurrection among the slaves on certain plantations in Jamaica had been discovered; and eight negroes had been executed as implicated in the conspiracy. The papers connected with these trials had been laid on the table of the house in 1825; and Mr. Denman now brought the legality and justice of these proceedings under discussion, by moving a resolution to the effect, that the house having taken into consideration the trials which took place at Jamaica for rebellion, conspiracy, and other offences, in the years 1823 and 1824, deem it their duty to express their sorrow and regret at the violation of law which took place upon the said trials; that they lament the manner in which the sentence of death was passed and executed; and recommend some alteration in the mode of administering the code of criminal justice affecting the slaves in the said colony. This motion was prefaced by a speech of great eloquence, analyzing the evidence upon which the accused had been convicted, demonstrating its contradictions, its insufficiency, its absurdity, and arriving at the conclusion that such atrocities, perpetrated under the mask of justice, and the law of evidence which permitted them, required the abolition of the system which placed a negro for trial before interested masters for his judges and jury; and in giving him an appeal to the council, merely gave him an appeal to another body of masters equally prejudiced. Having detailed the trials at length, Mr. Denman said he proposed the above resolutions, that the commons of England might have an opportunity of raising their voice against such acts of crying injustice and barbarity. He was ably seconded by Mr. Brougham, who, in the course of his speech, declared that if the circumstances of undefended justice passed unreproved, it would go out to the West Indies that the same error, injustice, or cruelty might be committed again and again with impunity, so long as the present system continued; and if the house negatived the motion, it would set the seal of its sanction on a great and crying injustice, and do more than it would be able speedily to undo towards perpetuating the existing system in our colonies. On the other hand, it was maintained by Mr. Wilmot Horton that the courts had only applied the law which they were bound to apply; and that they had applied it according to the forms required by that law, and in circumstances which fairly called for the interference of the legal authorities. He moved an amendment, that the house sees in the proceedings brought under their consideration a further proof of the evils attendant upon slavery, and derives from them an increased conviction of the propriety of resorting to the measures recommended by government in the order of council; but does not deem it necessary, however desirable a change of the law may be, to impeach the sentences passed according to law by a competent trial, and convicted by a jury sworn to give a verdict according to the evidence. This amendment was supported by the attorney-general and solicitor-general, both of whom, however, frankly admitted the vices of the system of law under which the proceedings in question had taken place. It was impossible, said the attorney-general, to look at the case, arising as it did out of the vice of the system, without wishing for a change. If the white man upon his trial had an opportunity afforded him of knowing the charge, and thereby preparing his defence, why should not the black slave have the same advantage? An act of the legislature had lately passed to compel the charge to be delivered in writing. This act was brought into the colonial legislature of Jamaica; but it was accompanied by a proviso that no objection should ever be made on a point of form. Men were prone to confound substance and form to be permitted this latitude. An instance of this was supplied in the present case. The prisoners were accused of being guilty of a rebellious conspiracy, and other charges; thus the prosecutor could adduce whatever evidence he chose under a charge so very broad. Here was a conspiracy charged; but with whom? No individuals were mentioned. Any overt act specified? Time? No time certified. Place? No circumstance or place. When the Slave Evidence Bill was introduced into the colonial assembly of Jamaica, it was rejected on the ground that the slave was too low in the scale of moral beings; that he had no character, no distinct notion of morality, no notion of religion, or of the distinction between truth and falsehood. But when the slave was to be tried, other slaves were admitted as witnesses; and that, too, on their bare word, and an exhortation from the judge not to speak falsely. It was a known rule in this country—and the common law of England was in force in the West Indies—that hearsay evidence should not be received; yet the whole course of these proceedings showed manifold departures from this important rule: while it was an acknowledged law in regard to the whites, it had no application in regard to the blacks. But while the law was acknowledged to be bad, it was argued, that it was another thing to pass a vote of censure for the observance of it, however defective it might be. The house ought, it was said, to separate the defects-of the law from the alleged delinquency of the parties, and reject a motion which went, not to denounce the system of slavery or to censure the law, but to condemn individuals who had no power to alter the one, or to abolish the other. On a division the amendment was carried by one hundred and three against sixty-three. During this session, however, delay and remedial measures were suggested by Lord Liverpool in the upper house, and by Mr. Canning in the commons, for the extinction of slavery. Mr. Canning declared that if immediate and hasty steps were not taken, our West Indian possessions would be abandoned to a state of savage desolation, of which wild speculators had not the slightest notion. At the same time he was obliged to confess that in most of our colonies the exhortations sent by government, for the amelioration of the condition of their slaves, had been treated with intolerable neglect and contempt. In the lords the resolutions were objected to, on the ground that they were too feeble for the nature of the subject; that though adopted they would produce no practical effect; and that the three years which had elapsed since they were voted by the house of commons—for they had been adopted in May, 1823—had furnished irrefragable evidence of their futility. Lord Calthorpe expressed his deep regret that the commons had not passed resolutions more conformable to the light in which slavery ought to be regarded by a Christian community, and that their lordships were now called upon to concur in opinions better suited to their own dignity. There were not ‘wanting members in the commons who were equally desirous of legislating in the spirit of Christianity, equally with his lordship. It was maintained there with great eloquence that slavery was inconsistent with Christianity and the constitution. Occasion was given for the expression of these sentiments in the commons, by a motion made by Mr. Brougham on the 19th of May, to the effect that “the house has observed with extreme regret that nothing had been effected by the colonial legislature, in compliance with the declared wishes of government and the resolutions of the house of the 15th of May, 1823, for ameliorating the condition of the slaves in the West Indian colonies; and that this house, therefore, pledges itself, early in the next session of parliament, to take into its most serious consideration such measures as may be best calculated to carry into effect the recommendation of the government and the house.” This motion was supported by Dr. Lushington and Mr. Denman; but opposed by Messrs. Canning, Ellis, and Horton. Mr. Canning, however, asserted that government only wished to retard a little the attainment of the object, in order that they might arrive at it with greater security. Sir T. Ackland said, that he did not wish directly to negative the motion; but as he thought the adoption of it would retard the good effects to be looked for from the resolutions of 1823, he moved the previous question, which was carried by a large majority. In the upper house, on the 17th of April, Lord Suffield brought forward a motion to prohibit persons in official situations in the West Indies from being proprietors of slaves; a motion which, he said, had no connexion with the emancipation of the negroes; and was directed not so much to the conceding of civil rights, as to the preventing of criminal wrong. The same topic was brought before the commons by Mr. W. Smith on the 20th of April; but the resolutions thereon were negatived in both houses. At the close of the session, indeed, the colonial legislatures were allowed further opportunity of showing how far they were inclined by timely concessions and purposes of good faith to avert the direct interference of the mother country in their internal regulations.

MODE FOR AMENDING THE REPRESENTATION OF EDINBURGH, ETC.

During this session Mr. Abercromby moved leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend the representation of the city of Edinburgh, which, he said, contained a population of more than 100,000 inhabitants, while the elective franchise was in the hands of a town-council of thirty-three members, self-elected, and what were called the vested rights of that body were generally the principal obstacles thrown in the way of a better system. This motion was strongly opposed by the members for the town and county of Edinburgh, on the ground that no corruption had been charged against the corporation of Edinburgh; and by Mr. Canning, who considered it was intended to undermine the barriers which resisted the inroads of a more wide and sweeping innovation. Mr. Canning also brought forward the unexampled prosperity of Edinburgh, and the contentment which pervaded its population, as a convincing proof of the excellence of the old system. After expatiating on the advantages connected with the Scotch representation, he remarked that his objection to the present motion was its application, as a single instance of reform in a borough, to the general question. It was not unusual, he said, to bring forward an attack on a single borough by an allegation of the prevalence of abuses; but it was quite new to institute a charge against it because its elective was not in proportion to its actual population. This principle, if once admitted, would let in the general question of reform, which would lead to endless squabbles. At the same time he expressed a hope, that the motion might be repeated annually; but it was to this end, for the innocent gratification of Lord John Russell and those who advocated reform! On a division the motion was lost. About the same time that this question was discussed, Sir John Newport moved for leave to bring in a bill for the repeal of the Irish act, 21 Geo. 2nd., c. 10, relating to the elective franchise. By that statute it had been enacted, that, in consequence of the difficulty of finding a sufficient number of resident Protestant freemen, sufficiently wealthy and sufficiently educated to exercise the elective franchise, non-resident freemen should be entitled to vote. Sir J. Newport argued that the cause which produced these enactments had ceased to operate, and that therefore the act itself ought to be removed from the statute-book. On the other hand it was argued by Mr. Plunkett that the country had gone on for seventy years with the principle of non-residence applied to boroughs and corporate towns, and that the effect of the measure would be to affect vested rights, and disturb persons actually in possession. If that act were repealed, he said, the election of every officer of a corporation would be impeachable. The house should especially pause before it assented to such a proposition on the eve of a general election, a proposition, the effects of which upon existing rights, could not be measured. The motion was negatived by seventy-six against thirty-eight.

RESOLUTION FOR THE REGULATION OF PRIVATE COMMITTEES.

On the 19th of April, Mr. Littleton brought forward a series of resolutions for the better regulation of private committees on private bills, especially those relating to joint-stock companies. Great complaints had been made of the conduct of these committees; but Mr. Littleton observed that he believed they were generally ill-founded. It was certain, however, he continued, that the present constitution of committees rendered improper conduct perfectly possible; but this, the plan he had in view would prevent. The grand features of this plan were to remodel the list for the counties; to secure impartiality by taking only one half of the committee from the county in which the bill originated; to make attendance compulsory, and to prevent the chance of abuse by creating a standing committee of appeal. His scheme was embodied in eight resolutions which were adopted with the general approbation of the house. The only one on which a division took place was that which provided that every petition complaining of the decision of a private committee should be referred to a committee of appeal; and this was carried by a majority of forty-four against thirty-three.

MOTION TO HOLD PARLIAMENT OCCASIONALLY IN DUBLIN AND EDINBURGH.

On the same day that Mr. Littleton brought forward the resolutions alluded to, Mr. Pelham, made one of most extraordinary motions that ever was proposed within the walls of Saint Stephen’s. After adverting to the great increase of wealth and population in the principal towns of the kingdom, their distance from the seat of legislation, and the expense of sending witnesses and deputies to London whenever their interests were at stake, he gravely moved, “That it is expedient the imperial parliament should be occasionally holden in Dublin and Edinburgh.” The very idea of such a change was justly scouted by the house as unworthy their attention, and no one was found bold enough to second the motion: so St. Stephen’s was not yet to be deserted.

RESTORATION OF FORFEITED SCOTCH PEERAGES.

Acts were passed during this session for the restoration of five Scotch peerages which had been forfeited by rebellion in the last century. These were the peerages of the Earl of Carnwath, Earl of Airlee, Lord Duff, Lord Elcho, and the Baron of Threipland of Fingarll. The only person who opposed this measure was Lord Minto, and he avowed that his opposition was founded upon political sentiments. He asked, why should not a bill be brought in for the restoration of titles against all acts of attainder passed under the present and preceding dynasties? Why make a selection of forfeitures incurred for treason, not against the crown, but against the liberties of the subject? Why, for instance, was not the Duke of Buccleugh restored to the dukedom of Monmouth? He confessed that the selection which had been made was most unfortunate; and he was sorry that he had not stated his objections when the bills made their first appearance in the house. Mr. Peel replied by the simple statement that these reversals of attainders had commenced with that of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and that he himself had made the motion that the descendants of Lord Strafford should be restored to their family dignities.

MOTION TO DISJOIN THE PRESIDENCY OF THE BOARD OF TRADE FROM THE TREASURERSHIP OF THE NAVY.

On the 7th of April, the chancellor of the exchequer moved, in a committee of supply, to disjoin the presidency of the board of trade and the treasurership of the navy. Mr. Huskisson filled these two offices at a salary of £3,000, and it was now proposed that he should become president of the board of trade alone, with a salary of £5,000. The most willing homage was paid to the great talents of Mr. Huskisson by all parties in the house, together with the high value of his public services; but the proposal was met by a decided opposition, on the ground that the disjunction of the two offices was unnecessary, as no active duty was attached to the treasurership of the navy. At all events, it was urged, its duties might without inconvenience be transferred to the paymaster, the real officer in that department; that by adding £2,000 to the present salary of the treasurer, or giving £2,000 additional as the salary of the presidency of the board of trade., the same amount of remuneration to the individual holding both offices would be made up at a smaller cost to the public. It was insinuated that the scheme of disjoining the offices was merely a cloak for the introduction of a new placeman into the house. On the other hand it was contended by Mr. Huskisson and others that considerable anxiety and hardship arose; out of the union of the two offices; and that it was; altogether erroneous to suppose that the occupation of the treasurer of the navy was merely to pay money. Opposition, however, was so strong against the measure that in a discussion, when the report was brought up, Mr. Canning said that he did not feel himself called upon to press it. He viewed with regret the small support which had been given to it; and though as a matter of principle he was ready to defend it, yet he would abandon it on the ground of expediency.

CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION, ETC.

The question of Catholic emancipation, although not formally stirred in either house during this session, was nevertheless kept alive by petitions from different districts and bodies in Ireland. These petitions were now especially directed to a disclaimer of the imputation of owing a divided allegiance; manifestly on account of the weight which the argument of the anti-Catholics on this point had carried with it in the debate of the preceding session. The speeches delivered on the presentation of them also characterized the imputation of a divided allegiance as a false pretence, because the Catholics in all their petitions declared, that, in the oaths which they took and were ready to take, they swore allegiance to his majesty alone. But Lord Liverpool rightly answered, that although he never doubted the sincerity of the Catholics in disclaiming civil allegiance to any foreign power, the fact could not affect the argument: he contended that spiritual subjection to a foreign power was inconsistent with civil obedience to our own sovereign.

While the claims of the Catholics were merely the subject of incidental remarks, the condition of the Protestant church in Ireland, became the subject of more direct discussion. Lord Kingston moved in the upper house for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the state of the Protestant church in the province of Munster. His motion was founded upon the evils which he stated to have arisen from the union of livings, and the consequent want of churches for Protestant worship. It was not uncommon, he said, to unite five, six, or even seven livings in one person; and in many parishes, if the Protestant inhabitants wished spiritual consolation, or to have the benefit of religious worship, the nearest clergyman who could advise them, and the nearest church in which service was performed was probably at a great distance. It was answered that as the returns on the table of the house, furnished by the lords’ committee to inquire into the state of Ireland last session, showed all the parishes that existed in Ireland, and the authority by which they had been made, the motion was unnecessary: it was withdrawn. The want of churches, which it was the object of this motion to supply, was connected with the administration of the fund formed of the first-fruits of all ecclesiastical benefices. These revenues, or the first year’s income of every benefice, had been originally payable to the pope; but on the Reformation they were vested in the crown, and they had been appropriated by an act of Queen Anne, in part at least, to the building of churches. Sir John Newport brought the management of this fund, and the insufficiency of the system according to which the contributions of the clergy to it were regulated, under the notice of the commons, by a series of resolutions declaratory of its nature and history, and by a motion for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into its condition and administration. He justified his motion by the fact that the first-fruits, where they were paid at all, continued to be paid upon the rate of valuation, for which there was no authority, and that consequently the greater portion of the fund sacrificed by the crown was allowed to remain in the hands of the clergy, while new burdens were laid upon parishioners to effect those very objects for which the fund had been created. This motion was opposed as a covert and most dangerous attack upon the property of the Irish church, and through it upon the property, not only of the church of England, but of all bodies in the state; and as being derived from a fallacious interpretation of the law, warranted neither by history, authority, nor expediency, On a division it was rejected by a majority of forty-eight to twenty-one. The mover, Sir John Newport, was subsequently more successful in endeavouring to institute an inquiry into abuses said to exist in the administration of the parochial rates levied in Ireland for the religious service of the Protestant establishment. He moved resolutions pledging the house to adopt measures for their removal, and on a division the motion was carried. Measures of greater importance were carried by government itself, namely, for promoting the education and moral improvement of the great mass of the Irish people. Grants for these important purposes were voted, though not without opposition from many members, on the grounds of the abuses and oppressions in the management of the schools in Ireland as detailed in the report of the preceding year; and that proselytism was made a part of the system of education pursued therein. In these discussions government manifested no desire to perpetuate abuses, nor any disinclination to cautious and practicable amendment. The same spirit was carried into other departments more strictly connected with the civil administration of Ireland. A committee on the state of the country had presented a report in 1825, recommending the adoption of various measures; and during this session several of those measures were carried into effect. Thus an act was passed consolidating the laws for the regulation and management of prisons; better regulations were enacted for the administration of justice in towns corporate; provision was made to remedy the inequalities of local assessments, by introducing an uniform valuation of baronies, parishes, and other divisions of counties; an act was passed which made provision for a more convenient and abundant distribution of lunatic asylums; and the law of Ireland was amended respecting the assignment and subletting of lands and tenements, by which some check was put to that infinite division, not of property but the use of property which had so impoverished and degraded the Irish peasantry. On the recommendation of the select committee of 1825, also, a motion for an address to his majesty was carried, praying him to order a commission for inquiry into the tolls and customs collected in fairs, markets, and sea-ports in Ireland. These tolls and customs had been granted to particular individuals and corporations, and great evils existed in the levying of them, whence the motion for inquiry. It was opposed both on the general merits of the measure, and on the inefficiency of the particular mode of inquiry proposed; but the motion was carried, and a select committee accordingly appointed.

INDIA JURY BILL, ETC.

An important alteration was introduced this session into the administration of justice in India, by a bill brought in by Mr. Wynn, for the regulation of juries within the territories of the East India Company. The existing law admitted all British subjects to serve upon juries; but the right had never been extended to all persons born within the British dominions. During late years a large population had sprung up in India, known by the name of “half-caste,” one of their parents having been a native, and the other an European. This class, though born in wedlock, as well as another numerous class, consisting of the illegitimate children of European fathers by Indian mothers, were disqualified from serving upon juries, under the idea that they were not British subjects; and Mr. Wynn moved that this disqualification should be removed, which motion was adopted. A bill was also passed this session allowing the East India Company to appoint any person to a writership who should produce testimonials of character, and undergo such an examination as might be fixed by the court of directors and the Indian board. By an act, passed in 1813, no person was eligible to be a writer in the Company’s service who had not passed four terms in the East Indian college; and in consequence of the extension of the Company’s territories, and the establishment, of new courts in Bengal, much inconvenience had arisen from the restriction, as the college could not supply a sufficient number of young men fit for office.

NATURALIZATION ACT, ETC.

During this session the law of naturalization was extended in Canada. By the act, 179 no person could be summoned to the legislative council, or elect, or be elected, to the legislative assembly of these provinces, unless he was either a natural born subject of Great Britain, or a subject become so by the conquest and cession of the Canadas, or had been naturalized by an act of the British parliament. A bill was now passed giving to a naturalizing act of the Canadian legislature the same effect as to one of the legislature in England; providing, however, that such act should be null and void, unless ratified by his majesty within two years after being presented to him for that purpose. The only other measure regarding our relations with foreign states, besides these already noticed, which occupied the attention of parliament, was the expiry of the Alien Act. This session it died a natural death; and a milder set of regulations, conferring no power of sending aliens out of the country, were adopted in its stead. In relinquishing that power, Mr. Peel said that he had the gratifying consciousness that in no instance had it been abused. The only case in which it had been used was one which had not the slightest shade of a political aspect attached to it. It was that of a person who had menaced a foreign ambassador, and who, it was believed, would have carried his threats into execution had he not been brought before the privy-council and dealt with according to that act.

PROROGATION AND DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.

The session of parliament was shortened by the approach of its dissolution. The session was terminated on the 31st of May by commission. The speech, which was delivered by the lord chancellor, mentioned his majesty’s intention of dissolving the present parliament, and directing the issue of writs for the calling of a new one. A leading topic in the speech was the success of the British arms in the Burmese empire, success which had led to the signature on honourable terms of a preliminary treaty with the Burmese monarch, which his majesty had every reason to expect would be the foundation of a secure and permanent peace. Parliament was dissolved on the 2nd of June; and writs were issued for a new election, which were to be returnable on the 25th of July.

GENERAL ELECTION.

The elections which followed immediately the dissolution of parliament presented several scenes of active and vigorous individual combat; but they did not possess the interest which attaches to them when their issue is to decide the fate of contending parties. The chief topics on which candidates were tested were the corn-laws and Catholic emancipation. As the lower classes were under the impression that bread was high, because of the corn-laws, and that they existed to enrich the landholders, an expressed opinion in favour of their abolition was sure to gain cheers at a popular election. But the most prominent question on the hustings, even in England, was Catholic emancipation. The Duke of York’s speech, and the violence exhibited in Ireland, had created a strong feeling against the Catholics; and as it was known that their claims would be one of the earliest subjects of discussion in the new parliament, the success of a candidate generally depended as to whether he was, or was not in favour of Catholic emancipation. It was in Ireland, however, that the giving or refusing of a vote mostly depended on the answer received to the question, Will you vote for emancipation? The demagogues of the Catholic Association gave themselves up to the carrying of this one point; and they were aided by that powerful band of agitators, the Irish priests. The contest on the Irish hustings was, indeed, converted into an award of eternal damnation: the consolations of the church here, and the joys of heaven hereafter, were promised those who voted for an emancipation candidate; but the darkness of excommunication in this life, and the gloom of purgatory first, and then the pains of hell, were denounced against those who voted for an anti-Catholic. The associated barrister and the political priest travelled the country together in order to propagate the common creed; the one by threats of damnation, and the other by the more temporal considerations of civil and religious power; and this tyrannical sway of the artful and designing was irresistible among the forty-shilling freeholders—it procured the large majority pledged to support the claims of Catholic emancipation. The great influence which the priests had over the ignorant multitude was seen in a remarkable manner by the issue of the election for the county of Waterford. Mr. O’Connell and the Rev. Mr. Sheehan traversed that county to rouse it against the family of Beresford; and every tie of respect and civil influence which had hitherto united the Catholic tenant to his Protestant landlord gave way before the power of the church, The electors were wielded by the priesthood; and Lord George Beresford was compelled by his own tenantry to give tip the contest. At a meeting held in Clonmel to celebrate this triumph, Mr. Sheehan, the priest, remarked, “We said to the people, ‘Here are the natural enemies of your country, and here are your priests who wait on the bed of your sickness, and are your friends alike in prosperity or in woe: follow us or them.’” Such an appeal to the feelings of a superstitious multitude was sure to prevail: there is more might in superstition than in any of the lawful weapons in argument which man can use.

THE BURMESE WAR.

{GEORGE IV. 1826—1827}

There was no faith manifested by the court of Ava in the armistice which had been concluded in September, 1825, and so the war continued. During the negociations which followed, the Burmese monarch had made vigorous preparations for its continuance; and when the armistice had nearly expired, in reply to the proposals made for peace by the British commanders, this haughty and laconic answer was given, “If you wish for peace, you may go away; but if you wish either money or territory, no friendship can exist between us. This is Burmese custom.” The reply was seconded by the advance of 60,000 Burmese troops along the banks of the Irrawaddy against the British and native Indian troops at Prome. The right division, consisting of 15,000 men, under the command of Sadda Woon, moved along the western bank of the river; the centre, of about 30,000, commanded by the Kee Wongee, or head minister, marched along the eastern bank, with numerous war-boats and stores; and the left, 15,000 strong, under Maha Nemiow, moved by a route about ten miles distant from the river, and separated from it by an extensive forest. Besides these there was a reserve of 10,000 men, under Prince Memiaboo, occupying a strongly fortified position at Melloone; another force ready to oppose any movement from Arracan; and Sykia Wongee was still carrying on a desultory warfare in the vicinity of Pegu, and threatening Rangoon. The British force consisted only of 5,000 men, besides a garrison to maintain Prome, and some native troops opposed to Sykia Wongee, and in garrison at Rangoon. A rencontre took place between our advanced guard and Maha Nemiow’s division on the 10th of November, in which the British suffered severely; their commander, Colonel M’Dowall, was slain, and the troops were obliged to retreat. Encouraged by this success, Maha Nemiow marched directly on Prome, close to which he took up his position. About 8,000 of his men were slain whose confidence had not been shaken by contact with our troops; and these levies were accompanied by three young and beautiful women of high rank, who pretended to have the gift of prophecy, and to be possessed of power to turn aside a musket-ball. The Shans were led to believe, indeed, that they were invincible; but they soon discovered that they were unable to compete with the British. Being surrounded by danger on every side, Sir A. Campbell resolved at once to become the assailant; and on the 30th of November arrangements were made to attack the enemy’s forces on the following morning; Commodore Sir James Brisbane with the flotilla being directed to cannonade their posts on both sides of the river at daylight, while a body of native infantry made a feigned attack on the centre as the columns were marching out for the real attack on the Burmese left, at Simbike. For this purpose the principal force was formed into two columns: one under Brigadier-general Cotton, which marched by the direct road; and the other, led by the commander-in-chief, which crossed the Nawine river and moved along its right bank, in order to come round to the Burmese rear, and to cut off all retreat. The attack everywhere succeeded; the Shans themselves, though they fought with fury, were obliged to take refuge in flight. Every division of the Burmese numerous force was routed with great slaughter; and many of the chiefs, among whom was Maha Nemiow, perished in the fight. One of the fair prophetesses also received a bullet in her breast, and being carried to a cottage in the rear expired. Sir A. Campbell now determined to advance on Ava; and nothing was wanting in the troops, or forgotten by their commander, to ensure success. But the enemy did not yet despair. The stockades at Meaday were made as strong as art could make them; and at Melloone, on the west bank of the Irrawaddy, the reserve under Prince Memiaboo was augmented to 15,000 men. The British troops arrived at Meaday on the 19th of December; and they found it just evacuated by the rear-guard of the enemy, the Burmese having retired to Melloone, where they had received orders again to concentrate. The neighbourhood of Meaday presented to the British a scene of horror and desolation. Within and around the stockades the ground was covered with the dead and the dying; the victims of wounds, disease, and want. The beach and the surrounding jungles were filled with dogs and vultures, collected to consume the loathsome prey. Round about the stockades gibbets were erected, each bearing the mouldering remains of three or four victims, who were thus crucified for, perhaps, no greater crime than that of wandering from their posts in search of food, or of following the examples of their chiefs in flying from the foe. The same horrors presented themselves to the British for fifty miles up the river; and in some places the soldiers could not find a place for their tents without removing dead bodies. The pursuit was continued by forced marches; and on arriving within five miles of Patanagoh, a town opposite to Melloone, it was discovered that the whole of the enemy’s force had crossed to the Melloone side of the river, and occupied with some 12,000 men a series of fortified heights, and a formidable stockade, having in front a rapid stream six hundred yards broad. While the British force was preparing to attack this formidable position, a flag of truce was sent in, with a notice that a commissioner had arrived with full powers to conclude a treaty of peace. This led to a discussion, but without effect; for the Burmese leaders again betrayed a want of faith, and the new envoy hazarded the most glaring falsehoods. Operations again commenced. The British troops having been carried across the Irrawaddy, under the protection of Captain Chads, an attack was made on the fortifications at Melloone; their defenders were driven in utter confusion from the place: and Memiaboo’s treasures, to the amount of 30,000 rupees, with all his stud, fell into our hands. The army again moved forward on the 25th of January; and on the 31st it was met in its advance by Dr. Price, an American missionary, and Mr. Sandford, an assistant surgeon of the army, taken prisoners some months before, whom fear had induced the Burmese monarch to restore to liberty, and despatch as messengers of peace. They brought proposals for a short truce, which was readily granted; and they returned in full confidence that they should be sent back to ratify terms of peace. This hope, however, proved fallacious: by high bounties, by grants of important privileges, and by the most earnest appeals, 40,000 men had been collected, and the Burmese monarch resolved to continue the war. This new army was styled, Gong to doo, or, “Retrievers of the king’s glory;” and it was placed under the command of a savage warrior, called Nee-Woon Breen, which has been variously translated,—“Prince of Darkness,” “King of Hell,” and “Prince of the Setting Sun.” The certainty of another contest became evident to the British on the 8th of February; and the next day, as they debouched from the forests into the open country, they discovered the Burmese drawn up in an inverted crescent. The British force amounted to about 2,000 men; but undismayed by the number of the enemy and strength of their position, Sir A. Campbell pushed boldly on. The enemy was soon overthrown; their centre was broken, and they were closely pursued in their works, where they were routed with great slaughter; hundreds perished by jumping into the river; and, with the exception of about 3,000 men, the whole army was dispersed. The road to Ava was now opened, and our troops pushed on to within forty-five miles of that city. There was now no longer time for disguise, deceit, or treachery; peace must be made, or Ava would be captured. On the evening of the 24th of February, therefore, Mr. Price, with two ministers of state, arrived at the camp at Yandaboo, to announce that the king and the court would come to terms. A treaty was ratified; the Burmese government engaging to furnish boats for the conveyance of a great part of our force to Rangoon. The articles of peace were, that the four provinces of Arracan, and the provinces of Mergui, Tavoy, and Zea, should be ceded in perpetuity to the East India Company; that the Burmese government should pay one crore of rupees by instalments; that the provinces or kingdoms of Assam, Cachar Zeatung, and Munnipore, should be placed under princes to be named by the British government, residents with an escort of fifty men to be appointed at each court; that British ships should be admitted into Burmese ports to land their cargoes free of duty, not to unship their rudders, or land their guns; that Burmese ships should have the same privileges in British ports; that no persons should be molested for their opinions or conduct during the war; and that the Siamese nation should be included in the treaty. This war was thus brought to a close; a small band, composed of British warriors and their Indian fellow-subjects, stood as conquerors in the centre of the great Burmese empire. After peace had been concluded a party of officers from the army visited Ava, and were received by the humbled monarch with all due honour. Soon after the conclusion of peace the British troops who had maintained this unequal contest commenced their return to Rangoon; and, subsequently, our Indian government sent an embassy to Ava, at the head of which was Mr. J. Crawford, who finally settled points relative to the frontiers, and concluded a treaty of commerce very favourable to the Company. The conduct of Sir A. Campbell advanced his character for enterprise and prudence, as well as military talent, to high renown. In the year 1831 he was created a baronet, and proceeded to New Brunswick as Lieutenant-governor of that province.

Contemporaneously with the exploits of Sir A. Campbell in the heart of the Burmese empire, an important service was rendered to our Indian empire by the commander-in-chief. Lord Combermere. The late Rajah of Bhurtpoor had died in strict alliance with our government; and by the terms of the treaty each party was bound to assist the other against all enemies. Apprehensive of the consequences which might follow his death, the rajah had during his lifetime declared his son, Bulwart Singh, his successor, and included him in the treaty of alliance with the Company. On the death of the rajah, however, his nephew, Doorjun Sal, having gained a party in the army, raised a successful revolt, gained possession of Bhurtpoor itself, and seated himself on the ground. The expelled prince applied for aid to Sir David Ochterlony, the Company’s resident at Delhi, and that officer embraced his cause. At first Lord Amherst, governor-general of India, disavowed the conduct of Sir David; but on receiving further information he confirmed it; and Lord Combermere was directed to march with an army for the purpose of expelling the usurper. His lordship took the field with 25,000 European and native troops, and he directed his first attempt at Bhurtpoor. The fortifications of that place were such, that it might have been supposed they were erected in those days when unlimited command over life and labour produced those stupendous monuments of human art, the pyramids. The wall of the city was of mud, sixty feet in thickness, and of great height, with a very wide and deep ditch. The circumference of the whole was about seven miles; and the walls were flanked with bastions at short intervals, on which were mounted a numerous artillery. The preparations for the attack, however, were made on a scale commensurate with the difficulties; and on the 10th of December Lord Combermere appeared before the city with more than one hundred pieces of artillery. During the night the enemy had cut the embankments of a lake to the northward, for the purpose of filling the broad and deep ditch, a measure of precaution which had been very serviceable in 1805, when the British had vainly attacked the place. In the present instance, however, our troops arrived in time to repair the breach before the water had flowed into the fosse sufficiently to render it impassable. After this a few-days were spent in reconnoitring the works, and fixing on the best points of attack, until the whole battering train with its appurtenances should arrive. In the meantime, from a desire to save the women and children from the effects of the terrible bombardment about to take place, Lord Combermere addressed a letter to Doorjun Sal, requesting him to send them out to him, and promising them safe conduct. This request, however, was barbarously refused; and on the 23rd of December the besiegers commenced their first parallel, under a heavy fire, about eight hundred yards from the north-east angle of the works. On the following morning three batteries opened on the town, and continued, with several others afterwards erected, so vigorous a fire that scarcely a roof in the town was left uninjured. The mud walls, however, still stood erect, so that, on the 3rd of January, it was deemed expedient to employ miners. Several attempts failed; but on the 16th two mines were blown up under one of the bastions; and, with the aid of a day’s cannonade, effected such a breach that the result of the enterprise appeared no longer doubtful. The final assault was made on the 18th. Troops destined to rush into the city established themselves in the advanced trenches unperceived by the enemy; and the explosion of a mine, loaded with 12,000 pounds of powder, was to be the signal of attack. At eight o’clock this mine was fired, and the effect was terrific; the ground trembled as if agitated by an earthquake, and after it had heaved up with several convulsive throes, the volcanoes burst forth. The whole of the salient angle and the stone cavalier in its rear were lifted into the air, and, after the smoke and clouds of dust had passed away, the bastion with three hundred men were seen precipitated below. The two grand divisions of the army now rushed up to the breaches, and the foremost of the opposing foe were soon laid low by the British bayonets, and the rest were chased along the ramparts; in two hours the whole of the rampart was in our possession, and early in the afternoon the citadel surrendered. Doorjun Sal, who attempted to escape, was captured, together with his wife and two sons. The garrison consisted of 36,000 troops, near 10,000 of whom are said to have been slain during the siege. On the side of the British the loss was about 1200 men, many of whom were killed by the explosion of the great mine. After the capture of Bhurtpoor its fortifications were demolished, and all the other fortresses in the rajah’s dominions surrendered. The rightful prince was reinstated in his authority, and the inhabitants returned to their abodes and allegiance. For this achievement Lord Combermere was raised to the rank of viscount, and the governor-general, on account of the general success of the British arms, was raised to the dignities of Viscount Holmsdale, and Earl Amherst of Arracan.

MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

The new parliament met on the 14th of November. It was opened by commission; and the speech, which was delivered by the lord chancellor, expressed great satisfaction at the termination of war in India. It spoke, also, of the distress which still prevailed in the commercial and manufacturing districts; but expressed a hope that the time was not far distant when, under the blessings of Divine Providence, the commerce and industry of the United Kingdom would resume their wonted activity. Another leading topic in the speech was the admission of foreign grain into the ports of the United Kingdom, not then admissible by law. His majesty said that he had called parliament together for the special purpose of communicating to them the measures which he had deemed necessary to take in this particular, and that he had directed a copy of the order in council, issued on that subject, to be laid before them, trusting that they would see sufficient reason for giving their sanction to the provisions of that order, and for carrying them into effect. The address was opposed in the upper house by Lord King, and in the commons by Mr. Brougham, both of whom complained that the speech consisted of nothing but blanks. Amendments were moved in both houses; but they were lost by overwhelming majorities. The grand error pointed out by the opposition in the speech was the omission of the subject of the corn-laws, and much discussion was entered into thereupon. When the report on the address was brought up, indeed, Mr. Western moved another amendment, pressing the consideration of this subject on the house; but it was negatived without a division. In the debates, however, Lord Liverpool in the upper house, and Mr. Canning in the commons declared that ministers were prepared to propose a general measure regarding the corn-laws; but that it would be unfair towards the country and towards parliament to bring it forward before the Christmas recess. Under these circumstances the bill of indemnity, which was rendered necessary by the order of the council for the admission of certain grain into the ports of the United Kingdom, a measure demanded by the late scanty harvest, was passed without opposition.

MOTION FOR A SELECT COMMITTEE ON JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES, ETC.

On the 5th of December Alderman Waithman moved for the appointment of a select committee upon the joint-stock speculation of the last three years. In his speech he showed that during the time mentioned there had been no less than six hundred companies formed, requiring for the execution of their intended operations, a capital of many millions. He complained of the dishonest views with which many of these were set on foot; the knavery by which a fictitious value was given to shares which had cost nothing; and of the misery produced by this systematic swindling. He remarked, that if a man purchased in the lottery, he knew something of what he was doing, that he was giving a certain sum for a very unlikely chance, and that in doing so he was conferring some benefit on government. But the joint-stock gambling was of a much more atrocious kind: it was gambling with false dice. The loss itself on the whole speculation was an evil, but the great and signal grievance was, that the holders of the shares, now worth nothing, were not the losers. The original swindlers worked up the market to the point which they had expected it to attain: then down went the shares, and when they were down the original swindlers again bought them up, and were now the holders. He instanced the Arigna Mining Company as a proof of this nefarious practice. In that company, he said, there were three thousand shares, and the first deposit was £5. In one day the premium rose upon those shares from 8 ½ to 24, then it got to 26. and then it dropped to 24. Whether this was or was not a trick he would leave it to the house to determine. How such proceedings were brought about, he said, he would leave to any one to form an opinion. Afterwards, however, he boldly told the house how the proceedings originated. This Arigna Mining Company, he said, were seeking to obtain an act of parliament, and it was first intended that the sum of £15,000 should be divided between four or five individuals. This, however, was not considered safe, and it was agreed to divide the spoil more extensively. One gentleman put into his pocket £2,500 of this money, and afterwards £1,500 as profit upon shares, although he had not paid for those shares, but still owed £375 for them. That individual, he continued, was Sir William Congreve, a member of parliament: and was not, he asked, parliament called upon to do something towards an inquiry into conduct so dishonourable? Never had there been a fouler stain upon the house. After some remarks on the Equitable Loan Company, the alderman moved, “that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the origin, the management, and the present state of the joint-stock companies formed during the years 1824, 1825, and 1826, and to report on the same, together with any special matter touching any member of that house.” Mr. Canning, in reply, objected to the inquiry on account of its extent, asserting that for inquiry to be useful it must be limited and precise. Enough had been said to show that there was strong ground for suspicion, that in the affairs of some few companies there was matter deserving inquiry; but the motion as it stood involved many companies against the utility and management of which no charge had been brought. He moved an amendment, therefore, that the inquiry of the committee should be limited to the management and history of the Arigna Company. He was supported by Mr. Huskisson, who, in his speech, denounced the idea that joint-stock companies of every description were public evils. He was astonished, he said, to hear men of business talk of mining carried on by joint-stock companies as a thing of recent date. No mine worked in this country had ever been so, except by means of joint-stock companies. Without the formation of such companies, those mines, indeed, would not have been explored. It ought to be, he added, the policy of the law to encourage joint-stock companies; for when embarked in properly and fairly, they are beneficial to the public interests, and fraught with great public advantages. At the same time, he was ready to admit, that those who had been concerned in the speculations and bubbles of the last two years had disgraced themselves; especially if they knew at the time they engaged in them that they were not likely to lead to the public benefit. Mr. Canning’s amendment was agreed to without a division, and the committee appointed.

KING’S MESSAGE RESPECTING THE CONDUCT OF SPAIN TOWARDS PORTUGAL.