Chapter XIII: {george III. 1782–1784} (1)

Recent events on the Theatre of War..... Fox’s Motion for
Inquiring into the Navy..... Motions of Inquiry in the House
of Lords..... Debates on Lord George Germaine’s Elevation to
the Peerage..... Renewed Attacks on Lord Sandwich:
Resignation of Lord North..... The New Ministry.....
Affairs of Ireland..... Bill for excluding Contractors,
&c. Resolutions respecting Wilkes expunged from the
Journals..... Disfranchisement of Cricklade, &c.
Debates on Parliamentary Reform..... East India
Affairs..... Change in the Ministry..... Prorogation of
Parliament..... Victory of Rodney..... Affairs of the War in
America..... State of the War in the West Indies, &c.
Maritime Events..... Siege and Relief of Gibraltar.....
Prospect of general Pacification..... Meeting of
Parliament..... Preliminaries of Peace..... Re-assembling
of Parliament..... The Coalition Ministry.....
Re-establishment of Commercial Intercourse with America,
&c. Pitt’s Plan for Reforming the Treasury, &c.
East India Affairs..... Petition of the Quakers against the
Slave Trade..... Settlement on the Prince of Wales.....
Parliament Prorogued..... Execution of Treaties, &c.
Meeting of Parliament..... Fox’s India Bill.....
Dissolution of the Coalition Ministry: Pitt made Prime
Minister..... Efforts of the Opposition against the New
Ministry.

{A.D. 1782}

RECENT EVENTS ON THE THEATRE OF WAR.

It having been ascertained that the French government had sent out a naval armament with large supplies for the East and West Indies, Admiral Kempenfelt was despatched for the purpose of intercepting them. The squadron with which Kempenfelt was intrusted was not sufficiently powerful for the object of his expedition; but having met the enemy’s ships dispersed by a gale of wind off Ushant, he succeeded in capturing twenty transports laden with ordnance, stores, and troops, with which he returned to port. This success, however, was quickly followed by news of sad reverses, and increased dangers and difficulties. St. Eustatius was taken by the French; Gibraltar was hard pressed by the Spaniards; the British possessions in the West Indies were in imminent peril from the French arms; and finally Minorca was lost. This latter event took place on the 5th of February, when General Murray, from want of sufficient force to withstand the besiegers, and from the sickness which prevailed among the few troops he had under his command, was obliged to capitulate. His real position may be gathered from a letter which he wrote a few days after. “Perhaps,” said he, “a more noble, or a more tragical scene was never exhibited, than that of the march of the garrison of St. Philip’s through the Spanish and French armies. It consisted of no more than six hundred old decrepit soldiers, two hundred seamen, one hundred and twenty-five of the royal artillery, twenty Corsicans, and twenty-five Greeks, Turks, Moors, Jews, &c. The two armies were drawn up in two lines, the battalions fronting each other, forming a way for us to march through: they consisted of 14,000 men, and reached from the glacis to George Town, where our battalions laid down their arms, declaring they had surrendered them to God alone, having the consolation to know the victors could not plume themselves in taking an hospital. Such were the distressing features of our men, that many of the Spanish and French troops shed tears as they passed them.” Crillon himself was touched with pity and admiration; and he atoned for his previous fault in endeavouring to bribe General Murray, by treating the vanquished with great humanity; causing them to be attended by his surgeons, and providing for their comfort. These reverses had a great effect upon the nation. Petitions were voted in the city of London, and in several counties, to his majesty, reprobating the whole conduct of the war, and praying the dismissal of all his advisers, both public and private. Still, though the warlike tone of the people was lowered, the principle of the war was not generally unpopular, nor the public indignation against our many enemies abated. It was the improbability of success alone that called forth the petitions.

FOX’S MOTIONS FOR INQUIRY INTO THE NAVY.

Encouraged by the recent reverses, during the recess the opponents of administration had been employed in forming and maturing a general plan of attack. The chief conduct of this was intrusted to Mr. Fox, who, on the reassembling of parliament, moved for an inquiry into the causes of the constant ill-success of the naval forces, and more especially during the preceding year. This inquiry, it was stated, would resolve itself into two distinct parts: whether Lord Sandwich, the first lord of the admiralty, had the means of procuring a navy equal to the exigencies of the state; and whether he employed the force which he possessed with wisdom and ability? Lord Sandwich was defended by Captain Luttrel and Lord Mulgrave; but Lord North declared that both himself and the object of the attack were anxious that the subject should undergo a complete investigation; and the motion passed without a division. An animated debate took place respecting the papers to be produced; and finally a suggestion of Mr. Pitt was adopted: namely, that the substance of letters and documents relating to the subject, and not the letters and documents themselves, should be laid before the house. The debate was then postponed till the 7th of February, when, after the reading of the papers which ministers consented to produce, Fox brought forward several distinct charges against the board of admiralty. These were:—That de Grasse was suffered to depart for the West Indies without any effort to intercept his fleet; that the loss of the convoy sent home with the booty captured at St. Eustatius might have been prevented, had a squadron been sent out for its protection; that a letter sent by the admiralty to the merchants of Bristol, had misled them with reference to the presence of the French fleet in the Channel, whereby the trade of their port was endangered; and that the fleets sent out with Admiral Kempenfelt and against the Dutch, were insufficient for the object of their expedition. Fox concluded by moving, that there had been gross mismanagement of naval affairs during the year 1781. This motion was supported by Lord Howe and Mr. Pitt; but Lord Sandwich was again defended by Lord Mulgrave; and on a division, it was lost by a majority of twenty-two: a majority, however, which showed that there was a change of opinion in the house.

MOTIONS OF INQUIRY IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

In the house of Lords, after parliament had reassembled, the Duke of Richmond moved for an inquiry into the execution of Colonel Hayne, at Charlestown; but his grace was outvoted by seventy-three against twenty-five. Subsequently, the Duke of Chandos moved for an inquiry into the cause which led to the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, and also for all copies of the correspondence between ministers and Sir Henry Clinton, during the preceding year. These propositions were agreed to, but no results arose therefrom.

DEBATES ON LORD GEORGE GERMAINE’S ELEVATION TO THE PEERAGE.

About this time, Lord George Germaine resigned office, and undeterred by his unpopularity, his majesty created him Viscount Sackville. On the report of this proceeding, the Marquess of Carmarthen brought the subject before the Lords, and moved a resolution, “that it was derogatory to the honour of that house; that any person labouring under the censure of a court-martial, should be recommended to the crown to be raised to the dignity of a peerage.” In moving this resolution, the marquess read the sentence of the court-martial, which had been passed upon Lord George Germaine, together with the public orders issued upon it by George II. Several speeches were made, reflecting on the character of the embryo peer, and threatening him with impeachment; but the motion was objected to on the part of the ministers, as interfering with the prerogative of the crown; and the question of adjournment was carried by a large majority. On the 18th of February, Lord George, as Viscount Sackville, took his seat among the peers, when the Marquess of Carmarthen repeated his motion. The new-made peer defended himself with great spirit and dignity; and he was also defended by the lord chancellor and several other peers, so that, when the motion was put to the vote, it was lost by a majority of ninety-three against twenty-eight. Nine peers entered a protest on the journals, repeating the motion, sentence, and public orders, and declaring “that the elevation of Lord Sackville was a measure fatal to the interests and glory of the crown, as well as the dignity of parliament; an insult on the memory of the late sovereign, and every survivor of the illustrious house of Brunswick.” The seals which Sackville had resigned were given to Mr. Welbore Ellis, whose appointment gave great umbrage to the members of opposition.

RENEWED ATTACKS ON LORD SANDWICH: RESIGNATION OF LORD NORTH.

Viscount Sackville had retired from the thickest of the battle, but Lord Sandwich was still exposed to the fire of the enemy. On the 20th of February, Fox renewed his attack upon him, by moving a resolution similar to that which he had already lost in committee. His censure was extended this time to the whole board of admiralty, and he was ably seconded by Mr. Pitt, who went through an accurate detail of naval events in the preceding year, and commented on each with remarkable acuteness and great force of reasoning. His speech appears to have had a great effect upon the house, for on a division the motion was lost by a majority on the part of ministers, of nineteen only. Encouraged by the decreasing majorities of administration, opposition continued their attacks. On the 27th of February, General Conway moved:—“That the further prosecution of offensive hostilities for the purpose of reducing the revolted colonies to obedience by force, would weaken the efforts of Great Britain against her European enemies; increase the mutual enmity so fatal both to Great Britain and America; and, by preventing a happy reconciliation with that country, frustrate the desire expressed by his majesty, of restoring the blessings of peace and tranquillity.” The storm in the house was so loud on this occasion, that Lord North could scarcely obtain a healing. When he did, he objected to the motion as dangerous, on account of the information it would convey to our enemies, and as tending to retard the attainment of peace, which he said was now the wish on both sides of the house. He added, that if the house should show that they had wholly withdrawn their confidence from him, it would then be his duty to resign office. Mr. Wallace, the attorney-general, endeavoured to ward off the blow, by stating his intention to bring in a bill which would enable ministers to treat on the basis of a truce, for which reason he moved an adjournment of the debate. But opposition were now satisfied that they should obtain a victory, and were resolved to push the matter forward vigorously. The motion for adjournment was lost by a majority of nineteen; and the original question and an address to the king were then carried without a division. The answer of his majesty, which was very vague, was reported to the house on Monday, and thanks were voted unanimously. But opposition had no idea of being satisfied with a half-triumph. As soon as they had paid this compliment to his majesty, General Conway moved:—“That the house would consider as enemies to his majesty and the country all those who should advise, or by any means attempt, the further prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America;” a motion which was agreed to without a division. It was hoped that ministers would now resign, but Lord North still kept his seat on the treasury-bench, and the attorney-general, on the next day introduced his plan of a truce with America. His scheme was denounced as a farce by Fox, but it was nevertheless agreed to without a division. On this occasion Lord North told Fox in plain terms, that he would not quit office to gratify his impatience; and that he would not retire till the king ordered him, or until the house clearly proved that he must retire. He retained office, he said, in order to prevent confusion, and the introduction of mischievous and unconstitutional principles. Opposition, however, were intent upon driving him from office, and would not be satisfied till they had achieved a full and final triumph. On the 8th of March, Lord John Cavendish, at the close of a series of resolutions, moved this direct vote of censure upon ministers:—“That the chief cause of all the national misfortunes is want of foresight and ability in the members of administration.” A debate ensued which lasted till two o’clock in the morning, when the house divided on the order of the day, moved by ministers, and which was carried by a majority of eight, so that the motion of Lord John Cavendish was lost. Nothing daunted, however, opposition returned to the charge. On the 15th Sir John Rous moved:—“That the house could no longer repose confidence in ministers.” This motion was also lost by a majority of nine; but Lord Surrey gave notice that he would make a motion to the same effect on the 20th, so that there was a prospect of the struggle being continued. But the work of the opposition was now done—their long-wished-for and ardently-sought triumph achieved. On the 19th of March, Lord North sent a message to the king, intimating the necessity of his immediately resigning. His majesty replied, that he should be at St. James’s Palace on the following day, when he would see him, and in that interview Lord North tendered his resignation. He rode direct from his majesty to the house of commons, where Lord Surrey was waiting to make his motion. On his arrival it was moved:—“That the Earl of Surrey be now heard;” on which Lord North rose and calmly told the house, that as the object of the intended motion was the removal of his majesty’s ministers, such a motion was become unnecessary, as the present administration was no more! He moved an adjournment of five days to allow time for new arrangements, to which the house agreed, and Lord North then left the treasury-bench, where he had presided for twelve years as the supreme personage in the house of commons. He retired from office a poorer man than he came into it: a noble proof of his integrity of conduct. His income would have been insufficient for the education and maintenance of his numerous children, had not his majesty been pleased to secure him in the office of lord warden of the cinque ports. On his retirement he received flattering compliments from his adherents, while opposition were not ashamed of exhibiting a glowing exultation at their triumph. So marked was this exultation in several of his opponents, that Burke, more generous, and more noble, exhorted them to guard against those passions which distort the human mind, and severely censured them for their ill-timed and misplaced joy. He also pointed out to them the great expectations which the nation had aright to expect from them after their manifold declarations, and set before them the difficulty of the task which they had to accomplish. Wise men there were among them: but it is a question whether under the circumstances in which Lord North was placed, they could have guided the helm of the state with greater steadiness or greater skill.

THE NEW MINISTRY.

In the ranks of the opposition there were two parties: one which contended for the complete emancipation of the colonies; and the other, though opposed to the principle of taxation and the continuance of hostilities, which still wished to maintain the principle of supremacy over the colonies. At the head of the first of these parties was the Marquess of Rockingham, and of the second, the Earl of Shelburne. His majesty was still reluctant to acknowledge the independence of the colonists, and he, therefore, naturally looked to Lord Shelburne as the successor of Lord North. Accordingly Shelburne was sent for, and had the first post offered him; but his lordship informed his majesty that, in his opinion, no one could at present fill that situation except Lord Rockingham. A negociation was therefore set on foot with the Marquess, whose appointment was soon afterwards announced, with Lord Shelburne and Mr. Fox as secretaries of state. The other new ministers were Lord Camden, as president of the council; the Duke of Grafton, as keeper of the seal; Admiral Keppel, created viscount, as first lord of the admiralty; Lord John Cavendish, as chancellor of the exchequer; General Conway, as commander-in-chief; Mr. Dunning, created Lord Ashburton, as chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; and the Duke of Richmond, as master-general of the ordnance. Lord Thurlow retained the great seal. The other departments of the state were filled by persons eminent for rank or talent. The Duke of Portland was sent out as lord-lieutenant of Ireland; Mr. Burke was made paymaster of the forces; Mr. T. Townshend became secretary at war, and Colonel Barré treasurer of the navy; Mr. Sheridan was under-secretary of state; Lord Howe, created viscount, was appointed to the command of the grand fleet; Mr. Kenyon and Mr. John Lee were made attorney and solicitor-general; and Sir William Howe was made lieutenant-general of the ordnance. The usual changes, also, took place in the royal household; at which the king was far more affected than he was by the total change in the ministry. It is said that William Pitt was offered the place of a lord of the treasury, which office he rejected with disdain. Be this as it may, Pitt, who had largely contributed to the overthrow of Lord North’s cabinet, remained without post or situation. Pitt, however, probably consoled himself with the idea that the new ministry would not retain the reins of government for any length of period, and that on their ruin he might rise to the highest office in the state. From the very conditions, indeed, upon which the Marquess of Rockingham consented to form the new ministry, and to place himself at the head, it was clear that his administration would not be of long duration. These conditions were:—“Peace with the Americans, and the acknowledgment of their independence not to be a bar to the attainment of that object. A substantial reform in the several branches of the civil list expenditure, on the plan proposed by Mr. Burke. The diminution of the influence of the crown, under which article the bills for excluding contractors from seats in parliament, and disqualifying the revenue-officers from voting in the election of members, were included.” These were arbitrary measures to impose upon a monarch holding-such sentiments as George III., and it was manifest to all men of discernment that the men who imposed them upon him could not hope to possess his confidence. Moreover, there were wide disagreements in the cabinet, as to the means of pursuing the first of these objects, and as to the lengths to which the others should be carried. Finally, mutual jealousies and dislikes existed between the members of the confederated parties; and it required no prophetic eye to foresee that they would never act with that unanimity requisite for the establishment of their power. The issue was, that “every day brought forth a new proof of that hatred which the parties composing this administration bore towards each other; the Rockinghams abused Lord Shelburne for want of good faith; and the reply of the Shelburnes was, that they were in no ways pledged to Lord Rockingham.”

AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.

In consequence of writs having to be issued for new elections, to replace such members as had vacated their seats by accepting office, parliament did not re-assemble until the 8th of April, on which day the new administration commenced the trial of their strength. The first measure of national importance which they brought forward, was the repeal of an act passed in the reign of George I., for securing the dependency of Ireland; and against which a loud clamour had been long raised in that country. This repeal, which was carried through both houses of parliament without a division, was virtually a renunciation of legislating for Ireland; and therefore gave great satisfaction to the whole body of the Irish people. This satisfaction was increased by the abolition of the power of suppressing or altering bills in the privy-council, and the limitation of the duration of the Mutiny Act to the term of two years. So gratified were the Irish with these concessions, that a vote of the house of commons in that kingdom passed unanimously for raising 20,000 seamen for the service of the British navy. The subject of Irish discontent was introduced into the British parliament by Mr. Luttrell, but it was the eloquence of Mr. Grattan which moved ministers to make these large concessions to Ireland. While they were hesitating as to the extent of the gifts which they should offer to allay the angry feelings that existed in that country, he set forth in a lofty tone of eloquence the rights of Ireland, and ministers wavered no more. The spirit of the Irish nation may be seen in the following portion of his speech. He remarked:—“I remember Ireland when she was a child, and have beheld her progress from injuries to arms—from arms to liberty. The Irish are no longer afraid of the French, nor of any nation; nor of any minister. If men turned their eyes to the rest of Europe, they would find the ancient spirit expired, liberty ceded, and empire lost: nations subsisting on the memory of past glory, and guarded by mercenary armies. But Ireland, quitting such examples, had become a model to them: she had excelled modern, and equalled ancient Europe. The meeting of delegates at Dungannon was a great event; and like all original measures, matter of surprise till it became matter of admiration. It may be compared to the English convention parliament, or the assembly of barons at Runnymede; all were original transactions, not flowing from precedent, but containing in themselves precedent and principle. Every great constitutional question would have been lost, the public would have been lost, had they depended only on parliament; but they had fallen into the hands of the people, and by the people they would be preserved. The Irish volunteers are associated for the preservation of the laws, but the claims of the British parliament are subversive of all law. The volunteers had supported the rights of the Irish parliament against those temporary trustees who would have relinquished them? but England had no reason to fear the Irish volunteers: they would die for England and her majestic race of men. Allied by liberty as well as allegiance, the two nations formed a constitutional confederacy: the perpetual annexation of the crown was one great bond, but liberty was a still greater. It would be easy to find a king, but impossible for Ireland to find a nation which could communicate to them a great charter, save only England. This made England a natural connexion; and every true Irishman would exclaim, ‘Liberty with England; but at all events, Liberty.’”

{GEORGE III. 1782–1784}

BILL FOR EXCLUDING CONTRACTORS, ETC.

It has been seen that bills for disabling revenue-officers from voting at elections, and excluding contractors from the house of commons, had been repeatedly brought into parliament, and as repeatedly negatived. In order to acquire popularity ministers revived these bills, and they now passed with approbation and applause. And it seems to have been high time that such measures should have been adopted. In support of the former bill, the Marquess of Rockingham declared that the election chiefly depended on officers of the revenue in seventy boroughs, and that nearly 12,000 officers, created by the recent administration, possessed votes in other places. He argued that his situation, as first lord of the treasury, would be extremely uneasy if the bill were rejected, for he could not without remorse subject them through his influence to the necessity of voting against the dictates of gratitude and conscience. This was a curious argument, but it terminated the debate, and the bill passed. About the same time, also, Mr. Burke’s Reform Bill was again brought forward, and after some warm opposition in the house of lords was adopted. By this bill the board of trade, the board of works, the great wardrobe, the office of American secretary of state, and many sinecure appointments were abolished.

RESOLUTIONS RESPECTING WILKES EXPUNGED FROM THE JOURNALS.

During this session, Wilkes was successful in obtaining the erasure of the resolutions concerning the celebrated Middlesex election from the journals. The motion was made by himself and was seconded by Mr. Byng. It was opposed by Fox, the “man of the people,” on the principle that the house of commons ought, for the advantage of electors, to have the privilege of expelling those whom they as representatives deemed unworthy of a seat. Elated with his triumph, Wilkes published a letter expressive of delight, but the people generally did not participate in his triumph. The sun of Wilkes’s popularity had long gone down, and the people read his letter with indifference.

DISFRANCHISEMENT OF CRICKLADE, ETC.

A few days after the success of Wilkes an act was passed, by large majorities in both houses, for disfranchising many corrupt voters of the borough of Cricklade, and extending the right of suffrage to the freeholders of the hundred. This bill was strenuously opposed in the upper house by Lords Thurlow, Mansfield, and Loughborough. In the course of the debate the Duke of Richmond accused the lord-chancellor Thurlow, not without justice, of opposing every reform; and Lord Fortescue attacked the law lords in general, declaring that the dignity of the house was lowered and tarnished by their presence. All the above bills originated with the Rockingham party. Soon after, Lord Shelburne introduced a bill of his own, for compelling persons holding patent places in the colonies and foreign possessions to reside, and do something for their money, which was adopted.

DEBATES ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

Encouraged by the fate of Criclade, and by petitions for parliamentary reform from the Livery of London, and the still existing county associations, on the 7th of May, Mr. William Pitt moved for a committee to inquire into the state of the representation in parliament, and to report their observations thereon to the house. The petitions which had been presented prayed for the abolition of the Septennial Act. Pitt did not adopt this prayer, but demanded the sweeping away of all rotten boroughs, and the establishment of an equal representation. His motion was seconded by Alderman Sawbridge, and was warmly supported by Sir George Saville, Mr. Fox, and other Whig orators. It was opposed by Thomas Pitt, who declared rotten boroughs to be an essential working part of the constitution—a sentiment suggested by his being proprietor of the borough of Old Sarum. Mr. Powys also could not see any utility in the revisal of a system which had stood the test of ages; and Mr. Dundas thought that the inquiry promised no benefit, that it would lead to evil, and that it would be wiser to submit to certain irregularities in an established form of government, than by attempting the correction to hazard the safety of the whole fabric. The debate manifested that the Whig aristocracy, now in power, were as anxious to quash this inquiry as the Tories themselves could have been; and it is remarkable, that Burke, Townshend, and others were also adverse to the motion. On a division, however, the motion was rejected by a majority of twenty only; the numbers being one hundred and sixty-one against one hundred and forty-one.

EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.

A secret committee had been appointed to investigate the abuses of the Indian government. During this session several reports were presented to the house, when Mr. Dundas reviewed the state of the company and its servants, in the course of which he reprobated the spirit of ambition which provoked the native powers, in the hope of profiting by their conquest; the perfidy which produced violations of treaty; the prodigality which had induced embarrassment and distress; and the misgovernment which generally prevailed in our Asiatic establishments. The reports led to a bill of pains and penalties against Sir Thomas Rumbold, for high crimes and misdemeanours committed in the Carnatic; to a vote of censure on Warren Hastings and Mr. Hornsby, president of Bombay; and to an address to his majesty, praying the removal of Sir Elijah Impey from the office of chief-justice at Bengal.

CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY.

During these proceedings in parliament Mr. Fox, who, before he became foreign secretary, had insinuated in the commons that he possessed the means of detaching the Dutch from the French, offered to Holland a renewal of amity on the terms of the treaty of 1674. Mr. Fox had also been endeavouring to conclude a peace with the Americans, the chief terms of which were the recognition of the independence of the thirteen American colonies, and for the rest _a status quo ante bellum_. No progress had been made in these negociations—for they were obstructed by the great powers of Europe—when the Marquess of Rockingham died, which put an end to the cabinet. Immediately after his decease the king sent for Lord Shelburne, and placed him at the head of the cabinet, which so deeply offended the Rockingham party that they resigned: Fox, Burke, Lord John Cavendish, John Townshend, the Duke of Portland, as governor of Ireland, and others at the boards of treasury and admiralty instantly threw up office in disgust. In consequence of their resignations, Mr. Thomas Townshend was made foreign secretary; Lord Grantham obtained the secretaryship, which had been held by Lord Shelburne; William Pitt was raised to the post of chancellor of the exchequer; Colonel Barré was made paymaster of the forces, while Mr. Dundas was appointed treasurer of the navy in his room; Sir George Yonge succeeded Mr. Townshend as secretary of war; Lord Temple undertook the lieutenancy of Ireland; and Mr. Pepper Arden was made solicitor-general. The promotion which attracted most attention was that of William Pitt, who was only twenty-three years of age, and wild, by his promotion to the post of the chancellor of the exchequer, became leader of the house of commons; and that at a time when the pecuniary concerns of the country were, from the long and expensive war which still raged, in a state of great embarrassment. Fox and his associates were accused of heat and precipitancy, and of having committed the whole Whig cause by their sudden resignation, whence, on the 9th of July, Fox thought proper to defend his conduct in the house of commons; maintaining, that he and his colleagues could not act with honour and benefit to the country, either under or in conjunction with Lord Shelburne. In his speech, he arraigned the conduct of the new first-minister, and General Conway rose in his defence. While he lamented the retirement of Fox, Conway said, that in a cabinet of eleven ministers, there must be some shades of difference; but he denied that these were sufficient to justify the resignation of Fox and the other friends of the deceased marquess. Mr. Pitt was more severe in his remarks upon Fox than General Conway. He accused him of being more at variance with men than their measures, and of having resigned in pique and from disappointed ambition, rather than on any public ground. This language might have been just to a certain extent, but there were doubtless other reasons more cogent than pique and animosity for the retirement of Fox, as he was at this time in a desperate state of poverty. Be this as it may, the severity of Pitt was the commencement of a long conflict between him and Fox.

{GEORGE III. 1782—1784}

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 11th of July. News had been recently received of a victory gained by Rodney, which restored the naval supremacy of England in the western world; of the relief of Gibraltar, and of the poverty and embarrassment of France and Spain, as well as the absolute pauperism of the American congress. Although, therefore, overtures had been made for peace with the Americans, on the basis of independence, yet, in his speech, the king did not show himself disposed to go thus far if it could be avoided. He remarked:—“Nothing can be more repugnant to my feelings than the long continuance of so complicated a war; but should the want of a corresponding disposition on the part of the enemy disappoint the hopes of terminating that calamity, I shall still rely on the spirit, affection, and unanimity of my parliament and people to support the honour of my crown and the interests of the nation. The most triumphant career of victory would not excite me to aim at more than reasonable terms of pacification; and I have the satisfaction to add, that I see no reason which should induce me to think of accepting less.” Recent pages indeed show, that his majesty was always averse to a recognition of the independence of America, and if ever he had given his consent to the proposals Fox had made, it must have been wrung from him under a consciousness that his cause was hopeless. As for Lord Shelburne he still adhered to the dogma of Chatham, and was as averse to the independence of America as the king himself, whence there is a stronger reason than private pique and animosity that Fox should have resigned. Had he not done so he must have acted against his own conscience, which should ever be consulted by man, whether acting in a private or public capacity. He who acts against the dictates of his own conscience is unworthy of the public esteem or confidence.

VICTORY OF RODNEY.

All our leeward islands, except Barbadoes and Antigua, had been conquered by the enemy, after which the fleets of France and Spain projected an expedition against Jamaica, A reinforcement was despatched under de Guichen, and Admiral Kempenfelt was too weak to intercept his progress. In the meantime Rodney arrived at Barbadoes, and soon after put to sea with the intention of joining Sir Samuel Hood, who had been vainly endeavouring to relieve the island of St. Christopher, which was assailed by the Count de Grasse, and a land force under the Marquis de Bouille. Rodney met Hood returning from St. Christopher’s, which had been captured in spite of his exertions to save it; and upon his information that de Grasse had proceeded to Martinique in order to prepare for a grand attack on Jamaica, Rodney sailed with the whole British fleet to St. Lucie, in order to watch his movements. On the 8th of April a signal announced that de Grasse was coming out from Fort Royal Hay, upon which Rodney weighed anchor, and set sail in pursuit of him. At daybreak on the following morning the enemy was discovered at Dominique, but continued calms prevented a close action. The van of the English, indeed, engaged the rear of the French; but a breeze springing up, de Grasse took advantage of it, and sailed away. Rodney, however, still pursued, and towards the evening of the 11th the headmost ships of the van gained so much on one or two of the enemy’s ships, which had been damaged in the recent engagement, that de Grasse thought it necessary to bear down for the purpose of protecting them. Rodney now hoped to force him to battle; but as it was evening, he called in the foremost ships, and forming a close line of battle, he plied to windward all night. By this movement, however, he prevented the retreat of the enemy, and on the morning of the 12th the two fleets, ranged in opposite lines, engaged with the greatest fury. The fleets were about of an equal number, but the ships of de Grasse were of higher rates than the British, and had superior weight of metal. Victory was long held in suspense, but about noon Rodney executed a manouvre, which had never before been practised in naval tactics, and which was attended with complete success. Taking advantage of a freshening breeze which sprung up, his own ship, the Formidable, supported by the Namur, the Duke, and the Canada, bore down with all sail set on the enemy’s line, within three ships of the centre, and succeeded in breaking it. By this manouvre the French line was broken and thrown into confusion, and the rest of the division following, Rodney wore round and doubled on the enemy, by which those ships which had been separated from the others were placed between two fires, without hope of assistance. The battle, notwithstanding, lasted till sunset, at which time Rodney’s exertions were crowned with complete success. Six of the enemy’s ships, among which was the Ville de Paris, de Grasse’s own ship, were captured; one was sunk, and another blew up; and the shattered remains crowded all the sail they could make for Cape François, and in the morning were out of sight. Sir Samuel Hood was despatched in pursuit of the fugitive ships, and coming up with five sail off Porto Rico, he captured two ships of the line and two frigates. Thus, in the whole, the French lost ten ships of the line and two frigates, and the victory was considered as one of the most decisive ever obtained by the naval prowess of Britain. The loss of the French, in killed and wounded, was terrible. Their ships were crowded with land-troops, who only served to swell the carnage: their killed alone is estimated at 3000 men, and their wounded at double that number; so that, taking the prisoners on board the captured ships into computation, they must have sustained a loss of nearly 12,000 men. On the side of the British the loss, in killed, was less, than two hundred and fifty, and in wounded about 700. By the victory Jamaica was saved, and the dominion of the ocean recovered, and the intelligence of it excited great exultation among all ranks of people. Sir George Rodney received the unanimous thanks of parliament, with a peerage, and a perpetual annuity of £2000 was annexed to his title. Sir Samuel Hood was also made a baron in the peerage of Ireland, and Admiral Drake and Commodore Affleck, who had distinguished themselves in the engagement, were made baronets. The news of Rodney’s victory reached London about the middle of May, and it is probable that if it had happened two months earlier, Lord North’s administration would still have been in existence. So great was the impression which the success made on the people, that Rodney’s praise resounded from one end of the kingdom to the other; and many a “Rodney’s head” met the gaze of travellers both in the towns and villages of all England. But although ministers were compelled to give their meed of praise to North’s favourite admiral, yet it was evident that they did not look upon his newly-gained honours with an unjaundiced eye. The Rockingham administration had previously superseded him by naming the Whig Admiral Pigott to the command in the West Indies, and the order for recalling him was never cancelled. This conduct, which was as unwise as it was unjust, produced the deep indignation of the people, and created a bad impression of his ministers’ integrity on the mind of the monarch. It was probably from this cause that the king is said to have received the resignation of Fox with marked satisfaction. True patriotism knows nothing of party, but rejoices in the welfare of the country, be it promoted by either Whig or Tory.

AFFAIRS OF THE WAR IN AMERICA.

The surrender of Lord Cornwallis virtually terminated the war in America; but peace was not yet restored to that country. On hearing of the defeat of de Grasse, indeed, the whole republican party were filled with dismay; and some confessed that unless France sent them more men and money they were as far off from peace and independence as ever. On the other hand, the royalists took heart on hearing the news, and retaliated on the republicans for the wrongs they had endured at their hands since their recent successes. Thus they hanged one Joshua Huddy, a captain in Washington’s army, leaving a label on the tree, which set forth that it was in retaliation for the murder of one White, a royalist, whom the republicans had put to death. The perpetrators of this deed were arrested by Sir Henry Clinton; and the leader in the affair, Captain Lippincot, was tried by a court-martial, who returned a verdict of not guilty. This affair, however, had the effect of retarding that peace which was now so much desired on both sides of the Atlantic. Washington demanded that Lippincot should be given up to him to be tried and executed by republican law; and when this was refused by Sir Henry Clinton, he declared that he would hang a young English officer, a prisoner taken at York Town, in retaliation, if his demand was not satisfied. The day for this execution was fixed by Washington; and in the meantime Sir Henry Clinton was superseded by Sir Guy Carleton, who arrived at New York with instructions from the Rockingham administration, to open negociations with congress for peace on the basis of independence. Overtures were made to Washington by Carleton for a truce; and a passport was solicited of him for a person to carry a letter to congress with offers of peace. These overtures and the passport, however, were sternly refused by Washington; and he again recurred to the subject of Huddy, declaring that he would hang the British officer if Lippincot was not delivered up to him. His violence met the approval of congress; and a vote was passed on the 21st of May, binding themselves to make no separate treaty, and to entertain no overtures of negociation, except in common with their allies. All that could be effected was a partial exchange of prisoners, and a suspension of hostilities, which were rather conceded from the weakness of the American army, and the formidable position of the British, than from the friendly advances of the British cabinet. The suspension of hostilities, however, that was obtained by Carleton was only partial, for a war of posts was still continued in Carolina and Georgia. In the meantime, negociations still continued concerning the young officer whom Washington had selected for the gibbet. There can be no doubt that he would have shared the fate of Major André, had not his parents possessed influence, for Washington still sternly demanded the person of Captain Lippincot as the price of his redemption. The devoted victim, however, was the son of Sir Charles Asgill; and his mother, Lady Asgill, wrote to the King and Queen of Fiance, soliciting their intercession on her son’s behalf. This letter was sent to Washington, accompanied by one from the Count de Vergennes, in which the French minister stated, that the King and Queen of France had been extremely affected by Lady Asgil’s letter, and that they desired that the inquietudes of an unfortunate mother might be calmed, and her tenderness reassured. It would have been bad policy had Washington not relented on the receipt of these letters; and he, therefore, forwarded them to congress with one of his own, and Captain Asgill was forthwith set at liberty. But although Washington put on so bold a front towards the English, treating them with a contempt which would seem to indicate that he was their perfect master, his situation was one which would have justified the language of humiliation and supplication, rather than of contempt and dictation. During these negociations, and only a few days after he had refused to grant a passport to congress, he stated to that assembly, that his army on the Hudson was destitute of provisions, and in a state of disorder bordering on mutiny; and that if the British were aware of his situation, and were to make a sudden attempt, he could not withstand them. Subsequently, as the condition of his army did not improve, the haughty Washington wrote in plain language to congress, “that it was high time for peace.” Nor was the army under General Greene, in the south, in a better condition. A large part of it were occasionally as naked as they were born. The very loins of the brave men who fought at Eutaw Springs were galled by their cartouch-boxes, while their shoulders were protected only by a piece of rug or a tuft of moss. In writing to congress, Greene remarked: “The troops have received no pay for two years; they are nearly naked, and often without meat or bread; and the sick and wounded are perishing for want of medicines and proper nourishment.” Disaffection prevailed even among the officers; and upon one occasion, on the appointment of Colonel Laurens to the command of the legion, they one and all tendered their resignation, and were only induced to return to their posts by their general’s prudent and conciliatory conduct. And this was not the only danger which Greene had to encounter. A portion of his army entered into a secret correspondence with the British, for the purpose of delivering him into their power; but the conspiracy was detected, and while the ringleader was shot, the chief of the conspirators deserted. Yet while the American forces in the south were in this desperate condition, the British troops undertook no new expedition, except for the purpose of procuring provisions. Under the impression, indeed, that with their diminished forces it would have been folly to have renewed the strife, or even to have maintained their position, they determined to leave Charlestown. Accordingly, having agreed to leave it uninjured, on condition of their retreat being unmolested, they evacuated that town on the 14th of December; the American army entering it as the British rear-guard departed from it On their departure solemn thanks were offered to the Almighty in the different places of worship, by the citizens and soldiers, and the whole city presented a scene of joy and festivity; but even after this period; Greene experienced much difficulty in obtaining provision for his troops; and it was only by his becoming responsible as an endorser of the contractor’s bills, that the evil was removed. By this measure the troops were fed; but it was the cause of much subsequent embarrassment, not only to Greene himself while living, but to his family after his death.

STATE OF THE WAR IN THE WEST INDIES, ETC.

After Rodney’s victory the war still languished in West Indies. The Spanish governor of Cuba effected the conquest of the Bahama islands; and la Perouse destroyed some defenceless settlements on Hudson’s, Haye’s and Nelson’s Rivers. On the other hand, the British captured some forts on the Mosquito shore from the Spaniards, and took Aera, on the coast of Africa, from the Dutch. In the East Indies the affairs of the Dutch and the French were in a desperate condition. They had made extraordinary exertions to expel the English by means of Hyder Ally; but these were all defeated by Sir Eyre Coote and Commodore Hughes, as will be seen in a future page. These events contributed materially to make the court of Versailles desirous of peace.

{GEORGE III. 1782–1784}

MARITIME EVENTS.

During this year, France, Spain, and Holland equipped seventy ships of the line for active service, in order to reduce the maritime superiority of Britain. As the forces of the British were inferior on her own coasts to those of the enemy if united, the plan adopted, was to prevent their junction, and to weaken them by separate attacks; to protect our convoys; and to relieve the important post of Gibraltar. To effect the first of these objects Admiral Barrington sailed from Portsmouth with twelve sail of the line, and on the 20th of April he discovered seventeen or eighteen sail of large merchantmen and transports, under convoy of two French ships of the line and a frigate. Barrington gave chase, and in the course of two days the two ships of the line, ten large transports, and a schooner were captured. The victors found on board the prizes a. great quantity of ordnance and ammunition, anchors and masts for ships, and other materials needed by the French in the East Indies, besides eleven chests of Dutch silver, and about 1400 troops. After this successful cruise, Barrington returned to port in consequence of boisterous weather, and Admiral Kempenfelt, with nine sail of the line, took the station which he had quitted. In the mean time the British suffered a reverse, for de Guichen having formed a junction with the Spanish fleet at Cadiz, captured eighteen sail of British merchantmen and transports, bound to Canada and Newfoundland. Great apprehensions were entertained for the Jamaica fleet, but Lord Howe, with a squadron of twelve sail, effectually covered them, and the combined squadrons, being unable to effect a junction with the Dutch, and finding that no advantage could be derived from remaining in the Channel, retired from the British coasts. Lord Howe, indeed, terrified the Dutch into a relinquishment of their designs on the trade of Great Britain to the Baltic, and the whole scheme of the enemy proved abortive. Storms, however, in part accomplished what the enemy failed to perform. In various latitudes the summer and autumn of this year were remarkable for storms and hurricanes, and a terrible catastrophe befell a fleet under Admiral Graves, which sailed, with the great prizes taken by Rodney and Hood, to convoy the great fleet of West-Indiamen. All these ships, except the “Ardent,” foundered at sea, as well as two line-of-battle ships, and a great number of merchantmen; three thousand lives were lost. This calamity was aggravated by the loss of the Royal George at Portsmouth, which was the finest ship in our navy. The Royal George was inclined on her side to undergo a slight species of careening, without the delay of going into dock, and on the 29th of August a sudden squall of wind threw her on her side, and the gun-ports being open she instantly filled and went to the bottom. Admiral Kempenfelt was writing in his cabin at the moment, and he, together with nearly one thousand men, women, and children, were thus suddenly buried in the ocean. These calamities excited a deep concern throughout the whole nation, and the fate of the brave Kemperjfelt was deeply deplored.

SIEGE AND RELIEF OF GIBRALTAR.