Chapter IX: {george III. 1778–1779} (2)

The maritime defence of England was entrusted to Admiral Keppel, and he put to sea with twenty sail ot the line for that purpose. On the 17th of June, Keppel discovered two French frigates, the “La Licorne” and “La Belle Poule,” reconnoitring his fleet. The con duct of France seemed to call for and to justify extreme measures, and Keppel’s instructions being ample, he resolved to effect the capture of these two frigates. Accordingly they were chased, and the first, fired both with cannon and musketry, struck her colours and was captured; but the other having fiercely encountered and dismasted a pursuing vessel, escaped among the rocks on the French shore. Shortly after a French schooner and another frigate were captured, and from papers found in these several vessels Keppel discovered that the enemy had thirty-two sail of the line and twelve frigates ready for sea in Brest harbour. This determined him to return to Portsmouth for reinforcements. These reinforcements, however, were either not ready or were not there, and while he was waiting for them the Brest fleet had put out to sea under the command of the Count d’Orvilliers, and had captured a frigate which Keppel had left to watch the movements of the enemy. This was on the 9th of July, and on the very same day, Keppel, whose fleet had been augmented to thirty sail of the line, departed in quest of d’Orvilliers. He fell in with the French admiral on the 23rd, but as the French, who had the advantage of the wind, showed no inclination for battle, the English continued chasing and manoeuvring to windward for four days. On the 27th, however, a dark squall brought the two fleets close together off Ushant. The signal was instantly made to engage. The fleets were then sailing in different directions, and on contrary tacks, and a furious cannonade was maintained for nearly three hours, at the end of which time they had passed each other, and the firing ceased. The loss in killed and wounded was greatest on the side of the French, but some of the British ships under Sir Hugh Palliser were so crippled that when Keppel wore round to renew the engagement they could not obey the signal, and he formed his line of battle ahead. On their part the French formed their line to leeward of their antagonists, and Keppel expected that they would try their force “handsomely with him in the morning;” but in the course of the night d’Orvilliers edged away for Brest, and claimed the victory, because he had not been thoroughly beaten. Keppel returned to England to get new masts and rigging, and on the 18th of August, d’Orvilliers again set sail to cruise off Cape Finisterre. A few days after, Keppel also again put to sea, but he stretched further to the westward, to protect the merchant-ships returning from the two Indies, and to prevent any portion of the French fleet from reaching America. Every ship sailing from the Indies arrived safely in England, and our privateers and cruisers captured many French trading-vessels; but the two fleets did not again come into collision, and popular indignation, excited by disappointment, attributed the blame to Keppel and Sir Hugh Palliser, who served under him. The journals of the day teemed with invectives against them for not pursuing the French admiral after the battle off’ Ushant; and the opinion was very general that they had not acted with the required decision when the fleet of the enemy was in their power. By the court and the admiralty, however, their conduct was viewed with approbation; and Keppel, at least, would not deign to answer his anonymous accusers. Sir Hugh Palliser replied to an attack made upon him in a morning paper, and because Keppel refused to authenticate his answer or to contradict statements made by an anonymous accuser, Palliser published his own case, in which he charged his superior officer with inconsistency, for having approved his conduct in a public despatch, and now refusing to vindicate his character. Keppel, however, acted the more nobly: anonymous accusations are beneath the notice of a high-minded and honourable man, and he who replies to such, dignifies a character which is little superior to a midnight assassin, and should be treated with mortifying contempt. That accuser who will not face the accused, places himself out of the pale of the laws and usages of society.

DISGRACEFUL INFRACTION OF THE CONVENTION OF SARATOGA.

Although the Americans had given Burgoyne leave to return home upon parole, yet, in bold defiance of the convention signed by Gates, they still kept his troops as prisoners of war. As there was a difficulty in reaching the port of Boston early in the winter, Burgoyne had applied to Washington to change the place of embarkation, and to substitute for it some place on the Sound. Washington referred the matter to congress, and he was directed to inform Burgoyne, that no proposition for indulgence or for altering the terms of the convention would be listened to, unless directed to their own body. The truth is, congress had scarcely ceased rejoicings for the success of Gates, when they determined to break the compact. Measuring the faith and honour of the English officers by their own, they pretended a concern that the army which had surrendered, instead of sailing for England, would join the forces of General Howe; or, that if they did not do this, and if they sailed for England, their arrival there would enable the government to send out an equal number of troops employed in the home service to take their places in America. Hence, they set their wits to work in order to delay the return of the troops to England. The first thing they did was to pass a resolution directing General Heath to transmit to the board of war, a descriptive list of every person comprehended in the convention. Burgoyne and his officers bitterly resented the insinuations of congress, and raised objections to such a humiliating measure; but his army was, nevertheless, described man by man, with all the minuteness of a French commissary of police. After this was done, a number of British transports came round to take Burgoyne and his troops on board, but congress now attempted to find several flaws in the clauses of the convention of Saratoga. They pretended that the ships were not sufficient, or sufficiently furnished with provisions for a voyage to Europe, and that, therefore, General Howe contemplated the shorter voyage to Sandy Hook or Delaware; and they further pretended that some of the British soldiers had secreted their cartouch-boxes, which were, they said, comprehended in the technical term “arms,” and upon such futile and unfounded pretensions they gravely concluded that the convention was broken. The British officers denied these allegations, and the whole subject was referred to a committee of congress, who, in their report, substantiated them by fallacy, and thereupon it was resolved that “the embarkation of Lieutenant-General Burgoyne and the troops under his command, should be suspended until a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga should be properly notified by the court of Great Britain to congress.” The men were then thrown into prison, and the British transports were ordered to quit the neighbourhood of Boston without delay. Burgoyne addressed a letter of remonstrance to congress, and insisted on the embarkation of his army as stipulated in the convention; but a committee to whom this letter was referred, reported that it contained no arguments sufficient to induce congress to alter their resolutions, and the men were still kept in prison. Burgoyne then demanded that he, at least, should be permitted to return to England upon his parole, which request was readily granted, and it was in this manner that he had been allowed to come home, leaving his army behind him. The whole affair reflects the greatest disgrace upon the members of congress, and Washington and Gates share in that disgrace; the former for having joined hand-in-hand with congress in the affair, and the latter for not preventing the act of perfidy, or throwing up his commission if he had not sufficient influence to prevent it. All the American leaders, however, seem to have parted company with faith and honour, and they rejoiced in the prospect of keeping Burgoyne’s troops prisoners of war till the war should be ended, being well convinced that the court of Great Britain would not make the required notification.

LAFAYETTE’S EXPEDITION TO CANADA.

During the preceding year, while the treaty between France and America was pending, the Marquess de Lafayette, a warm-hearted and warm-headed young Frenchman, who had imbibed the political notions of the new school of philosophy, which had for some time been sowing the seeds of revolution in France, resolved to embark in the cause of America. Accordingly he set sail for that country, accompanied by Baron Kalb, and a few other adventurers, and when he arrived he was received with open arms by Washington and by congress. On the 31st of July, indeed, the members of congress expressed their sense of his accession to their cause in warm terms, and conferred on him the rank and commission of major-general. He fought in the battle of the Brandywine, where he was shot in the leg, and where he narrowly escaped being taken prisoner. Nothing more is heard of him till the depth of the winter, when Washington still lay hutted in Valley Forge, contending against the horrors of sickness and famine, as previously narrated. At this time congress, who were sitting in York Town, at the instigation of a board of war, composed of Gates, Starke, and others, all personal enemies of Washington, resolved to make another irruption into Canada, and that the command should be given to Lafayette. It was supposed that the young French nobleman would have great influence with the French descendants in Canada, which was the chief reason of his being raised to the command. The plan was completed without a word of intimation to Washington; and when it was fully resolved upon he received a letter from Gates, now his rival, enclosing another for the young marquess, requiring his immediate attendance on congress to receive his instructions. At the same time, Washington was directed to send one of his best regiments to join the Canadian expedition. Lafayette repaired to congress, and Washington put the required regiment in motion for Albany, on the Hudson, where the invading force was to be assembled. According to his own account, Lafayette made large demands on congress in order to ensure the success of his expedition, which demands were all complied with. He soon, however, found that the word of congress could not be depended upon. He was told that 2500 men would be assembled at Albany; that he would be joined by a great body of militia further up the Hudson; that he should have a certain sum of money in specie, and 2,000,000 dollars in paper-money; and that he must proceed from the head of the Hudson to Lake Champlain, cross that water on the ice, burn the English fleet at the Isle Aux Noix, and then, descending the Sorel and crossing the St. Lawrence, repair to Montreal, to act as circumstances should permit him. Lafayette set out full of ardour and hope, but he had scarcely left congress when it crossed their minds that the young Frenchman might, instead of inducing the Canadians to join the thirteen United States, induce them to renew their connexion with their mother country—France. These misgivings were natural, and the result was that congress resolved to neglect this long-cherished scheme of conquest. Accordingly, when Lafayette arrived at Albany, he did not find half of the promised regular troops, and as for the militia, it had either not received or attended to the summons. Even the troops he found there wanted clothing and provisions, and while he had little or no specie, the paper-dollars proved scarcely worth the carriage. Moreover, he had no sledges to carry his troops across the ice, and when the month of March arrived, the lakes began to thaw, and he received intelligence that the English were well prepared to receive him. Lafayette now gave up the enterprise, and after having made an attempt to engage some Mohawk Indians in the service of congress, in which he met with but little success, and having administered a new form of oath, devised by congress, to the population of Albany, he was permitted to return to the camp of Washington.

UNFORTUNATE ACTION UNDER LAFAYETTE.

During the winter and the commencement of the spring, while the great body of the British troops were quartered in Philadelphia, several excursions were made by detachments in different directions, chiefly for the purpose of obtaining provisions and clothing. These excursions were generally attended with success, and many American prisoners were brought into Philadelphia. Washington, however, was still permitted to rest securely in Valley Forge, where he omitted no opportunity of bettering the condition of his forces. His exertions were great, and he was now ably seconded by Baron Steuben, a Prussian officer, who had served for many years on the staff of Frederick the Great, and who, like Lafayette, had become an adventurer on this theatre of war. Steuben taught the raw troops of the republic the system of field-exercise which his Prussian majesty had introduced or improved; and when they next took the field, therefore, they presented a far more soldier-like appearance than they had presented in the previous campaigns. It was in the month of May that they again took the field. In that month the British had made an expedition by sea and land to destroy all the American shipping in the upper part of the Delaware between Philadelphia and Trenton. This may be considered the opening of the campaign, and the expedition was in a great measure successful.

More than forty American vessels were burnt; a considerable quantity of stores and provisions were destroyed; and some Americans were slain and wounded in the vain endeavour to defend them. Washington now began to act. On the 19th of May he detached Lafayette with nearly 3000 men to take post at Barren Hill, about seven miles in advance of Valley Forge, but on the opposite side of the Schuylkill. The object of this movement appears to have been the restraining of the British excursions, but the position was ill-chosen, as the communication between it and Valley Forge was difficult, and easy to be interrupted by an active enemy. Probably Washington calculated that General Howe would still continue his inactivity, and especially as it was now known that the British contemplated the abandonment of Philadelphia. But in this he was mistaken. On the night of the 20th, General Grant was detached with 5000 men to surprise Lafayette in this position, and he reached a point between his rear and Valley Forge without discovery. At the same time another detachment, under General Grey, marched along the western bank of the Schuylkill, and posted themselves at a ford about three miles in front of Lafayette’s right flank, while the rest of the British army advanced to Chesnut-hill. His retreat was utterly cut off, except by the way of Matson’s-ford. As soon as Lafayette became aware of his danger he saw this, and he instantly fled, pell-mell, with his detachment to this ford, leaving on his way six field-pieces. There was a race between him and Grey which should get first to Matson’s Ford, but fear quickened his steps and those of his followers, and Grey’s men being fatigued with their long night-march, the Frenchmen won the race, and the ford was passed before Grey could reach it. General Grant also was slow in his pursuit from behind, and Lafayette was even allowed time to send back some of his men across the water to recover the artillery he had abandoned. He escaped with the loss of about fifty men killed and wounded, and a few more taken prisoners; but had this expedition, which had been well conceived, been executed with greater rapidity, the career of Lafayette would have terminated, and his followers must either have been captured or slain. Washington himself seems to have considered that his case was hopeless. By means of glasses he had discovered Lafayette’s peril, and he caused his bridge across the Schuylkill to be broken down, lest the British, after annihilating this detachment, should fall upon himself at Valley Forge.

{GEORGE III. 1778–1779}

SIR HENRY CLINTON TAKES THE COMMAND OF THE BRITISH TROOPS.

The above wore the last military operations in America over which Sir William Howe presided. He had been for some time soliciting his recall, through feelings of resentment for want of confidence reposed in him, and inattention to his recommendations; and on the 24th of May, Sir Henry Clinton arrived at Philadelphia to supersede him in the command. How General Howe could imagine that any recommendations which he could make would be attended to, is matter of surprise, when his inglorious campaigns are considered. He had done nothing of consequence during the long time he had been in America, and at the very time he was superseded in the command, he was conscious that the army must soon evacuate Philadelphia. For the last seven months he had, indeed, been living a life of pleasure, which wholly unfitted both him and his army for active service. Hence, it is no wonder that before his departure both officers and men, expressed their warmest affection for him. On the 18th of May a grand fête was given to him as a proper leave-taking, which was celebrated in such bad taste that it reflected disgrace on those who got it up, and those who consented to be honoured by it. Even if the Howes had been uniformly victorious and had finished the war by brilliant exploits, the pageantry was of such a nature as would have been better fitted for some inglorious Eastern despot; how much more then was it misplaced when all the work they had been commissioned to execute was left undone. The enemy had still the sword in their hands, and were daily increasing in courage, in skill, in strength, and in numbers. Such was the state of America when Sir William Howe returned to England. His brother, Admiral Lord Howe, who was a man of ability, still retained the command of the fleet, although he also wished to return home, and to take no further part in the contest. The rumours of the French war first, and then the arrival of the French fleet on the coast of America, alone induced him to retain his command.

ARRIVAL OF THE COMMISSIONERS IN AMERICA WITH THE CONCILIATORY BILLS.

Commissioners appointed under Lord North’s conciliatory bills, arrived in the Delaware on the 6th of June. These commissioners were Lord Carlisle, Governor Johnstone, and Mr. Eden, who lost no time in making known their commission. They applied to Washington for a passport for their secretary, Dr. Adam Ferguson, to enable him to lay some overtures of the commission before congress. Washington, however, refused to grant this passport, and he forwarded the letter of the commissioners to congress by the common military post. After deliberating on the communications for some days, congress replied to the king’s commissioners through their president, that the act of parliament, the commission, and the commissioners’ letter all supposed the people of the American states to be still subjects of the King of Great Britain, and were all founded upon an idea of dependence. This was represented as a mistake. The Americans, they said, were a free people, and congress were ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties they had previously contracted, whenever the King of Great Britain should show a sincere disposition for that purpose; the only proof of which would be an explicit acknowledgment of their independence, and the withdrawal of all the troops and the fleets from the United States. The truth is, the commissioners arrived too late to effect any conciliation. Silas Deane had previously arrived from Paris with the French treaties ratified, and with abundant assurances of assistance and co-operation, and the Americans were thereby confirmed in their resolution to obtain their absolute independence. In addition to his public exertions as a commissioner, Governor Johnstone endeavoured to gain over some of the members of congress and other persons of influence, by opening a private correspondence with them. But this was discovered, and the result was, that his letters were laid before congress, and a resolution was passed to the effect that it was incompatible with the honour of congress to hold any further communication with that commissioner. The commissioners next attempted to separate the people from their leaders by a manifesto declaring pardons to all who should within forty days withdraw from the service of congress, and proffering peace with peculiar privileges to the colonies collectively or separately, which should return to their allegiance to the British monarch. But this was answered by counter manifestoes from congress, and the efforts of the commissioners were rendered signally abortive; and they were compelled to return home as they went. The whole body of colonists were resolute in their desire and purpose of obtaining their independence.

EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA BY THE BRITISH, ETC.

At this time it was known that Count d’Estaing was at sea with a considerable land force on board, to aid the Americans. This had doubtless the effect of making congress and the colonists more determined in their opposition to the British government. On the other hand, it had the effect of rendering the British general more cautious. As soon as the prospect of a French war opened on the British cabinet, as a more central situation was desirable for the army, the evacuation of Philadelphia was contemplated, and as the French troops might arrive soon to the aid of Washington, Sir Henry Clinton, contrary to the wishes of the British officers, who burned with impatience to be led on to the Valley Forge, resolved to withdraw his troops from the capital of Pennsylvania. This was executed about the middle of June, and they were transported across the Delaware without molestation. The march, however, of the troops was encumbered by a long train of the inhabitants of Philadelphia, all royalists, who feared the vengeance cf congress, and their progress was consequently slow. Moreover, the country abounded with rough roads and difficult passes, while the British troops had to mend the bridges in their route which Washington had caused to be broken down. The passes were all occupied by the militia, but these were everywhere driven from their posts without difficulty. These measures were preliminary to a step which Washington contemplated, of crossing the Delaware and falling upon the rear of the retreating enemy. He crossed that river with this intent; but though he hung upon Clinton’s flank and rear, he did not venture to attack him, and carefully selected for himself such ground and such a line of march as prevented his being attacked by the British. Several days passed in this manner, councils of war being in the meantime held to deliberate upon the expediency of bringing on a general engagement. Washington himself was anxious to hazard an action, but of seventeen generals only two besides himself were in favour of hazarding either a general or partial engagement. In a council held on the 24th of June, however, a proposal was carried to strengthen the detachment which had got on the left flank of the British, and 1500 picked men were thrown in the direction specified. At the same time, Washington secretly determined to bring on a more general engagement, in spite of the majority of the council-of-war, if possible. He did this to his own cost on the 28th of June. On that day the British having arrived at a place called Freehold Court-house, near Monmouth, a vigorous attack was made on their baggage by a detachment under General Lee, the deserter, who had been previously exchanged, and was again actively employed in the American service. This attack, however, was expected, and the detachment was bravely repulsed. The British light troops impetuously pursued the fugitives, until they were met and rallied by Washington himself. The pursuers were now in danger, and to prevent their being cut off, Sir Henry Clinton was compelled to maintain his position under a severe cross-fire, after which he withdrew to his former position. His loss in killed and wounded was about three hundred and sixty men, many of whom had expired through excessive heat and fatigue without receiving a wound. The enemy’s loss was still greater, and as little more than half of Clinton’s army was with him, it seems to have convinced Washington that it would be folly to attack the British forces in a general engagement. It is said, indeed, that he lay that night in the midst of his soldiers, ready to renew the contest next morning, had not his opponents thought proper to retire. But it is evident that Washington was aware of the continued retreat of the British, and yet he did not venture to follow a step further. He had expected a triumph and had met with a check, and though he boasted to congress that he would have followed if Clinton had not moved off in silence and secresy, and before he had any idea of his departure, yet he had already determined to hasten to the Hudson by another route, in order to join an army collected by General Gates, and to give up the pursuit! Congress also acted as inconsistently as Washington. They celebrated the affair of Freehold Court-house as a great and glorious victory, although it must have appeared clear to them that Washington had been checked, if not actually defeated. Clinton reached New York in safety on the 5th of July, where he found Lord Howe with his fleet. Washington took up his position on the borders of the Hudson, where he remained till late in the autumn.

DISGRACE OF GENERAL LEE.

When Washington met General Lee in full retreat, he assailed him with some bitter and reproachful words for his conduct. Suspicions were afterwards thrown out that Lee intended to cause the defeat of the army, for the purpose of disgracing the commander-in-chief. The whole conduct of Lee proves that these suspicions were groundless, and he wrote several letters to Washington in vindication of his character. These letters, however, contained language which placed him at the mercy of Washington, and being found guilty by a court-martial, he was sentenced to suspension from his rank for one year. Although a man of great abilities, and although he had rendered the American cause good service, both in the councils-of-war and in the field, he never, indeed, after this disgrace, attracted honourable notice. Yet he appears rather to have fallen from the effects of envy than from his misconduct, for it is a well-established fact, that Washington himself looked upon his abilities with a jealous eye. It was, in truth, the conduct of Washington towards him in the late affair which had betrayed him into the error which laid him beneath his rival’s feet. Gratitude should have taught Washington to have behaved more generously, for more than once Lee had corrected his rashness, and saved him from ruin. Yet before his failure in his attack on the British troops, Washington had attempted to place the raw and inexperienced Lafayette over his head, and he might have been warned by this, that no opportunity would be lost in securing his downfall.

UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK BY THE AMERICANS AND FRENCH ON RHODE ISLAND.

Six days after General Clinton arrived at New York, the French fleet, under Count d’Estaign, who had lost many days by putting into the Delaware, appeared before that city. His force consisted of twelve sail of the line, and three or four heavy frigates. He had, indeed, collectively, eight hundred and fifty-four guns to oppose to Howe’s 614, and the weight of his metal and the size of his ships were still greater in proportion even than the number of his guns. It was expected that the count would immediately attack Lord Howe’s squadron, but he lay inactive outside the Hook for eleven days. All this time, the British admiral was preparing for a contest, and the sailors universally burned with impatience to engage the enemy. As a defeat would have been fatal to the troops on shore, Howe wisely forbore to respond to their wishes of attacking the enemy, and at length, on the 22nd of July d’Estaign weighed anchor, and instead of entering Sandy Hook, stood out to sea, and then shaped his course northward to attempt the reduction of Rhode Island. In his passage to America, the French admiral had been pursued by Vice-Admiral Byron whose fleet unfortunately had been dispersed and shattered by storms. The wreck of two or three of these ships joined Lord Howe a few days after d’Estaing had left his anchorage, and when these had been put in sailing and fighting trim, Lord Howe sailed in quest of the French admiral. General Sullivan had been ordered to pass over from the continent with 10,000 men to attack the British lines at Newport, in which 6000 troops were intrenched, while d’Estaing with the French fleet assailed them on the other side. When near the coast, also, the French admiral was joined by Lafayette with 2000 American troops, and he entered the Sound and prepared to land near Newport. Four English frigates were lying at anchor there, and as the defence of these frigates was impracticable, the crews set fire to them and joined the troops on the island. The French admiral was on the point of landing when Howe hove in sight, he having been hitherto deterged from so doing by a quarrel with General Sullivan as to which of them should hold the supreme command. The appearance of Howe altered the operations of d’Estaing. Being superior in force he resolved to sail out of the harbour and meet the English. Both commanders prepared for battle; but while they were each exerting all their skill to gain the advantages of a position a furious storm arose, which dispersed the hostile fleets over the face of the ocean. Both fleets were greatly damaged, but Howe’s fleet suffered least. Subsequently one of his ships fell in with the Languedoc, d’Estaign’s flag-ship, and another with the Tonnant, both of superior size, and would have captured them had they not been rescued by other portions of the scattered fleet, Another isolated battle afterwards occurred between two ships, in which the French lost seventy killed and wounded, while the English lost only one man killed and had fifteen wounded. No captures, however, were made on either side, and while Howe returned to New York for the purpose of refitting his ships, d’Estaing came to anchor near Rhode Island. By this time, Sullivan, contrary to the wishes of Lafayette, had landed on the island with his 10,000 men, and had commenced the siege of Newport. He also had suffered by the storm, for it had blown down all his tents, damaged his ammunition, and caused the death of several of his soldiers. When it abated, Sullivan renewed the siege; but though the garrison of Newport amounted only to about 1200 men, he only ventured to proceed by regular approaches. Sullivan was not much encouraged by the reappearance of the French Admiral, and when d’Estaing announced his intention of retiring to Boston to refit, the besiegers lost all hope, and numbers of them deserted and crossed over to Connecticut. It was in vain that Sullivan remonstrated with the French admiral: he had received orders from his government to be very careful of his fleet, and having reasons to believe that Howe had received reinforcements, he adhered to his resolution of getting to a place of safety. Sullivan then implored him to leave the French forces he had on board, and the bearer of his letter was also charged with a protest, written in angry terms, and complaining of the desertion of the French. This protest was signed by all the general officers in Rhode Island, except Lafayette; but the French admiral considered it as insulting, and sailed away for Boston in an angry mood. Sullivan then abandoned the siege of Newport, and retired to the north of the island. He was pursued by Sir Robert Pigott, commander of the garrison of Newport, who brought him to battle on the 29th of August. The loss was about equal, but Sullivan found himself compelled to evacuate the island in haste. He retired just in time, for on the following day a reinforcement, commanded by Sir Henry Clinton, arrived at Rhode Island. The attempt on the island, therefore, signally failed, and Sullivan laid the blame of the failure on the French admiral. He even published some letters reflecting very severely on the conduct of d’Estaing, and asserted that the Americans had been basely abandoned by their new allies. The public feeling was so strong against him, that when he arrived at Boston he met with a rude reception. The French were everywhere hooted by the Bostonians, and in a scuffle between them a French officer was killed. The French were also denounced by some of the hottest members in congress, and even the alliance with the French court was reprobated and reviled in bitter terms. About the same time, also, riots happened at Charlestown, in South Carolina, between American and French seamen, in which several lives were lost on both sides. But, at the same time that the Americans exhibited this feeling toward the French, they could not deny that the French alliance was still useful to them; and hence they had no thought of coming to an open rupture with their government.

OPERATIONS OF THE BRITISH ARMY.

After relieving Rhode Island, General Clinton returned to New York. On his voyage thither he detached Major-General Grey to Buzzard Bay, in Massachusets, a famous rendezvous of American privateers; and that officer destroyed seventy sail of ships there, with many store-houses and wharfs, and a fort mounting eleven pieces of heavy cannon. Grey then proceeded to an island called Martha’s Vineyard, where he took or destroyed several more vessels, destroyed a salt-work, and obliged the inhabitants to deliver up their arms, and furnish him with 10,000 sheep and 3000 oxen. With these supplies he returned to New York, and shortly after he made an incursion into New Jersey, where he surrounded an American detachment in the dead of the night, killed most of them, and took the rest, with Colonel Bajdor, their commander, prisoners. About the same time a small squadron, under the direction, of Captain Collins, with some troops, under the command of Captain Ferguson, destroyed a nest of privateers at Egg Harbour, and cut to pieces a part of the legion of the Polish Count Pulawski. On the return of this squadron to New York, the British army was placed in winter-quarters, and Washington moved his troops to Middlebrook, in New Jersey, where they hutted, as in Valley Forge.

ATTACK OF THE SAVAGES ON THE SETTLEMENT OF WYOMING, ETC.

The beautiful district of Wyoming was at this time dotted with eight new townships, each containing a territory of about five miles on both sides of the river Susquehanna. Poets and travellers have fondly fancied that it was inhabited by a peaceful population, in unison with the lovely scenery of the district. Such conceptions, however, are the very reverse of the fact. Greece was as the garden of Eden, and yet fierce warriors inhabited its soil. And so it was with Wyoming. By its geographical position the district seemed properly to belong to Pennsylvania, but the colony of Connecticut claimed it in virtue of an old grant; and it was first settled by the population of that colony. The Pennsylvanians, however, set up a counter claim, and, after many long and angry debates the two colonies went to war about the disputed district. These hostilities lasted till after the breaking out of the war with England; but a near approach of danger caused the belligerents to forego their quarrel. Several Pennsylvanian families by this time had obtained a settlement in Wyoming, and these were all royalists. So also were some of the Connecticut settlers, but there, as elsewhere, the revolutionary party gained the ascendency. They used their power tyrannically, and faction and feuds raged through all the townships. “Fair Wyoming,” by the bad passions of its inhabitants, was converted into a very hell. In every house there was division of sentiment, and the sources of domestic happiness were all poisoned by the bitter waters of strife. At length the revolutionary party completely got the upper hand. Oppressed and persecuted indeed, the royalists for the most part left their homes and became fugitives in the back-settlements. After this the revolutionists sent a large reinforcement to serve in the army of congress. By so doing, however, they laid themselves open to attack from the savages and their fugitive brethren. Warnings of their danger were repeatedly given them; but although they built some little forts in order to protect the district, they had but indifferent garrisons to put into them, and it was easy to foresee that sooner or later they would reap the fruit of their conduct towards their brethren. They appear to have conceived that they were in no danger, and especially as some Indian tribes had promised them protection; but their dream of security was suddenly disturbed by the appearance of eight hundred men on the bank of the Susquehanna. These were in part savages and in part Anglo-Americans, disguised as Indian warriors. Some of them were in fact the outcasts of Wyoming, who burned to revenge their wrongs. They were led by Colonel Butler, the same who had offered General Carleton the service of the Indians in Canada four years before, On the appearance of this force there were only sixty American regulars in the district, and these were commanded by Colonel Zebulon Butler, said to be of the same family as the officer that was leading on the savages and exiles. There were, however, about three hundred militiamen under Colonel Dennison, and these with the regulars prepared to oppose the invaders. The Indians and their allies entered the valley near its northern boundary; and they quickly took one of the forts called Wintermoots, which they burned. The militiamen and regulars assembled at Forty-fort, a stronger place on the west side of the Susquehanna, and four miles below the camp of the invaders. Had Colonel Zebulon Butler remained in this fort he might have stemmed the onward progress of the invaders till assistance could have been obtained from Washington. Zebulon Butler, however, resolved to leave the fort and encounter the enemy. He found them posted in a plain, partially covered with pine trees, dwarf oaks, and underwood. He moved towards them in single column, but as he was passing along he was saluted by the fire of Indians, who lay concealed behind bushes and trees. Notwithstanding, Zebulon Butler formed into line and prepared for battle. His left flank, which was composed of militiamen, was quickly turned by a body of Indians, who poured a destructive fire on his rear, and he was compelled to command a retreat. All fled precipitately, but the enemy was in their front, while on one side was a marsh and a mountain, and the other a deep river. A dreadful scene ensued. Throwing away their rifles and muskets, the Indians and their enraged allies fell upon the fugitives with their tomahawks, and heeded not the loud cry which was raised for quarter and mercy. About sixty men, with Colonels Zebulon Butler and Dennison, escaped by swimming across the river, hiding in the marsh, or climbing the mountain; but the rest, amounting to nearly four hundred men, were butchered on the spot. Zebulon Butler fled from Wyoming with his few surviving men, and Dennison proposed terms of capitulation, which the enemy granted to the inhabitants. These unfortunate people, however, dreading the vengeance of their white brethren, generally, abandoned their homes, and in their turn became outcasts and wanderers. The invaders then collected all the property of the district worth carriage; burned all the houses and levelled the forts; and then returned to the wilderness from whence they came. The troops of congress shortly after made some retaliation. Washington was at the very time of the invasion sending some troops to the defence of Wyoming, and these being reinforced by a great many riflemen of Morgan’s corps, they rushed upon the Indian settlements, burned their villages, exterminated all they could discover, and compelled the rest to retire further from the frontiers of the colonies. Those who escaped, however, awaited another opportunity for revenge.

ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH ENVOY AT PHILADELPHIA.

After Sir Henry Clinton had evacuated Philadelphia, congress returned to that city. In the course of the autumn M. Gérard arrived there as envoy to the United States from the court of France. About the same time instructions were prepared and sent to Dr. Franklin, as minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles. The French minister and suite received very flattering attention from the majority of the members of congress, but beyond this they had reason for complaint. By the people they were looked upon with suspicion, and some considered them in the light of enemies. There was, indeed, a significant distinction drawn at this time between parties in America, which exists to this day: the moderates were called the English party, and the ultra-revolutionists, the French party. But it was soon found that even the French party could not always agree in the plans and schemes of the French ambassador and his government, and that, therefore, the alliance, though solemnly ratified by treaty, was not cemented by reciprocal affection.

MOVEMENTS OF THE BRITISH AND FRENCH FLEETS.

After refitting his ships Lord Howe went to Boston, with design to attack the French admiral in that water. He found the anchorage, however, so effectually protected by batteries, that he was compelled to forego this design, and return to New York. Soon after he received leave of absence, and he resigned the command of his squadron to Rear-admiral Gambier. Howe then proceeded to Rhode Island, where he met with Vice-admiral Byron, to whom he gave up the command of the American station as commander-in-chief, and then set sail for England. After his departure, Byron, with a part of his force, went back to Boston to look after the French; but his ships were driven off the coast by a violent hurricane, and he was obliged to seek a port in order to refit. While thus situated the French admiral put out to sea, in order to undertake operations for conquests in the West India Islands. On the same day, however, that he stole out of the harbour of Boston, Commodore Hotham sailed from Sandy Hook to escort Major-general Grant, with 5000 men, to protect these islands, and he joined Admiral Barrington at Barbadoes, on the 10th of December.

CAPTURE OF DOMINICA BY THE FRENCH.

It was not solely with a view of supporting the Americans, and vindicating the wrongs of humanity, that the French entered upon the arena of strife. On the contrary, the principal aim of the French cabinet was aggrandisement. A scheme had been devised for seizing all the sugar-plantations of Great Britain. And some time before d’Estaing set sail for the West Indies the French had commenced putting this scheme into effect. On the 7th of September the Marquis de Bouille, governor-general of Martinique landed with about 2000 men on our island of Dominica, and proceeded to attack the different batteries and forts by land, while French and American frigates and privateers attacked them by sea. There were abundance of artillery and stores in Dominica, but unfortunately there were not sufficient men to defend the island; and, after a gallant defence of some outworks, Lieutenant-governor Stewart found himself compelled to capitulate:—the island fell into the hands of the French.

CAPTURE OF ST. LUCIE BY THE BRITISH.

The British commanders, on arriving at Barbadoes, being informed of the loss of Dominica, resolved to take another island from the French. Without suffering the troops to land, therefore, Major-general Grant proceeded to St. Lucie, attended by the joint squadrons of Hotham and Barrington. Five British regiments, with all the grenadiers and light-infantry, under the command of Brigadier-general Medows, first landed, and being ably seconded by Major Harris, he drove the French commandant, the Chevalier de Miccud, from a strong position which he had taken on the heights at the end of an inlet, called Grand Cul de Sac. While this was doing, Brigadier-general Prescott landed, with five other regiments, to secure the whole of the bay, and to establish posts in order to preserve a communication with Medows. General Medows pushed forward, and took possession of the important post of the Vigie, which commands the north side of the Carénage harbour; while Brigadier-general Sir Henry Calder occupied other posts upon the mountains which commanded the south side of the Grand Cul de Sac, and Major-general Grant lay on the heights, called Morne Fortune. The British troops were thus situate when d’Estaing arrived off the island, in order to relieve it. On discovering his approach, the British admirals immediately collected all their ships into the Grand Cul de Sac, and then formed a line close and compact right across the entrance of the bay. The fleet under the French admiral was by far the most powerful; but he was thrice defeated in his attacks upon the British squadron, and he then landed 5000 picked troops in a bay, between Gros Islet and the Carénage Bay. D’Estaing resolved, in the first instance, to direct his entire force against Medows, who was cut off, by his movement, from all support from the other divisions of the British. General Medows had only 1,300 men, with two twelve-pounders and four six-pounders, to defend his position; but his force chiefly consisted of veterans, and it was in vain that d’Estaing led his forces against, them. Three several charges were made upon them; but the French were repulsed, with the loss of four hundred men killed, and more than 1000 wounded. He was compelled to leave the island; and as his fleet disappeared, the Chevalier de Micoud descended from some heights to which he had retired, came into the British camp with the principal inhabitants, and signed a capitulation with General Grant, who granted such favourable terms as won for him the gratitude of the enemy. Thus, while the British lost Dominica, they won St. Lucie.

{GEORGE III. 1778–1779}

RE-CAPTURE OF THE ISLANDS OF ST. PIERRE AND MIQUELON.

Earlier in the year, in consequence of their aggression on the coast of America, the French were deprived of their privilege of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland. The little islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon had been ceded to them at the peace of 1763, but they were now recaptured by the British, and the garrisons conveyed to France.

FRENCH PLANS REGARDING CANADA COUNTERACTED BY WASHINGTON.

The ambitious views of the French cabinet were not confined to the West Indies. This was made manifest to the Americans before d’Estaing set sail from Boston. He published a proclamation to the Canadians, exhorting them to return to their former allegiance: and at the same time Washington, through the ascendency of a French party in congress, was urged to undertake the reduction of that province in conjunction with a French force. He was directed by the committee for foreign affairs to communicate with Lafayette on the subject; but instead of this, he wrote a long letter to congress, urging, in a forcible manner, the impolicy of the measure; and, in consequence of his representations, the plan proposed by congress for the emancipation of Canada, in co-operation with an army from France, was deferred “until circumstances rendered the co-operation of the United States more certain, practicable, and effectual.” The truth is, the Americans, enlightened by Washington, saw through the designs of France, and they had no idea of thus aggrandising their allies. Moreover, they found no encouragement in Canada; for, notwithstanding the proclamation of the French admiral, the Canadians were determined to remain quiet under the British government, being fully satisfied with its mild rule, and confident that it was able to protect them in their obedience. Soon after this plan failed, Lafayette returned to France, as he himself reports, to offer his sword to his own sovereign, who was now engaged as a principal in the war, and to induce the French court to send more effectual succours to the aid of congress, without any reference to the conquest of Canada. It is well known, however, that both the Marquis and his court cast a longing eye upon Canada; and it cannot be doubted but that its conquest was the chief end which he had in view when he recommended an increase of French troops in America. On his arrival in France, Lafayette was enthusiastically welcomed by the war party; and although the French monarch pretended, at first, to be offended with him for joining the cause of America, before he himself had espoused it, he was almost immediately honoured with the command of the dragoons of the king’s guard.

CAPTURE OF SAVANNAH BY THE BRITISH.

During this year, soon after the return of the commissioners to England, an important operation took place on the side of Georgia, and the complete success of which gave a hope that the war, if transferred to the south, might prove more successful than it had hitherto been. Some of the southern colonies were in a state of utter confusion—royalists being arrayed against revolutionists, and province against province. Thus, between the people of East Florida, who remained under the British government, and the people of Georgia, who had joined the cause of congress, there existed an irreconcilable hatred. These provinces had but recently been at war with each other, when Georgia was successfully invaded by the British. Sir Henry Clinton despatched Colonel Campbell thither with 3500 men, by sea, under convoy of Admiral Parker, and on his arrival his first object was the reduction of the city of Savannah, the capital of Georgia, which was defended by the American General Robert How. The whole country between Savannah and the sea was impassable to troops, being low, marshy, and intersected by creeks and artificial watercourses. The city stood on the southern bank of the Savannah River, about fifteen miles from the sea; and Parker therefore conveyed the troops up that river, and after surmounting some difficulties he succeeded in landing them at a plantation about three miles below the city. Some Highlanders, commanded by a Cameron, first moved from the river bank along a narrow causeway, with some high ground at the end of it where the Americans were posted. As they approached the Americans opened a fire upon them, and Cameron and two of his company were slain. The loss of their leader, however, urged the clansmen on to desperate enterprise. They rushed upon the enemy with a fierce cry for revenge, and drove them back into some woods nearer the town. When Campbell arrived on the scene of action he found the American general posted outside the town, having swamps, woods, trenches, and deep rice-fields all around him. He discovered a private path leading through the swamp, which covered the enemy’s right flank, and having sent some of his Highlanders’ light infantry and New York volunteers round by that path, he surprised the enemy in the rear. They fled for their lives through the town of Savannah, four hundred and fifty of them being captured in their flight; and the town and fort, with an abundance of stores, became the prize of the conquerors. In a few days the remnant of How’s army was driven across the Savannah River into South Carolina, and then the inhabitants flocked to Colonel Campbell to take the oath of allegiance to the British monarch. The provincials were greatly conciliated by his lenity and moderation; and even some of the hot preachers, who had excited the Georgians into insurrection and republicanism, now turned royalists. The whole of Georgia was in the hands of the royalists except the town of Sunbury, and this place was soon after reduced by General Prevost, who was sent to Savannah to take the chief command. He was joined here by many suffering royalists from South Carolina and Virginia, while others repaired to head-quarters at New York.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.