Chapter XXVII: {george III. 1807—1809} (1)

Debate on the negociation with France..... Financial
Arrangements..... The Slave-Trade Question..... Bill for
Removing the Disabilities of the Roman Catholics.....
Dismissal of Ministers..... New Cabinet..... Trial of
Strength between the two Parties..... Dissolution of
Parliament..... The New Parliament—Campaign of
Napoleon..... The Peace of Tilsit..... Expedition to
Copenhagen..... Hostilities against Turkey..... Expedition
to Egypt..... Disasters in South America..... War with
Russia..... French invasion of Portugal..... Milan Decree,
&c. Disputes with America..... Meeting of
Parliament..... Debates on the Orders in Council.....
Financial Measures..... Debate on Ireland..... Motion
respecting the Droits of Admiralty, &c. Prorogation
of Parliament..... Rising of the Spanish Nation, &c.
Affairs of Portugal..... Confederation of France and
Russia..... Operations in Spain..... Naval Affairs in the
Mediterranean..... State of the Continent.

DEBATE ON THE NEGOCIATION WITH FRANCE.

{A.D. 1807}

The papers which Lord Grenville had laid on the table relative to the negociations with France, were taken into consideration on the 5th of January. In both houses addresses were moved to express to his majesty approbation of his attempts to restore the blessings of peace, and determination to support him in such measures as might yet be necessary, either for the restoration of peace or the prosecution of war. In both houses the motion was carried unanimously, though there were long debates in which the comparative merits or demerits of the late and present ministries were canvassed. All parties, however, agreed that the continuation of war, and that an increase of power and a proper direction to our military forces were necessary. An augmentation of sea and land forces was voted; the total sum devoted to the navy alone being £17,400,337. The number of seamen including marines was 130,000, and the number of men under arms about 300,000; while the volunteers actually armed and regimented nearly amounted to the same.

FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENTS.

On the 29th of January Lord Henry Petty, as chancellor of the exchequer, submitted to the house an estimate of the supplies required for the year, and of the ways and means by which he proposed to meet them. The expenditure was calculated at a grand total of £45,841,340, being £40,527,065 for Great Britain, and £5,314,275 for Ireland. Lord Petty’s plan of finance, in order to meet this expenditure, assumed that the annual produce of the permanent and temporary revenue would continue equal to the produce of the preceding year; keeping these premises in view, Lord Petty proposed that the war-loans for this year and the two next should be £12,000,000 annually; for 1810, £14,000,000, and for the next ten years £16,000,000. These loans were to be made a charge on the war-taxes, which were estimated to produce £21,000,000 annually, and this charge was to be at the rate of ten per cent, on each loan, five per cent, interest, and the remainder as a sinking-fund, which at compound interest would redeem any sum of capital debt in fourteen years. Lord Petty said that the portion of war-taxes thus liberated successively might, if war continued, become applicable in a revolving series, and be again pledged for new loans. It was material, however, he explained that the property-tax should cease on the sixth of April next, after peace was ratified, and that on the result of the whole measure there would not be any new taxes imposed for the first three years from this time. All that was necessary would be new taxes, of less than £300, 000, on an average of seven years from 1810 to 1816, inclusive. This, he continued, would procure for the country the full benefit of the plan proposed, which plan would be continued for twenty years, during the last ten of which no additional taxes would be required. This plan after repeated discussions was agreed to, and the funds rose so high in consequence, that the chancellor of the exchequer was able to negociate a loan on advantageous terms to the public.

THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.

Wilberforce seems to have placed his main dependence upon Fox, in the great question of the abolition of the slave-trade; but on the death of that minister, Lord Grenville took up the matter with greater zeal than he had manifested. On the 2d of January he introduced a bill for the total abolition of that inhuman traffic, and this bill was read a first time and printed. Counsel was heard at the bar of the house against it on the 4th of February; and next day, after an elaborate speech, Lord Grenville moved the second reading. He was warmly supported by the Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Selkirk, Lord King, the Earl of Rosslyn, Lord Northesk, the Bishop of Durham, Lord Holland, the Earl of Suffolk, and Lord Moira; and as warmly opposed by the Duke of Clarence, the Earl of Morton, the Earl of Westmoreland, and Lords Sidmouth, Eldon, Hawkesbury, and St. Vincent. On a division, the bill was read a second time by one hundred against thirty-six; and on the 10th of February it was read a third time, and ordered to be sent to the commons for their concurrence. In the commons the reading was moved by Lord Howick; and so great had been the progress of philanthropic sentiments among British legislators that only sixteen ventured to oppose it; two hundred and eighty-three raised their voices in favour of it. The bill was read a third time on the 16th of March, and on the 18th it was carried back to the lords. Some amendments had been made in the commons, and these were assented to by the lords; and on the 25th the bill received the royal assent by commission. The bill enacted that no vessel should clear out for slaves from any port within the British dominions after the 14th of May, 1807; and that no slave should be landed in the colonies after the 1st of March, 1808. Thus this dark spot in the English annals was wiped out, and a noble example was set to the nations around who still trafficked in human flesh. It has, indeed, been justly observed that “almost all the mild and benignant laws, enacted for the benefit and protection of the negro slave, were of subsequent date to the first agitation of the question by the British parliament; and may, therefore, be fairly presumed to have been suggested by that movement.”

“Quick at the call of virtue, freedom, truth,
Weak withering age, and strong aspiring youth,
Alike the expanding power of pity felt;
The coldest, hardest hearts began to melt;
From breast to breast the flame of justice glowed—
Wide o’er its banks the Nile of mercy flowed;
Through all the isle, the gradual waters swelled,
Mammon in vain the encircling flood repelled
O’erthrown at length, like Pharaoh and his host,
His shipwrecked hopes lay scattered round the coast.”

Through the labours of Wilberforce, Clarkson, and other philanthropists, the slave-trade was therefore abolished: it remained for future philanthropists to emancipate those on whose naked limbs the shackles were fastened. On the day after the abolition bill had been carried, Lord Percy moved to bring in a bill for the gradual abolition of slavery in the West Indies. This motion was negatived; but it showed that the subject of their entire freedom would one day or other follow that of the abolition of the slave-trade.

BILL FOR REMOVING THE DISABILITIES OF THE ROMAN CATHOLICS.

With the present administration, the catholic question was made a subject of paramount importance. It was made a matter of discussion in the cabinet; and although, in consequence of Lord Sidmouth’s aversion to the measure, and some interviews held by Lords Grenville and Howick with his majesty, the subject was for a time abandoned, yet about this time it was partially renewed by a bill for allowing promotion in the army and navy to Roman Catholics, as well as to other dissenters from the protestant establishment. This bill which had received the reluctant acquiescence of his majesty, was read a first time on the 5th of March, and was ordered to be read on the twelfth of the same month. In the meantime the king’s sentiments underwent a material change; his coronation-oath would not, he said, allow him to give his royal assent to such a measure. The bill was postponed from the 12th, in consequence of this communication, to the 18th, during which time ministers sought to remove the king’s scruples. This, however, was a task which they were not able to perform, and they were at length compelled to consent to withdraw the bill altogether.

DISMISSAL OF MINISTERS.

The introduction of the bill described above caused a breach between his majesty and his ministers; a breach which admitted of no reparation. Confidence, indeed, between his majesty and his cabinet had never existed; for the king had accepted his ministers, not by choice, but by necessity. This was well known; and it is easy to believe, as some have represented, that his suspicion of them was increased by the whispers of men who were in search of place and power. Secret advisers, it is said, encouraged his majesty’s scruples on the subject of the catholic question, while on the other hand it is asserted that the cabinet sought to impose the bill on his majesty by unfair means. Be this as it may, it led to their dismissal. On the 24th of March, Lord Grenville received a letter from his majesty, directing him and his colleagues to appear at the Queen’s palace on the morrow, at half-past eleven o’clock, for the purpose of delivering up their seals of office. This mandate was obeyed; and “all the talents” ministry was thus dissolved.

NEW CABINET.

Previous to the dismissal of “all the talents” ministry, the king had been engaging successors. Between the 26th and the 31st of March the following appointments were announced:—the Duke of Portland, first lord of the treasury; Lord Hawkesbury, secretary for the home department; Canning, secretary for foreign affairs; Lord Castlereagh, secretary for war and the colonies; the Earl of Chatham, master of the ordnance; Spencer Perceval, chancellor of the exchequer and under-treasurer of the exchequer; Earl Camden, lord-president of the council; Earl Bathurst, president of the board of trade, with George Rose for his vice; and the Earl of Westmoreland, keeper of the privy-seal. Lord Erskine had been permitted to retain the great seal for a week, in order that he might have time to pronounce his decrees on some chancery-suits which had been argued before him; but on the 1st of April, Lord Eldon was appointed, and sworn in in his stead. On the same day the Duke of Richmond was made lord-lieutenant of Ireland; and on the 3rd of April Lord Mulgrave was named first lord of the admiralty, and the honourable Dundas, president of the board of control. The remaining offices were filled up a few days after; and, among other appointments, George Rose became treasurer of the navy. The late ministry seems to have obtained not only the displeasure of his majesty, but of the country, by their introduction of the catholic question into the cabinet. A loud cry of “No popery!” was indeed heard at this time, and when they were dismissed, the public voice applauded his majesty’s decision. Addresses poured in from all quarters, expressive of approbation, the terms of which may be seen from his majesty’s reply to the address of the corporation of the city of London: “I receive with the greatest satisfaction the assurances you give me of your concurrence in those principles which have governed my conduct on the late important occasion. It has ever been my object to secure to all descriptions of my subjects the benefits of religions toleration; and it affords me particular gratification to reflect, that during my reign these advantages have been more generally and extensively engaged than at any former period; but at the same time I never can forget what is clue to the security of the ecclesiastical establishment of my dominions, connected as it is with our civil constitution and with all those blessings which, by the favour of Providence, have hitherto so eminently distinguished us among the nations of the world.”

TRIAL OF STRENGTH BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES.

On the first meeting of Parliament, after the new appointments, there was a great trial of strength. In the course of negociation with the late ministers, his majesty had been advised to exact a written pledge from them, not only to abandon the catholic question, but never to resume it. His majesty could scarcely have found it necessary to demand of his new ministers such a pledge; yet, on the 9th of April, Mr. Brand moved in the commons, “that it is contrary to the first duties of the confidential servants of the crown to restrain themselves by any pledge, expressed or implied, from offering to the king any advice that the course of circumstances might render necessary for the welfare and security of any part of his majesty’s extensive empire.” As it has been observed, this was a constitutional truism, a principle not to be denied without attacking the constitution itself. As, however, this motion, if carried, would have been followed by other resolutions, implying a want of confidence in men who had given such advice to his majesty, &c., the new cabinet determined to try their strength on Brand’s first motion. It was warmly supported by Mr. Fawkes, Sir Samuel Romilly, and others; and as warmly opposed by Perceval and Canning. The friends of the late administration were sanguine of success; but the Prince of Wales, having declared that the motion was of a nature which must affect the king personally, the prince’s friends, including Sheridan, absented themselves, so that on a division it was rejected by two hundred and fifty-eight against two hundred and twenty-six. A similar motion was made in the lords, by the Marquis of Stafford; but it was there defeated by a large majority, chiefly through the same means and agencies by which it was lost in the commons. Lord Sidmouth on this occasion spoke and voted against his late colleagues. Moreover, a motion made in the commons, by Mr. Littleton, to express regret at the late change of administration, was defeated by a majority of two hundred and forty-four against ninety, so that ministers were triumphant.

DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT.

Yet, notwithstanding their victory, ministers seem to have considered that they stood on very unsafe ground; for they advised his majesty to dissolve parliament, in order that a general election might take place. Canning had threatened this in opposing Brand’s motion; but it was not supposed that a dissolution would take place before the end of May, and the regular close of the session. On the 27th of April, however, parliament was prorogued by commission, and on the 29th the king dissolved it by royal proclamation. Great efforts were made by both parties at the new general election; but so effectual were the exertions of the ministry,—so potent the cry of “No popery!” and, “The church is in danger!” &c., raised by their partisans, both from the pulpit, by the press, and in society at large, that of all the members of the late cabinet, only Mr. Thomas Grenville resumed his seat in the commons for the place which he had before represented. Bribery, also, did its work effectually on this occasion: boroughs were sold at a price beyond all precedent; Tierney offered £10,000, for two seats, but his offer was refused, as too small for acceptance.

THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

The new parliament was opened on the 22nd of June, and the king’s speech delivered by commission on the 20th of the same month. The result of the elections soon became manifest. An amendment to the address, censuring the late dissolution of parliament, was rejected in the lords by one hundred and sixty against sixty-seven, and in the commons by three hundred and fifty against one hundred and fifty-five. The business transacted by the new ministry during this session was of little importance. A new military plan was introduced by Lord Castlereagh for increasing the regular army from the militia regiments, and supplying the deficiencies so occasioned by a supplementary militia. A bill was also introduced by Sir Arthur Wellesley for suppressing insurrection in Ireland, and another was passed to prevent improper persons from keeping arms. A bill was brought in by Whitbread for the education of the poor, by establishing schools in all the parishes of England. This bill passed the commons, but it was rejected by the lords. An address was carried in the commons, on the motion of Mr. Bankes, praying his majesty not to make any grant of an office in reversion till six weeks after the commencement of the session. In all these measures ministers had a large majority, and they had a fair prospect of being established in office. Parliament was prorogued on the 14th of August, when the king’s speech, which was again delivered by commission, breathed hope and cheerfulness.

CAMPAIGN OF NAPOLEON.

Although the King of Prussia at the close of the last year seemed to be ruined, yet his spirit was not subdued. When Napoleon advanced in the hope of crushing him, Frederic William was at Memel, and his Russian allies were at Prussian-Eylau, A battle took place at Eylau on the 8th of February, between the Russians and the main body of Napoleon’s army. A fearful slaughter took place on both sides, and neither could claim the victory. The Russians, indeed, still kept their ground, but as they had lost thousands, and there was no prospect of succours, and as Napoleon on the other hand would soon be joined by Bernadotte’s fresh division, Beningsen, the Russian general, thought it prudent on the next day to retreat. Having remained one week at Eylau, Napoleon moved onwards to the river Passarge, his head-quarters being at Osterode. From Osterode he sent offers of peace to the King of Prussia, while at the same time he took measures for recruiting his army and reducing Dantzic. The important city of Dantzic surrendered in May to Léfêbvre, and in the meantime re-enforcements had reached both armies. Then followed the battle of Friedland, in which Napoleon was again victorious; the Russians were utterly defeated, and while thousands fell on the field of battle, thousands more perished in the river Passarge, into which they plunged in order to escape from their pursuing enemies. Konigs-burg now surrendered to the French ruler. Beningsen retreated beyond the Niémen; but the French soon reached that river in the pursuit. The Russians now demanded an armistice, and this was conceded, and preparations made for an interview between the emperors on a raft moored in the middle of the river. There they met and embraced, conversing for a considerable time in sight of their armies on the opposite banks. In the course of their conversation, Alexander having expressed resentment against the British ministry—his reason being that they had departed from Pitt’s system of subsidies—Napoleon replied, “In that case, the conditions of a treaty will be easily settled.” On the following day Alexander crossed the river to Tilsit, where the two emperors where soon on terms of equality and friendship. But not so was the fallen monarch of Prussia: he was treated by his conqueror with harshness and disrespect, and even Alexander became cold in his manners towards his late ally.

THE PEACE OF TILSIT.

A peace was concluded between France and Russia on the 7th of July. The conditions of this peace were various. The King of Prussia was restored to about one half of his dominions as far as the Elbe, but all the Prussian fortresses and sea-port towns were to remain in the hands of the French until England should be compelled to sign a treaty of peace. All the Polish provinces which Frederic William had acquired in the partition of 1772 were disunited from his kingdom, and erected into a separate territory, to be called the Duchy of Warsaw, and were placed under the rule of the King of Saxony, who was to be allowed an open road through the Prussian province of Silesia. The circle of Cotbuss, also, was taken from Prussia and annexed to Saxony, and Dantzic was to be under the control of both kingdoms, only until a general peace it was to be garrisoned by the French. As a matter of course, the czar was not called upon to make any sacrifice. On the contrary, he was gratified with the cession of a part of Prussian-Poland, which materially strengthened his own frontier. France allowed Russia also to take Finland from Sweden; and Russia on her part engaged to close her ports against British ships, and to place herself at the head of a new northern coalition. Both Russia and Prussia acknowledged the thrones which Napoleon had erected, and recognised the confederation of the Rhine, and every other league which he had formed. Nay, they even sanctioned future spoliation and wrong. They recognised a throne which Buonaparte was about to erect for his brother Jerome—the throne of Westphalia. It was declared that this kingdom should consist of the provinces ceded by the King of Prussia, on the left bank of the Elbe, and of other states at present in the possession of his majesty, the Emperor Napoleon. In return for this courtesy, it was agreed that the relatives or connexions of Alexander, namely, the Dukes of Saxe Cobourg, Oldenburg, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, should be restored to their states, but only upon conditions that their sea-ports should be garrisoned by French soldiers till a treaty of peace should be signed between France and England. By the treaty of Tilsit, Russia agreed to make peace with the Porte, and to abandon Moldavia and Wallachia. Russia, likewise, ceded the Ionian Isles to France, and promised the evacuation of Cattaro, which as well as Ragusa was united with the kingdom of Italy. Although Russia promised to make peace with the Porte, a scheme was concocted for the future dismemberment of the empire, and for the distribution of its spoils to Russia, France, and Austria. Plots were also devised against Sweden and Spain, although the latter country had recently sacrificed its whole navy in Napoleon’s cause, and whose army was still engaged for him in the north. The treaty of Tilsit was, in fact, nothing less than a league, avowed or secret, to enchain the world; most of the European countries were already enslaved, and those that were not were threatened. Even England was menaced; but England was still destined to be the avenger of humiliated thrones.

EXPEDITION TO COPENHAGEN.

The naval force of England during this year maintained its supremacy. It was manifest to all the world, from the terms of the treaty of Tilsit, that Napoleon would, whenever it suited his purpose, occupy Denmark. Nay, it has been seen that a new northern confederation was to be formed, with Alexander the Emperor of Russia at its head. It was determined, therefore, by the British cabinet, that the confederated emperors should be anticipated: an armament of 20,000 men under Lord Cathcart, accompanied by a powerful fleet under Admiral Lord Gambier, was sent against Denmark. Before the expedition commenced operations, a British envoy required that the Danish fleet should be delivered into the hands of the British admiral, under a solemn agreement for its restoration whenever peace should be concluded between England and France. In case of refusal, the prince-royal was informed that the British commanders would proceed to hostilities; and as a direct refusal was given, operations soon commenced. The English army landed on the 16th of August without opposition; and Copenhagen was closely invested on the land side, while the fleet formed an impenetrable blockade by sea. A proclamation was issued by Lord Cathcart, notifying to the inhabitants of Zealand the motives of the expedition, and the conduct that would be observed towards them, with an assurance, that whenever his Britannic majesty’s commands should be complied with hostilities would cease. Copenhagen was bombarded on the 2nd of September, and the firing continued, more or less actively, for four days, when a flag of truce was sent to the British commanders by the commandant of the garrison. A capitulation was settled on the 8th of September, and the British army took possession of the citadel, dock-yards, and batteries; engaging to restore them, and to evacuate Zealand, if possible, within six weeks. All the ships laid up in ordinary were rigged out and fitted by the British Admiral; and at the expiration of the term, they, together with the stores, timber, and other articles of naval equipment found in the arsenal, were conveyed to England. In the whole there were seventeen ships of the line, eight frigates, besides sloops, brigs, schooners, and gun-boats captured by the British admiral. But the most valuable part of the seizure consisted of the masts, spars, timber, sails, cordage, and other naval stores. They were so immense, that, exclusive of the quantity shipped on board of the British and Danish men-of-war, ninety transports brought away full cargoes. The expedition reached the Yarmouth-Roads and the Downs in safety on the 21 st of October.

As soon as the British fleet had passed the Sound, the Danes fitted out a number of small armed vessels, which made successful depredations on the English merchantmen in the Baltic. Soon after a declaration of war followed on the part of the Crown-Prince, being instigated thereto by having a formidable French army near at hand for his aid, and by having an alliance with the Emperor of Russia in perspective. This was followed by an order of reprisals from the British government against the ships, goods, and subjects of Denmark. But even before the capitulation of Copenhagen Vice-admiral T. Macnamara Russell and Captain Lord Falkland captured the small Danish island of Heligoland. All Europe exclaimed loudly against the apparent outrage that had been committed, whence his Britannic majesty ordered a declaration to be published, in justification of the motives which induced this expedition. In this declaration it was stated, “that the king had received positive information of the determination made by the ruler of France to occupy with a military force the territory of Holland, for the purpose of excluding Great Britain from her accustomed channels of continental communication; of inducing or compelling the court of Denmark to close the passage of the Sound against British navigation; and availing himself of the aid of the Danish marine for the invasion of Great Britain and Ireland.” Further, that Holstein once occupied, Zealand would be at the mercy of France, and the navy of Denmark at her disposal. Looking on the surface of the matter, the justice of the expedition appears to be of an equivocal nature; but when it is recollected that Denmark would have formed one of the most formidable sections of the projected northern confederation, it must be confessed that it was a justifiable precaution on the part of the British government.

During the month of December the Danish West India islands of St. Thomas, St. John’s, and Santa Croce surrendered to a squadron commanded by Sir Alexander Cochrane, and a small military force under General Bowyer. A great many merchant vessels carrying the Danish flag were also captured.

HOSTILITIES AGAINST TURKEY.

Another armament dispatched by the Grenville administration led to no very honourable result. Towards the end of November, 1806, when our diplomatists at the Ottoman Porte had been circumvented by the French, and had failed in their endeavours to prevent the sultan from engaging in a war with the czar Admiral Louis appeared off Tenedos and the coast of Troy with three line-of-battle ships and four frigates. It was an ancient rule, that no ships of war were to pass either the straits of the Dardanelles or the straits of the Bosphorus; but, nevertheless, Admiral Louis sent a ship of the line and a frigate through the former, and the Turks, wishing to avoid hostilities with the English, let them pass their tremendous batteries without firing at them. They came to anchor off Constantinople, and while there some attempts at negociation were renewed on shore. These negociations, however, were all rendered abortive, partly by the skill of the French envoy, Sebastiani; partly by the lack of ability in our ambassador, Mr. Arbuthnot; partly by the victories that Napoleon was gaining over the Austrians and Russians; and partly by the neutral ground which the Austrian envoy took, and the shuffling and tergiversation of the ministers of Spain and Holland. Evil reports, also, had their effect on the sultan. It was told him that a large English fleet was on its way to the Dardanelles and Constantinople, and that his capital would soon be bombarded. In such an unenviable position did the British envoy stand, that he thought it prudent to take his departure from Turkey. Secret preparations were made for this purpose, and a scheme was also devised for carrying off with him the persons attached to his embassy, and the British merchants settled at Constantinople. After disclosing his project to two or three persons, he requested the captain of the English frigate, “Endymion,” which remained at anchor near the mouth of the Golden-Horn, to invite him, his legation, and the merchants, to a grand dinner on board. All were invited, and all went to partake of the captain’s good cheer, not dreaming that there was anything in the wind beyond a good dinner and a few patriotic toasts. While yet round the festive board, however, Mr. Arbuthnot gravely informed the merchants that they must go with him to England; and it was in vain that they pleaded their wives and numerous families were left on shore: it was answered, the Turks would not hurt their wives and families, and that they must go away with him as they were. The guests lost their appetites by this announcement; and at eight o’clock in the evening the “Endymion” cut her cables, and got under weigh; subsequently joining Admiral Louis’s squadron, off the island of Tenedos. Mr. Arbuthnot now finding himself in safety, wrote to the divan to explain the motives of his sudden departure, and to propose the renewal of negociations. Feyzi Effendi, a Mussulman of high rank, was ordered to open a conference with the British ambassador; and day after day passed in negociations, but all to no purpose. At length, on the 10th of February, Sir John Duckworth arrived off Tenedos, with some more ships of the line and two bomb-vessels; and this force being united to that of Admiral Louis, made up a squadron of eight line-of-battle ships, two frigates, and two bombs. The French envoy, by his agent, M. de Lascours, had endeavoured to impress the necessity of exertion on the mind of the Turkish negociator; but he had a predilection for the English, and would not believe that they would commence hostilities with the divan. It was not written in the book of destiny that the English should come; and if they did, there were guns enough to sink them all: the expenses which the French recommended, were, in fact, unnecessary: God was great. Nor did the arrival of the squadron of Sir John Duckworth interrupt the conference between the British envoy and the Turkish negociator, or incite him to greater exertion; he still smoked his pipe, and hoped that all things would end well. His confidence was possibly increased by a terrible disaster which befell the “Ajax,” one of Sir J. Duckworth’s squadron. While at anchor off Tenedos, she took fire, and about two hundred and fifty men and women perished in the flames; the rest, including the Captain, Blackwood, escaped by leaping into the sea, where they were picked up by boats sent for their relief.

Sir John Duckworth had orders to force the passage of the Dardanelles, anchor before Constantinople, and bombard the city, unless certain conditions were complied with. The passage of the straits was effected in the midst of a fire from the forts of Sestos and Abydos. At the same time Sir Sidney Smith directed his efforts against a squadron; and a battery, which, if completed, might have defended the Turkish vessels, was stormed by a party of the British. The Turkish squadron and bastion were destroyed, in which enterprise Sir Sidney Smith lost only four men killed and twenty-six wounded. Sir John Duckworth now passed in apparent triumph into the Bosphorus, whence he sent a letter to the Reis Effendi, demanding a declaration of the sultan’s views—whether he was determined to espouse the cause of France, or renew his alliance with England, and second her efforts in opposing the tyranny of Napoleon. The British were again overreached by French subtilty. Sebastiani, the French envoy, inspired the Sultan with confidence, and persuaded him to enter into a negociation, while in the mean time all the approaches to Constantinople should be fortified. All this was done, and when the proposals of the British government were rejected, the wind and current, as Sebastiani had foreseen, prevented the hostile fleet from taking such a position as would enable it effectually to bombard the city. Sir John Duckworth, therefore, was obliged to hasten his departure; and in repassing the Dardanelles, he sustained considerable loss from the fire of the castles. A new enemy was added to the list already in battle array against England. In Turkey, her agents and settlers were exposed to considerable annoyance, and a sequestration of British property to a large amount was promptly executed in various quarters. The fate which awaited the Mussulman negociator was a lamentable one: he was accused of imbecility or treachery; and his head was taken off his shoulders to decorate the niche over the Seraglio gate: he paid dear for his friendly feelings towards the English. So ended the famed expedition to the Hellespont and the Bosphorus. It broke the spell by which the passage of the Dardanelles had for ages been guarded; but beyond this it was little more than a brilliant bravado, followed by a series of humiliating blunders. And yet no investigation was instituted into the causes of the failure, Sir John Duckworth being a favourite admiral of the “all talents” ministry; and subsequently, after their dismissal, he being sheltered from censure by the strife of parties.

{GEORGE III. 1807—1809}

EXPEDITION TO EGYPT.

A still more imbecile expedition was sent by the “all talents,” ministry against Egypt. In the hope of subduing that country, and thus opposing a barrier to the design which Napoleon meditated against our oriental possessions, a force of 5,000 men, under the command of Major-general Mackenzie Fraser, was ordered to invade it. These troops effected a landing on the coast of Alexandria, and a detachment seized and occupied the fort of Aboukir. Alexander also surrendered to the British arms, and its easy conquest induced General Fraser to attempt the reduction of Rosetta. The inhabitants of that town, however, were more courageous than the Alexandrians: every house therein was used as a fortress, whence a constant fire was directed against the assailants. The attempt to take it was a complete failure: the British were obliged to retreat with loss. A second attempt was made with about half the army; but it was fruitless: a retreat again became necessary, and the troops were obliged to fight their way back to Alexandria. General Fraser remained at Alexandria till September, when, finding that its retention was impracticable, he obtained the release of every British prisoner by consenting to evacuate Egypt.

DISASTERS IN SOUTH AMERICA.

It is an old proverb that “misfortunes never come alone.” Thus it was with the expeditions planned by the “all talents” ministry—t was hoped that the reverses in the Mediterranean might be compensated in the South Atlantic Oceans; but this hope was illusive. In October 1806, a re-enforcement had been sent to the Rio de la Plata, under Sir Samuel Auchmuty, who, on arriving at Maldonado, resolved to attack the strong post of Monte Video, the key to the navigation of that river. His efforts were at first successful,—the town and castle with fifty-seven vessels of war and trade were captured. This success, however, was followed by a series of reverses, induced by rashness and misconduct. When intelligence arrived in England of the recapture of Buenos Ayres by the Spaniards, orders were transmitted to General Crauford, who had been sent against Chili with 4,200 men, accompanied by a naval force, under Admiral Murray, to proceed with his army to the river Plate. He reached Monte Video on the 14th of June, where he found General Whitelocke, with a re-enforcement from England of 1,600 men. The chief command of the British forces was entrusted to General Whitelocke, and he had orders to reduce the whole province of Buenos Ayres. A general attack on the town was ordered to be made on the 5th of July, each corps being directed to enter the streets opposite to it, and all with unloaded muskets. No mode of attack could have been so ill-adapted against a town consisting of flat-roofed houses, disposed in regular streets, intersecting each other at right angles. Volleys of grape-shot were poured on our columns in front and flank as they advanced, and they were equally assailed from the house-tops. The service was executed, but it was with the frightful loss of 2,500 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Sir Samuel Auchmuty succeeded in making himself master of the Plaza de Toros, where he took eighty-two pieces of cannon, and an immense quantity of ammunition; but General Crauford, with his brigade, and Lieutenant Colonel Duff, with a detachment under his command, were obliged to surrender. Surrounded with foes, General Whitelocke, who had arrogantly refused to treat before the attack, now consented to a negociation with the Spanish commandant; and he not only agreed to evacuate the town, on condition of recovering his own prisoners, and those taken from General Beresford, but to give up Monte Video, with every other place on the Rio de la Plata held by British troops, within the space of two months. The result of this expedition brought General Whitelocke before a court-martial, and he was sentenced to be cashiered for lack of zeal, judgment, and personal exertion. Against the ill-success of these expeditions, the solitary capture of the Dutch colony of Curacoa only can be recorded: this island surrendered, on the 1st of January, to a squadron of our frigates under Commodore Brisbane.

WAR WITH RUSSIA.

The Emperor of Russia strongly resented the conduct of England towards Denmark; and as the treaty of Tilsit had tended to relax the bond of union between England and Russia, it was feared that Alexander might soon combine against that power with which he had so long co-operated. These fears were soon realized. A manifesto soon issued from the imperial palace of Petersburgh, in which this country was not only accused of provoking a war by the enterprise against Denmark, but as “cooly contemplating a bloody war, which had been kindled at her will, while she sent troops to attack Buenos Ayres; and as despatching from Sicily another army, which appeared destined to make a diversion in Italy, to the African coast, for the purpose of seizing and appropriating Egypt to herself.” This declaration was followed by a spirited reply on the part of the British government, by the British ambassador’s leaving Petersburgh, and by a grant of letters of marque and reprisals against Russian vessels. The Emperor of Russia now issued a declaration of war against England, and proclaimed anew the principles of the armed neutrality, and engaged that there should be no peace between Russia and England until satisfaction should have been given to Denmark. Such were his pretexts for declaring war against his late powerful ally; but it is clear from the treaty of Tilsit, that war was in his heart before England had committed the aggressions, if aggressions they were, of which he so loudly complained. Moreover, had English subsidies still been forthcoming, Alexander had yet been the friend of King George.

FRENCH INVASION OF PORTUGAL.

Napoleon was equally clamorous against England as was Alexander for her conduct towards Denmark. While, however, he was making Europe ring with his maledictions against her, for violating the neutrality of Denmark, he was devising schemes and giving positive orders for falling upon Portugal in a time of peace. On the 27th of October it was agreed between France and Spain—That Spain should grant a free passage through her territories, and supply with provisions a French army to invade Portugal; that she should also furnish a body of troops to co-operate with the said French army; and that as soon as the conquest should be completed, the provinces which now composed the kingdom of Portugal should be divided between the King of Etruria, the King of Spain’s grandson, and Manuel Godoy, who was the Queen of Spain’s infamous favourite. Thus the province of Jutra Douro, and Minho, with the city of Oporto, was to fall to the lot of the King of Etruria, and was to be erected into a kingdom, under the name of Northern Lusitania; and the sovereignty of the Alentejo and Algarves was to be given to Godoy, who was to assume the title of the Sovereign Prince of the Algarves. These two principalities were to own the King of Spain as their protector; but France was to keep the city of Lisbon, and the provinces of Tras-os-Montes, Beira, and Estremadura until the period of a general peace. In consideration of obtaining this new kingdom, the Queen of Etruria, acting as regent for her son, was to abdicate and give to Napoleon those districts in Italy which he had previously annexed to the King of Etruria’s kingdom. This treaty was not signed, as before seen, until the 27th of October; but nine days before this a French army had crossed the Bidaso, and had commenced its march through Spain for the Portuguese frontier. This army was commanded by Junot; and on the 26th of November that commander advanced to Abrantes, within three days’ march from Lisbon. The Moniteur had already announced that “the house of Braganza had ceased to reign;” and as if to fulfil this imperial edict, the royal family embarked on board a British fleet and set sail for the Brazils, leaving the country in the hands of the enemy. In the whole, about 18,000 Portuguese abandoned their homes and their country with their sovereign. They were accompanied a part of their voyage by a strong British squadron, under the command of Admiral Sir Sidney Smith; and when that commander left them, he returned to blockade the Tagus. Junot’s first measure was, on entering Lisbon, to disarm the inhabitants: and this done he commenced the levy of contributions. In every respect he treated the country as a conquest of France, and his Spanish auxiliaries followed the example of his rapacity. The Portuguese, indeed, were so oppressed by the French and Spanish, that they everywhere cherished the intention of rising upon the invaders, and they looked to England, whose flag was never out of sight of their coasts, for aid in their extremity.

MILAN DECREE, ETC.

The British order in council of the 7th of January, prohibiting neutrals from trading to any port in the possession or under the control of the enemy not being efficient, additional orders were issued, on the 11th of November, declaring every port from which England was excluded to be in a state of blockade, and all trade in its produce illegal, and liable therefore to be captured. The Americans were allowed still to trade with the enemy’s colonies for articles of their own consumption; but the double restriction was imposed on their intercourse between France and her colonies, of calling at a British port and paying a British duty. To avoid the losses and hostilities apprehended from the measures of the two great belligerent powers, the British council likewise laid a strict embargo on all American vessels, by which they were prohibited from leaving their ports, while the ships of all other nations were ordered to quit the harbours of the United States, with or without cargoes, so soon as they should receive notification of the act. These directions were responded to by Napoleon, by his celebrated Milan decree, which enacted “that all vessels entering a port of France after having touched England should be seized and confiscated, with their cargoes, without exception or distinction.” This decree was succeeded by another on the 19th of December, which had more explicit reference to our late orders in council, and which declared “that every neutral which submitted to be searched by an English ship, or which paid any duty to the British Government, should, in consequence, become liable to seizure, as a lawful prize, by French ships of war.” Neutral powers, as it has been observed, were thus placed between two fires: if they entered a French port without paying a duty on their cargoes in England, they were subjected to capture by British cruizers; and if they touched at England for that purpose, they became subject to confiscation in the ports of France. The system, however, which Napoleon had adopted towards British commerce, and which gave rise to these perplexities among nations, was the means by which he was hurled from his throne.

DISPUTES WITH AMERICA.

The orders in council described above gave rise to much irritation in the United States. Another unfortunate subject of dispute also rose between the two countries: an American vessel was seized by Captain Humphries, because the commandant refused to admit a search for some deserters which were supposed to be on board. In consequence of this a proclamation was issued by the president, ordering all British ships of war to quit the harbours of the United States. Satisfaction for the outrage was demanded of Great Britain; and although the British ministry expressed their readiness to make reparation for the act of unauthorized aggression which had been committed; disavowed the conduct of Admiral Berkley, under whose orders Captain Humphries had acted; and sent a special envoy to America, with overtures of conciliation, as will be seen in a future page, the breach was not healed.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1808}

Parliament met on the 31st of January, when the speech, which was delivered by commission, dwelt at great length upon foreign affairs, and mentioned nearly every country in Europe as in a state of hostility to England. Some light was thrown by it upon the system conceived by Napoleon for uniting all the navies of Europe against us: it was shown that he had counted upon obtaining the fleets of Portugal and Denmark; and regret was expressed that, in the latter case, we had been compelled to resort to force. The Hostility of Russia was attributed to the military successes and machinations of France. Allusion was made to the differences existing between England and the United States of America. Greater exertions were inculcated, and the determination was announced of never yielding to pretensions inconsistent with the maritime rights of Great Britain. Commerce, notwithstanding Napoleon’s Berlin and Milan decrees, was still in a flourishing state; for the produce of the taxes and duties was considered to demand his majesty’s congratulation to parliament. The speech concluded with asserting that the sole object of the war was to attain a lasting and honourable peace; that there never was a more just and national war waged than the present; that the eyes of all Europe and the world were fixed upon the British parliament; that his majesty felt confident that they would display the characteristic spirit of the British nation, and boldly face the combination which had gathered around us; and that his majesty was firmly persuaded that, under the blessings of Providence, Great Britain would ultimately triumph. The addresses were carried in both houses without a division.

The attention of parliament was early called to the expedition to Copenhagen; which was, by a large party, both in parliament and the kingdom at large, considered a disgrace to the administration from whom the plan emanated. The act was chiefly defended on the plea of necessity, arising from the powerful combination of European states formed against us after the treaty of Tilsit. Several motions were made on this subject by opposition; but in every instance they were outvoted by immense majorities. In these debates Mr. Canning was the great champion of the ministry; and his eloquence was such that he bore away the palm from every competitor, and carried conviction to every unprejudiced and candid mind. It has been well remarked, “A capital part of the case reduced itself simply to this:—if we did not make sure of the Danish fleet, Buonaparte was sure to get it, a little sooner or later. The justification adopted by our government may be explained with almost equal brevity: a man knows that his next-door neighbour has in his possession a large barrel of gunpowder; he may believe that his neighbour will not set fire to this powder so as to endanger his house and property, but he knows that there is an evil-disposed person living over the way, who has a design upon the powder, and the intention of blowing up his house with it; and knowing at the same time that the owner of the powder cannot defend it or keep it out of the way of the evil-disposed person, he demands that it should be put into his hands, which are strong enough to keep it, and which can put it beyond the reach of the evil-disposed party; offering to restore it when the danger shall be passed, or to pay the price of it: and when the weak neighbour rejects this proposition, he takes the powder by force, to prevent its being seized and employed against his own house and property.” Just so it was in the matter of Denmark. That country had a powerful navy which she would not have used against England herself, but Napoleon wanted it for that purpose; and to prevent his designs, England demanded it for a time till the danger was over; and this being refused, seized it _sans cérémonie_. It was the law of self-preservation which dictated this act of our government; and Grotius, a great writer on the law of nations, has remarked:—“I may, without considering whether it is merited or not, take possession of that which belongs to another man, if I have any reason to apprehend any evil to myself from his holding it. I cannot make myself master or proprietor of it, the property having nothing to do with the end which I propose; but I can keep possession of the thing seized till my safety be sufficiently provided for.” The instinct of duty and self-preservation suggests this course. And thus it was that our government was induced to seize the navy of Denmark. And it was seized without any declaration of war on our part, for the simple reason that dispatch was necessary. If we had delayed, the Danish fleet would soon have been in the hands of the enemy; hence his maledictions against what he termed our “aggressions:” we had anticipated him, and he was mortified with the bitter disappointment he thereby sustained.

DEBATES ON THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL.

On the 5th of February Mr. Perceval, the chancellor of the exchequer, moved that the orders in council should be referred to the committee of ways and means. The opposition took this opportunity of declaring that we ought not to retaliate by such measures; that these orders were unjust, and would do as much mischief as the Berlin and Milan decrees; that they were as contrary to justice as to policy; and that they went to violate both the law of nations and the municipal law of England. On the other hand it was argued, that we had a right to retaliate upon the enemy his own measures; that if he declared we should have no trade, we had equal right to declare he should have none; and that if he proclaimed British manufactures and colonial produce good prize, we were justified in doing the same with respect to France. This was inculcating the old worldy maxim of “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth;” and ministers were supported in their line of policy by a large majority. Subsequently, a bill, brought in by the chancellor of the exchequer, for regulating the orders in council, as they affected neutrals, was carried through both houses. This had reference to the differences between England and America; and it was followed by a bill for regulating commercial intercourse with the United States, which was intended to give time for making some amicable arrangements with the Americans; continuing at the same time another act without which trade could not have been carried on with England in American vessels.

FINANCIAL MEASURES.