Chapter XI: {george III. 1780–1781} (1)

Burke’s Plan of Economical Reform..... Rejection of Lord
Shelburne’s Motion for a Commission of Accounts......
Ministerial Bill for Commission of Accounts..... Bill for
excluding Contractors from Parliament rejected..... Motions
regarding Places and Pensions..... Political
Altercations..... Debates on the Increase of Crown
Influence..... Lord North’s Proposal respecting the East
India Company..... General Conway’s Plan of Reconciliation
with America..... Popular Rage against the Catholics; Riots
in London, etc...... Measures adopted by Parliament arising
out of the London Riots..... Parliament Prorogued.....
Trial of Lord George Gordon and the Rioters..... Admiral
Rodney’s success against the Spaniards..... Armed
Neutrality..... Rodney engages the French Fleet.....
Expedition against South Carolina..... Battle of Camden,
etc...... Affairs at New York..... Treason of Arnold and
Fate of Major André..... Maritime Losses sustained by the
British..... War with Holland..... General Election.....
Meeting of Parliament.

{A.D. 1780}

BURKE’S PLAN OF ECONOMICAL REFORM.

Although from the silence of ministers Burke might have presaged he fate of his proposed plan of economical reform, yet he was greatly encouraged to proceed in his task by the voice of the nation. During the Christmas recess, petitions were got up in its favour in almost all the countries and great cities of England, and associations were formed in order to support a reform. Counter petitions were indeed framed, and in some instances protests were signed, but still it remained evident that the public feeling was with Burke. It was while the petitions in favour of his plan were pouring into the house that he brought it forward. After delivering an eloquent speech, which Gibbon says was heard with delight by all sides of the house, and even by those whose existence he proscribed, he detailed his scheme. This consisted of five bills, comprising the sale of forest-lands; the abolition of the royal jurisdictions of Wales, Cornwall, Cheshire, and Lancaster; the abolition, also, of treasurer, comptroller, and many other officers in the household, with the treasurer of the chamber, the wardrobe, etc., the boards of trade, green cloth, and works, the office of third secretary of state, the office of keepers of the royal hounds, and of many civil branches of the ordnance and the mint, with the patent offices of the exchequer; the regulation of the army, navy, and pension pay-offices, with some other departments not under due control; and finally a better arrangement of the civil list so as to prevent for the future any accumulation of debt, without any improper encroachment on the royal prerogative. Lord North passed very high encomiums on the author of this plan, and assured the house that no member was more zealous for the establishment of a permanent system of economy than he was; but he intimated that subjects so numerous and various required time for reflection and as some of them affected the king’s patrimonial income, he thought the crown should be consulted. All the bills, except that which related to the crown-lands and to Wales, and the counties palatine of Chester and Lancaster, were brought in, however, and the portions of the plan submitted to deliberation occupied a considerable part of the months of March, April, and May, and gave rise to many animated debates, and several close divisions. But, in the end, all the clauses were negatived, except that for abolishing the board of trade, and the only saving to the country by this triumph of the opposition, was about £6000 per annum!

REJECTION OF LORD SHELBURNE’S MOTION FOR A COMMISSION OF ACCOUNTS.

On the same day that Burke gave notice of his plan of economical reform, the Earl of Shelburne gave notice that he would, after the Christmas recess, move for a commission of accounts. In accordance with this professed intention, on the 8th of February the noble earl, therefore, moved for the appointment of a committee, to consist of members of both houses, possessing neither employments nor pensions, to examine the public expenditure and the mode of accounting for the same, and especially to inquire into the manner of making all contracts; and at the same time to take into consideration, what saving could be made, consistent with public dignity, justice, and gratitude, by an abolition of old and newly created offices, etc. In support of his motion the Earl of Shelburne exposed the profusion pervading all branches of government, and declared that his main object was to destroy that undue influence which pervaded both houses of parliament. The motion was seconded by the Earl of Coventry, who described the country as being in very reduced circumstances: rents were fallen, he said, the value of land was sinking, and farmers were on the high road to ruin. The Duke of Grafton and the Marquess of Rockingham followed on the same side; the latter declaring that a system had been established at the accession of his present majesty, for governing the kingdom under the forms of law, but really to the immediate influence of the crown, which was the origin of all our national misfortunes. The motion was opposed by Lord Chancellor Thurlow, and Lords Mansfield and Chesterfield, with other peers, who urged that the motion was a violation of the inherent, exclusive privilege of the other house to control the public expenditure. When put to the vote it was lost by a majority of a hundred and one against fifty-five.

MINISTERIAL BILL FOR COMMISSION OF ACCOUNTS.

Immediately after Burke had introduced his plan of economical reform, Colonel Barré, after declaring that he did not consider that reform sufficiently extensive, gave notice that he should, on some early day, move for a committee of accounts, to consist of a few men only, who would act with the consciousness that the eyes of the public were fixed on them. To the surprise of all parties, Lord North applauded this proposal, expressed his surprise that a measure of such obvious utility had not been thought of sooner, and declared that he was anxious to adopt any plan that appeared likely to promote economy, and reduce the public expenses to order and limit. The opposition congratulated the minister, and Colonel Barré said he would prepare a bill for that purpose; but while he was preparing it, Lord North himself brought in a bill on the 2nd of March, which proposed gentlemen who had no seat in parliament as commissioners of accounts. Barré complained of the underhand dealing of the minister, but said that he would concur in the measure, though he had been thus robbed of the honour of introducing it himself. Other members of the opposition were not so liberal. Although they were prepared to support the proposition, if left in the hands of the gallant colonel, they spoke against the whole measure; denounced it as a trick to create new places and salaries, and insisted that the commission would do no good. The bill, however, passed, and six independent gentlemen, among whom was Sir Guy Carleton, were appointed commissioners of accounts.

BILL FOR EXCLUDING CONTRACTORS FROM PARLIAMENT REJECTED.

Sir Philip Jennings Gierke again introduced his bill for excluding contractors from the house of commons. This time it was carried, and passed through all its stages with little opposition from the ministers; but it, was rejected in the upper house, as an illiberal stigma cast on a respectable body of men, and as a mean compliance with popular prejudices.

MOTIONS REGARDING PLACES AND PENSIONS.

On the 15th of February, Sir George Saville moved that an account of all places with salaries, and all pensions payable at the exchequer or out of the privy purse, with a list of the persons holding them, should be laid before the house. In making this motion, Sir George encountered a most violent opposition, and the debate was broken off by a sudden illness of the speaker. Subsequently it was revived, and Lord North then moved an amendment, restricting the account to such pensions only as were paid out of the exchequer, and excepting those paid out of the privy purse. This, however, gave such manifest dissatisfaction that the minister was obliged to qualify it by moving in addition, that the general amount of all pensions should be given, but without any specification of names, and without stating the sums paid, except in the case of those who were paid from the exchequer. But even with this qualification, though ably supported by the minister himself in a long and argumentative speech, and by Wedderburn, the attorney-general, and Mr. Dundas, lord-advocate for Scotland, the amendment was only carried by a majority of _two_, the numbers being one hundred and eighty-eight against one hundred and eighty-six. A similar motion was made in the upper house by Lord Howard of Effingham, but it was there negatived by fifty-one against twenty-four.

POLITICAL ALTERCATIONS.

In the early part of this session Mr. Adam left the ranks of opposition, and took his place under the ministerial standard. In doing so, he declared that he could not concur in the pretended necessity of new counsels, or new counsellors, since among those who stood candidates for office he was unable to single out one by whom the state was likely to be better served than by the present ministers. Charles Fox replied to Mr. Adam, and his reply, as reported in the newspapers, being thought to convey a personal reflection on Mr. Adam, a duel was the consequence, in which Fox was slightly wounded. Duels appeared likely to become the order of the day among members of parliament. In consequence of the sudden removal of two lord-lieutenants, apparently on account of their conduct in regard to county petitions, associations, and votes given in parliament, Lord Shelburne moved for an address, to desire that his majesty would be graciously pleased to acquaint the house whether he had been advised, and by whom, to dismiss the said two noble lords for their conduct in parliament. In the course of the debates on this motion, which was negatived, Shelburne indulged in some personalities at the expense of Mr. Fullarton, member for Plympton, and late secretary to Lord Stormont in his embassy to the French court. Fullarton complained to the house of commons of the behaviour of the Earl of Shelburne, and shortly after a duel was fought between them in Hyde Park, in which the noble lord was wounded. These transactions induced Sir James Lowther to observe, in the house of commons, that this method of fighting, in consequence of parliamentary debate and hasty words, seemed growing into such a custom, that it behoved the house to interpose its authority, as otherwise all freedom of debate would be at an end, and the British parliament would be reduced to the condition of a Polish diet. The friends of Mr. Fullarton said, it would be indelicate to enter into a discussion on the subject in his absence; and the friends of Lord Shelburne contended, that the words spoken by him were strictly parliamentary, and contained nothing which could be interpreted in a private or personal manner. But the house was not disposed to put its ban on this false code of honour. The conversation ended in nothing, except the hope that duels and wounds would make honourable members speak with better manners. This hope, however, proved to be fallacious. An altercation occurred on the 13th of March, between the speaker and Lord North himself, in which much bitter language was used. Négociations were in progress for the promotion of the attorney-general to the office of chief-justice in the Court of Common Pleas, which office had been promised to the speaker by the Duke of Grafton. Sir Fletcher Norton expressed much dissatisfaction at his being set aside for another, and Lord North denied that he was responsible for the promise of his predecessors. The consequence was that the speaker, from this time, joined the ranks of opposition, and loudly repeated their cries of crown influence, abuse of prerogative, and rights of the people. Being dissatisfied at not having his unjustifiable demands allowed, he suddenly turned patriot, so that if he lost, the people might congratulate themselves at having an advocate for once sitting in the speaker’s chair of the house of commons.

DEBATES ON THE INCREASE OF CROWN INFLUENCE.

During the above debates county petitions were daily laid before the house, and by the month of April the speaker’s table was almost buried beneath them. They were ordered to be taken into consideration by a committee of the whole house, and on the 6th of April a great public meeting was held at Westminster, with the advice and concurrence of the corresponding committee in the other parts of the kingdom, and with the avowed intention of giving weight to these petitions. On the same evening the house resolved itself into a committee, and Mr. Dunning moved his celebrated resolution, “That the influence of the crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished.” Dunning remarked, that all the petitions agreed in one great fundamental point; namely, that limits ought to be set to the alarming influence of the crown, and to the expenditure of the public money by means of which that influence had been obtained. He then exhibited, in a continued series, the history and philosophy of constitutional law, and animadverted on measures which endangered British rights and liberties in former years. Afterwards he drew a highly-coloured and exaggerated picture of the conduct of present ministers, and endeavoured to show that it tended to produce similar mischiefs to those which had been produced by the counsels of the House of Stuart. In particular, he criticised the conduct of ministers with regard to Burke’s economical plan of reform, which, he said, they were reducing to a nullity—to a thing naked and shorn, and useless to the country; and he expressed a hope that the people of England would resent the insults they had received from men who added mockery and contempt to oppression and neglect. Those who supported Dunning maintained that it was solely through the corrupt influence of the crown that Lord North had retained his office so long; that his sole occupation for years past had been to frame excuses and expedients, in order to procure supplies from year to year; and that he had neither method in his financial department, nor any comprehensive scheme of any kind. The speaker, less convinced by the eloquent pleadings of the petitions before him, than by his recent disappointment, took part with the opposition. He insisted strongly on the exorbitant power of the crown, and the increase of corrupt influence; and contended, that it was the duty of the house to attend to the demands of the petitioners. The effect which the arguments of the opposition had upon the country gentlemen was so great that ministers became alarmed. The lord-advocate of Scotland, Mr. Dundas, attempted therefore to stifle inquiry, by moving, that the speaker do leave the chair; and this failing, Lord North rose to defend his own conduct. He spoke at considerable length, and in the course of his speech declared that he was ready to retire from office whenever his sovereign and the people desired it; adding, that if he had continued so long in office, it was because the country had no faith in the wisdom and patriotism of his opponents. His speech seemed to be lost to the members of the house, and Mr. Dundas rose again to his rescue, proposing this time, as an amendment to the original proposition, the prefix of the words, “That it is now necessary to declare.” This was carried by a majority of eighteen; and Mr. Dunning, pursuing his success, proposed and carried a second proposition—namely, “That it was competent to the house to examine into and to correct abuses in the expenditure of the civil list revenues, as well as every other branch of the public revenue, whenever it should seem expedient to that house.” A third motion, strongly opposed to ministers, was also carried by Mr. Thomas Pitt, which set forth “that it was the duty of the house to provide immediate and effectual redress of the abuses complained of in the petitions.” Nor was the minister permitted yet to retire to his peaceful slumber. Fox moved, that the three resolutions should be immediately reported; and though Lord North contended that this was unusual, violent, and arbitrary, the resolutions and reports were severally reported and received, and were agreed to and passed by the house without a division.

Elated by success, on the 10th of April, the committee being reassembled, Mr. Dunning continued his attack. He moved, “That in order to secure the independence of parliament and obviate all suspicion of its purity, the proper officer should lay before the house, within seven days after the meeting of parliament, every session, an account of all monies paid out of the civil list, or any part of the public revenue, to, or for the use of, or in trust for any member of parliament.” This, though opposed by ministers, was carried; and Dunning then moved, “that the persons holding the offices of treasurer of the chamber, treasurer of the household, cofferer of the household, comptroller of the household, master of the household, clerks of the green cloth and their deputies, should be rendered incapable of sitting in the house of commons.” This motion produced a long and earnest debate, but it was carried by a majority of two, the numbers being two hundred and fifteen against two hundred and thirteen. Thus far the opposition had been triumphant: three days after, however, they were doomed to receive a check. A bill, brought in by Mr. Crewe, for excluding all revenue-officers from voting at elections of members of parliament, was rejected by a considerable majority. Business was now interrupted for ten days, by the sudden illness of the speaker; and when the house reassembled the sentiments of members were found to have undergone a change. On the 24th of April, Dunning moved for an address to the king, deprecating “the dissolution or prorogation of parliament before proper measures were adopted to fulfil the objects of the petitions.” This motion, which was warmly and eloquently supported by the mover, and Burke, and Fox, was rejected by a majority of fifty-one; the numbers being two hundred and fifty-four against two hundred and three. Enraged at this sudden and unexpected check, Mr. Fox rose to reprobate the conduct of those members who had receded from the solemn engagements into which they had so recently entered. A rude roar of voices was raised to put him down, but Fox would not be silenced; and his friends appealed to the chair to stop by its authority the disgraceful disorder. Silence being imposed on every tongue in the house by the speaker, Fox then delivered one of the severest philippics that was ever delivered within the walls of the house of commons. The vote of that night, said the impassioned orator, was scandalous, disgraceful, and treacherous: it was impossible to contemplate without surprise and indignation, the conduct of men, who, after resolving that the influence of the crown was increased, and ought to be diminished—that the grievances of the people ought to be redressed—and who had pledged themselves to that house, the nation, and their constituents, to redress the grievances complained of, now shamefully fled from their solemn engagement. It was not against ministers and their friends that he lodged this complaint, he remarked: it was against the men who sat on his side of the house, and who had voted with him on the 6th of April. As for the ministerial phalanx, he observed, he held them in the greatest contempt. They were slaves of the worst kind, because they had sold themselves to work mischief. Yet, base as they were, they had some virtues to pride themselves on. They were faithful to their leader, consistent in their conduct, and had not added to their other demerits the absurdity and treachery of one day resolving an opinion to be true, and the next day declaring it to be a falsehood. They had neither deceived their patrons, their friends, nor their country with false hopes and delusive promises. Dunning spoke after Fox, and declared that the division of that night was decisive as to the petitions of the people: it amounted to a total rejection of their general and ardent prayer, and that all hope of obtaining redress for the people from that house was at an end. Lord North replied in a long speech, in which he endeavoured to throw a protecting shield over those who had subjected themselves to Fox’s reproaches, and to show that Dunning’s fears were unfounded. The resolutions of the 6th of April, he said, were still in existence, and that other measures might be proposed on them in which those who did not approve of the means of redress proposed this day might readily concur. Opposition, however, were evidently of opinion that their cause was lost. Yet, on the 19th of May, Sergeant Adair moved the withholding the grant of any further supplies till the grievances of the people were redressed; and this motion being negatived, a week later Dunning moved, “that the two resolutions passed on the 10th of April, be reported.” A motion, however, from the opposite side of the house, “that the chairman leave the chair,” which amounted to a dissolution of the committee, was carried by one hundred and seventy-seven to one hundred and thirty-four.

Such was the termination of one of the most critical struggles which had occurred in the house of commons during the reign of George III. Out of doors astonishment was expressed on the one hand at the encouragement which Mr. Dunning’s motion received from a large party who had so warmly taken up the American war; and on the other, at the sudden change of sentiment which had taken place among many who had supported that motion. By some historians this change is attributed to influence, corruption, and treachery. The charge, however, is not well founded, for none of these causes could have been at work when they quitted the ranks of ministers to vote with opposition. It seems, therefore, rather to have arisen from the peculiar temper of the times, and to the condition in which the nation was placed at this period. The violence of opposition, also, and their exultation on their triumphs may have had their effects on the minds of the more sober-thinking members of the house: they may have become convinced that the movements of the leaders of opposition, so far from being adopted from a love of their country, had their origin in that bad feeling of human nature—self-interest.

LORD NORTH’S PROPOSAL RESPECTING THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.

On the 23rd of March, Lord North informed the house that the East India Company had made no satisfactory proposals for the renewal of their charter, and he moved that the speaker should give them three years’ notice, as ordered by act of parliament, previous to the dissolution of their monopoly; and that the sum of £4,200,000 due from the public to the company should be paid on the 25th of April, 1783, agreeably to the tenor of the said act. Fox inveighed against this measure, as tending to deprive us of our East Indian as well as our American possessions; but Lord North having represented that a new corporation might be formed, if the company did not offer a fair bargain to the public, his motion was carried without a division.

GENERAL CONWAY’S PLAN OF RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA.

On the 5th of May, General Conway offered a plan of reconciliation with the American provinces, by removing all just cause of complaint, without acknowledging their independence. This plan, however, neither pleased ministers nor the opposition, and it was rejected by passing to the order of the day.

{GEORGE III. 1780–1781}

POPULAR RAGE AGAINST THE CATHOLICS; RIOTS IN LONDON, ETC.

It has been seen that during the session of the year 1778, that an act was passed for relieving the Roman Catholics from some of the heavier penalties inflicted upon them in the preceding century. This measure did not extend to Scotland, but as the Papists in that country were more oppressed than those in England, and as they had claims upon government and the legislature of the United Kingdom, by their loyalty, &c., it was contemplated by ministers that they should be admitted into the benefits of the Repealing Act. The people of Scotland, however, were not so liberal in sentiment on this subject as the people of England. A cry that Popery was about to be re-established was heard throughout the country; and the Presbyterian preachers made their pulpits ring with warnings and comminations. Associations were formed in various parts of the kingdom to oppose the contemplated concessions, and the votes and resolutions of these associations being published in the newspapers, they gave rise to the spirit of persecution. In the month of January, 1779, copies of the following letter were dropped in every part of the city of Edinburgh:—“Men and brethren, whoever shall find this letter will take it as a warning to meet at Leith Wynd, on Wednesday next, in the evening, to pull down that pillar of Popery lately erected there. Signed, A Protestant. P. S. Please to read this carefully, keep it clean and drop it somewhere else. For king and country. Unity.” In a great city, whatever mischief may be set on foot, there will always be found too many volunteers to put it into effect. Thus it was at Edinburgh. This summons was obeyed, and the pillar of Popery, which was the habitation of a Catholic priest with a chapel attached to it, was demolished. Similar scenes occurred in Blackfriars Wynd in Edinburgh, and even the magistrates of that city partook in a great measure of the mob-feeling. They failed to throw the shield of protection around those who were persecuted; and although they finally allayed the popular commotion, by telling the people that the bill for repealing the penal statutes against Papists in Scotland was thrown aside, yet the spirit of persecution was so rampant among them, that the objects of their hatred were obliged to conceal themselves from their view. A similar spirit was displayed at Glasgow, where the mob destroyed the property of a Mr. Bagnal, who was suspected of Popery, and drove him and his family from their houses. The popular violence in all parts of Scotland, indeed, was of such a nature as to compel ministers to forego their intention of bringing forth a bill for the relief of the Roman Catholics of that country, until at least it should have somewhat subsided. But this success of the Scotch associations and mobs, unfortunately led to a similar display of the spirit of persecution in England.

It was thought by some who were adverse to the measure passed in 1778, that by efforts equally vigorous on this side of the Tweed as on the other, its total repeal might be procured. Accordingly, a Protestant Association was formed, which, like the associations for economical reforms, had its ramifications, its committees, and its correspondents in all parts of England. The president of this association was Lord George Gordon, brother of the Duke of Gordon, who had effectually aided and abetted the riots in Scotland. Of all men in the world Lord George Gordon was the most unfit to preside over a Protestant Association. He was a member of parliament it is true, but he was chiefly remarkable there for his eccentric habits, slovenly dress, and by a progressive insanity, which on some occasions partook of the nature of oratorical inspiration. He was, however, known to be firm in his hatred towards the Papists, and adverse to any relief being afforded to them. Thus, in May, 1779, when Burke presented his petition in favour of toleration, he moved that it should be thrown over the table! At the same time, he declared, that every man in Scotland, except a few Papists, was ripe for insurrection, and would die rather than submit. After he was made head of the Protestant Association his violence seems to have increased. Thus, in the beginning of the present session, he declared that the king was a Papist; and on one occasion he said that he would present a petition long enough to reach from the speaker’s chair to the centre window at Whitehall, out of which Charles I. had walked to his execution! The grand aim of the Protestant Association was, indeed, to get up a monster petition, in order to procure the repeal of the late concessions to the Roman Catholics, This was the creature of Lord George Gordon’s own brain. Having presented several anti-Catholic petitions from the county of Kent, he made it his business to get up a similar petition from the good citizens of London, which he considered might have the effect of overawing ministers; and procuring the repeal of the obnoxious act. Aided by the heads of the Protestant Association, he canvassed the capital and the neighbourhood; and by his exertions he quickly obtained 120,000 signatures to his petition. These signatures were chiefly the handwriting or _marks_ of men of the lower orders of society, and who were as far from being Protestants as they were from being Papists. And this may also be asserted of many members of the Protestant Association. Some well-meaning people may have enrolled their names as members, but it is certain that for the most part they were men regardless of the profession of religion. Moreover, it is clear that the principles of the Protestant Association were rather of a political than of a religious nature; or, at all events, it is certain that politics mingled themselves in the question. There is no doubt, however, that Lord George Gordon himself was a dangerous fanatic; the more so, because his station in life gave him influence among the rude and ignorant multitude. This was his character before he became president of the Protestant Association, and it became still more evident as his popularity increased. His inflammatory harangues were printed, published, and scattered far and wide; and the people were told by him, that if they were not content to run all hazards with him, they must look out for another leader. After he had succeeded in getting up his monster-petition he put them, indeed, to the test. In presenting it to the house of commons, he said he expected to be backed by a host of good Christians; and that he would not present it at all unless he was attended by at least 20,000 men. Having made this declaration, Lord George appointed St. George’s Fields as the place of meeting, and pointed out the lines of march they were to pursue, in order to concentrate in front of the houses of parliament. Their distinctive badge was to be a blue cockade, and their cry, “No Popery!” The day appointed for them to meet was on the 2nd of June, on which day Lord George had previously informed the house that he meant to present a petition, and to come down to the house with all those who had signed it. Such a stouthearted champion could not be left in the field alone; so accordingly on the day appointed some 60,000 petitioners and associaters met according to his directions. They were divided into four companies, one of them being entirely composed of Scotchmen; and after a stirring harangue from Lord George, the several columns struck off by different roads for Westminster. As they proceeded along they were joined by all the knaves and cut-purses of London; and when they assembled before the houses of parliament, and raised the long and loud cry of “No Popery!” the members of the fraternity of thieves picked every pocket into which they could insinuate their hands, and did all they could to create a riot, which would turn to their own advantage. Every avenue to the houses of parliament was blocked up, and as the peers and members of the house of commons arrived, they were compelled to join the cry of “No Popery!” or to submit to insult and ill treatment. Some of the bishops had their gowns torn off their backs, or were otherwise ill-treated; various temporal peers were treated with the greatest indignity; while those members of the commons who were known to have voted for the relief of the Papists, had to take their seats this day minus their outer garments. All this time there was a deafening and incessant roar of “Repeal the Bill!” “No Popery!” “Lord George Gordon!” When Lord George had been in the house some time the mob became more bold. On a sudden they began to thunder at the doors to break them open. Some members threatened Lord George with instant death if the sanctity of the house should be violated by the mob he had collected; and it is said that Mr. Henry Herbert followed him closely with that determination, and that General Murray, a relation to the mad lord, held his sword ready to pass it through him on the first irruption of the mob. None, however, made their appearance; and when something like order was restored, Lord George moved for bringing up and immediately considering the petition. This was seconded by Alderman Bull, and the first proposition was granted as a matter of course, but the second was met by an amendment to put off the consideration for four days. This gave rise to a discussion, during which Lord George went out several times into the lobby and harangued the multitude, encouraging them to persevere, inasmuch as terror would be sure to induce the king and his ministers to grant the prayer of their petition. On his return into the house, after one of these harangues, Colonel Holroyd took hold of his lordship, saying, that hitherto he had imputed his conduct to madness, but that he found there was more malice than madness in it; and that if he proceeded to the lobby again, he would immediately move for his commitment to Newgate. At the same time Holroyd called upon him to remove the blue cockade from his hat. Lord George timidly obeyed the order, and did not venture to go down into the lobby again; contenting himself with addressing the mob from the gallery stairs; denouncing in his harangues from thence the more Popishly inclined members of the house. Their yells and menaces continued, but undeterred by them the house adopted the amendment, six members only voting with Lord George. By this time Mr. Addington, an active Middlesex magistrate, arrived in Palace-yard, with a party of horse and foot guards, and induced the multitude to disperse. But mischief was afloat. In the course of his harangues in the lobby, Lord George had suggested that there was no remedy for them till they had pulled down all the Popish chapels. This was remembered; and as the multitude returned to their homes, the chapel of the Bavarian minister, in Warwick-street, Golden-square; and the chapel of the Sardinian ambassador, in Duke-street, Lincoln’s-inn-fields, were burnt to the ground. The military were ordered out and some rioters were apprehended, while the rest went home to rest. The next day, Saturday, passed off quietly; but a discussion. took place in the lords, in which some sentiments were uttered by the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of Shelburne, on the subject of the concessions made to the Roman Catholics by a Protestant government, which were well calculated to rekindle the fanatic fire out of doors. These observations arose out of a motion made by Lord Bathurst, who had been roughly handled by the mob on Friday, for an address praying that his majesty would give immediate orders for prosecuting, in the most effectual manner, the authors, abettors, and instruments of the outrages committed both in the vicinity of the houses of parliament and upon the houses and chapels of the foreign ministers. This motion was agreed to, and the peers returned home in safety to their mansions. Late that night, however, or early on Sunday morning, a mob assembled in Moorfields, where they did much mischief to the Catholics living in that neighbourhood: a Popish chapel and several houses were pulled down. The military were called out, but as the mob knew that they did not dare fire without the command of the civil power, they were by no means disturbed by their presence. They still continued their work of destruction, while thieves and pick-pockets looked about for plunder. Nothing was done on the Monday for preventing mischief, except the issuing of a proclamation by a privy-council, offering a reward of £500 for those persons who had been concerned in destroying the Sardinian and Bavarian chapels; and the mob, grown bold by impunity, continued their devastations. One party stripped the house of Sir George Saville, in Leicester-fields, of its furniture, and made a bonfire of it before the door; another party regaled Lord George Gordon with a bonfire made of materials brought from Catholic chapels and houses in Moorfields, which they burnt before his house in Welbec-street; a third party went to Virginia-lane, Wapping; and a fourth to Nightingale-lane, East Smithfield, where they severally destroyed the Catholic chapels, and committed other outrages. That night London was in the hands of the mob, and fires were seen on every hand; while property to a large amount changed owners. On Tuesday, which was the day appointed for the consideration of the petition, the mob again concentrated before the houses of parliament. Westminster-hall and the avenues to the house were lined with military, horse and foot; but even this precaution was insufficient to protect the members who were bold enough to attend to their parliamentary duty from insult and outrage. Lord Sandwich was dragged from his carriage, which was broken to pieces, and would have been killed if he had not been rescued by a magistrate, at the head of a small party of light-horse. At this time most of the rabble had oaken sticks in their hands, as well as blue cockades in their hats; and some had even banners, on which were inscribed their watchword, “No Popery!” This was also chalked on the carriages of all the lords and members as they went down to the house. An attempt was made to disperse the rioters, and as the crowd gave way, one of the ringleaders called upon them to repair to the magistrate’s house who took the lead in dispersing them, and this was soon pulled down. By this time the members of the commons had taken into consideration the petition which was the forerunner of all these riots. Lord George Gordon, who, dreading the effects of his madness, had issued handbills in the name of the Protestant Association, to disavow the riots, was in the house, and some talk occurred about expelling him, and committing him to the Tower. All that was done, however, was to agree to a resolution, “That when the present tumults were subsided, they would take into consideration the petitions from many of his majesty’s Protestant subjects.” This had been no sooner done than dreadful news arrived from the city, and the house adjourned in haste and confusion. The mob had proceeded from St. Martin’s-street, where the house of the magistrate which they had demolished was situate, to Newgate, declaring that they would release their brother rioters. The prison was accordingly fired, and more than three hundred ruffians were liberated, and joined in the work of desolation. The houses of Sir John Fielding and Lord Mansfield were the next objects of their attack; and the furniture, the books, the paintings, the papers, and everything that was valuable therein were destroyed. And here the true character of the mob displayed itself. It is manifest, indeed, that none of the real members of the Association took part in these outrages, but that they were committed by men who cared more for a pot of good ale and a glass of gin than for the Protestant interest. Hence, their first object, when they had entered the houses of Sir John Fielding and Lord Mansfield, was the wine-cellars. They drank till they were raving mad! It was in this state that they were found by a detachment of foot-guards in and opposite the house of Lord Mansfield. The officer who commanded them was requested to enter the house with his men; but he replied, that the justices of the peace had all run away; and that consequently it was impossible for the military to act. The spirit of mischief, therefore, was permitted to work at its pleasure. The new prison at Clerkenwell next shared the fate of Newgate, and all the felons and other prisoners there let loose upon society; their first impulse being to join the mob, to increase the havock, and to plunder, burn, drink, and destroy. During the night many houses were plundered or destroyed; the madness of the mob increasing at every new success, by the liquors which they procured from the cellars. A magistrate was at length found who would act, but it was then too late, as drink had rendered the mob insensible to danger. A recent writer remarks:—“During the time that was lost in seeking for a magistrate who would act, the fury of the mob was increased to such a pitch by the liquor they had drank, that, when the soldiers at last fired, even the sight of their companions falling dead beside them produced little or no effect.... It was when they were in this state—careless of what befel them, and almost unconscious of what they were doing, that the authorities, hitherto so patient, for the first time determined to use force against them.... The scene here altogether appears to have been terrific in the extreme. The violence and ferocity of the ruffians, armed with sledge-hammers and other instruments of destruction, who burst into the houses—the savage shouts of the surrounding multitude—the wholesale desolation—the row of bonfires blazing in the street, heaped with the contents of the sacked mansion, with splendid furniture, books, pictures, and manuscripts which were irreparable—the drunken wretches staggering or reeling against each other, or rolling on the ground—the peeling of the musketry, followed the next instant by the screams of the wounded and the dying, and the roar of vengeance from ten thousand throats—soon after this, the fires lighted in every room, and finally, the flames rushing upwards from windows and roof in one magnificent conflagration:—all these may well be conceived to have formed a picture, or rather a succession of pictures, which thus exhibited under the dark sky of midnight, would seem hardly of this world.” This has reference to a scene which occurred at the house of Lord Mansfield, where some of the mob were still collected, when a magistrate was found willing to act. But no force was yet sufficient to quell the riot. On the following day the scenes which took place were still more dreadful. The mob were completely triumphant, and all householders who did not hang bits of blue silk out by way of flags, and omitted to chalk the words “No Popery” on the doors and shutters of their houses, were exposed to their vengeance. Some even who were not Papists were this day plundered and ill-treated; all distinctions being set aside by some of the rioters, which is another evidence of the character of the mob. Some fellows marched through the town extorting money from every one they met, whether Papist or Protestant; and one ruffian, mounted on a horse, would take nothing but gold. Other parties were employed in pulling down the prisons, and before night not a prison was left standing, except the Poultry Compter. An attack was made on the Bank of England by others, but here they were repulsed by a strong body of soldiers, who killed many and wounded others. But the great centre of mischief was Holborn. Here a Mr. Langdale was doubly exposed as a Papist and as a great distiller. His premises were fired, and everything was destroyed, except the liquors which were drunk by the rioters; many of whom literally killed themselves with drinking, while others too drunk to move out of the reach of danger perished in the flames which their own hands had kindled. A writer of the period says:—“Powder and ball do not seem to have been so fatal to them as their own inordinate appetites. Numbers, it is said, and at various places, died of inebriation; especially at the distilleries of the unfortunate Mr. Langdale. In the streets men were seen lying upon bulks and stalls and at the doors of empty houses, drunk to a state of insensibility and to a contempt of danger; boys and women were in the same condition, and many of the latter with infants in their arms.” Men, women, and children were at one time seen on their knees drinking ardent spirits, as they flowed down the kennel of the street in Holborn. Thus maddened, who can wonder at the excesses which followed? Thirty-six fires were seen on this night blazing in different quarters of the great metropolis, and nothing but the serenity of the night saved it from destruction. The panic was universal. Persons were seen on every hand removing their goods, as none could tell but that they might be destroyed by the merciless mob; or if a wind should suddenly spring up, by the devouring element. At the same time the dreadful reports of soldiers’ muskets were heard, mingled with the terrific cries of the infuriated and countless rabble. None could sleep in their beds on that night: the streets swarmed with people, and uproar, confusion, and terror reigned on every hand. Some of the citizens, however, possessing more nerve than others, formed themselves into associations and acted with the soldiers. And wherever the troops appeared there was nothing like a determined resistance made by the rabble. Thus, at Blackfriars-bridge, where the mob had set fire to the toll-gates, they were driven away like a scared flock of sheep by the soldiers, and some even threw themselves over the bridge into the Thames, in order to escape from the fire of their muskets. The only place in the morning where the mob was not dispersed was in the neighbourhood of the Fleet-prison, which was still in flames; and when the soldiers charged their muskets right into the crowd they fled in all directions. In the course of Thursday various encounters took place, and some lives were lost; but before night the rabble had melted away, and tranquillity was restored. Men had wondered whence the rabble came, and now they wondered whither they could be gone. The return of killed made to Lord Amherst, commander-in-chief, amounted to two hundred and ten, and of wounded to two hundred and forty-eight, but many had been removed by their friends, so that the exact number could not be ascertained: moreover, it could never be known how many perished from drinking ardent and unrectified spirits, and in the flames, from which inebriety made it impossible for them to escape.

MEASURES ADOPTED BY PARLIAMENT, ARISING OUT OF THE LONDON RIOTS.

The house of commons met on Friday, the 9th of June, but as Westminster was thronged with troops, and the capital had the appearance of being under martial-law, the members adjourned till the 19th. On that day his majesty met both houses, and exhibited a general view of the measures which had been employed during the suspension of regular government. In his speech he stated that he had directed copies of the proclamations which had been issued to be laid before parliament; and he concluded by declaring that it was his first duty and chief glory to maintain and preserve the established religion. The common danger seems to have had the effect of procuring a greater unanimity in both houses than had been exhibited for many years before. Addresses were carried without opposition; though some members blamed ministers for negligence and delay, and for not employing the troops sooner. A question was moved in the lords respecting the legality of military interference; which point was accurately examined and constitutionally settled by Lord Mansfield. His lordship said that the late riots amounted to overt acts of high-treason, and were besides accompanied with felonies, as the burning of houses, property, &c., all of which was sufficient legal ground for the king’s proclamation calling out the military. Under such circumstances he said, the military must act with and under the civil power, and that if the soldiers exceeded the powers with which they were invested, they must be tried and punished, not by martial law, but by the laws of the realm. This being the law, he added, it was an ill-founded apprehension that the metropolis was under martial-law, or that the military had more power since the riots than before. The noble lord made one allusion to his own serious losses, which greatly affected all the peers present. He had been obliged, he said, to form his opinions without the aid of books; adding, “indeed I have now no books to consult.” On the following day the house of commons having resolved itself into a committee upon the petitions for repealing Sir George Saville’s tolerating act, which had been made an occasion of so much mischief, adopted five resolutions, on the motion of Mr. Burke, expressing satisfaction in the law as it now-existed, together with an abhorrence of the late tumults, and of the misrepresentations which led to them. Many members, however, thought it necessary to do something to quiet the minds of the petitioners and remove the dread of Popery; and a bill was brought in to deprive Roman Catholics of the right of keeping schools in which there were any Protestant scholars. This bill passed in the commons, but it was rejected by the lords, as carried by the fear of popular outrage, and therefore derogatory to the dignity and independence of parliament. All signs of popular rage had now, however, disappeared; and government had evidently derived an accession of strength out of doors as well as within the walls of parliament. The minds of the public had become impressed with the danger arising from popular assemblies for political purposes; and the associations of reform were therefore deserted by members who had hitherto supported them. Men found that it was easy to raise the storm of human passion by exciting language; but that it was the most difficult thing in the world to allay it when once lashed into fury.

PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

Parliament was prorogued on the 8th of July. In his speech the king dwelt at some length on the recent riots, and thanked parliament for their magnanimity and perseverance for prosecuting the “just and necessary war,” in which the country was engaged. Their exertions, he said, had been attended with success by sea and land, and he trusted that the late important and prosperous turn of affairs in North America would lead to the return of loyalty in the colonists to his person, and to their re-union with their mother-country. The events of the war by this time had given some ground of hope, but in the end it proved illusory.

TRIAL OF LORD GEORGE GORDON AND THE RIOTERS.

Immediately after the riots had subsided, Lord George Gordon was apprehended upon a warrant from the secretary of state, and after a brief examination before several lords of the privy council, was committed to the Tower on a charge of high-treason. While he was immured within the walls of his prison, during the month of July, the vengeance of the law fell upon those of the rioters which had been captured in then lawless depredations. No less than fifty-nine were capitally convicted, and twenty were executed: the rest were transported for life. Lord George was not tried till the month of January, 1781, when he was acquitted; his counsel showing that he was insane, and the jury conceiving that his case did not amount to high-treason. He afterwards gave undoubted proof of his insanity by turning Jew! Finally, he died in Newgate, where he was imprisoned for various libels on foreign potentates.

ADMIRAL RODNEY’S SUCCESS AGAINST THE SPANIARDS.