Chapter LX: {victoria. 1848} (5)

One of these meetings, which excited considerable apprehension, was held at Kennington Common, on the 13th of March. Much preparation appeared to be made by the chartist leaders to give it the appearance of a very great popular demonstration. Nearly fifteen thousand persons assembled, the greater number from curiosity, the love of mischief, or any other than political feeling. The speeches were inferior to those usually made at such meetings, and except in the more than usual amount of abuse offered to all who were not operatives, the meeting was not remarkable, and was dispersed by a shower of rain. The consequences of the assemblage were of more importance: many respectable persons were robbed and beaten; provision dealers were plundered, and a pawnbroker’s house of business was stripped of all valuable articles. Rioting subsequently occurred, although nearly four thousand police were in the neighbourhood or in reserve. This meeting seriously damaged the chartist cause in the metropolis. The upper and middle classes saw that plunder and molestation awaited them and the peaceable portion of the poor, if Chartism should gain the ascendant; and a determination arose to meet and suppress, with a resolute hand, the first outbreak. Early in April, fifteen of the rioters were put upon their trial for robbery with violence; eleven were convicted, and sentenced to various terms of transportation. This infuriated their confederates, and preparations were made for another demonstration of immense magnitude, to which Mr. Fergus O’Connor gave all his energy and influence. It was proposed to hold another meeting at Kennington Common on the 10th of April, ostensibly to carry a petition to the parliament house for making “the Charter” law. One hundred and fifty thousand Chartists were expected to assemble from very great distances. It was generally believed that the intention was to effect an English socialist revolution. Probably on no occasion, since the apprehension of invasion from the great Napoleon, was the London public so much alarmed. The subject, of course, fell under the consideration of parliament, where Fergus O’Connor was accused of attending seditious meetings and making treasonable speeches; this he denied with the greatest effrontery, affecting to be a pattern of order and law, although it was notorious that he was bent upon revolutionary attempts, and that his main motive was to resent certain affronts offered to himself by the Whigs. He had been jealous of O’Connell, whom that party to a certain extent petted, giving him private power and patronage, while Fergus was treated, as he himself believed, without consideration. His first attempts at agitation were in his own country, Ireland; but O’Connell turned him into ridicule, and eventually denounced him. Fergus then saw that the only hope of becoming an agitator of name and influence lay among the discontented English operatives; and he sought fame and power in that direction by means unworthy of any man, and ultimately ruinous to himself and to many of his dupes. On Tuesday, the 5th of April, the following conversation occurred in the commons, which showed the apprehensions of government and of the public, the hypocrisy of Mr. O’Connor, and the folly of Mr. Hume, who, always meaning well, so often inflicted injury on the liberal cause by his imperfect judgment and decided prejudices:—

“Mr. J. Walsh inquired of the secretary of state for the home department, if the attention of the government had been directed to the notice issued by the chartist body, of their intention to hold a numerous public meeting on Kennington Common on Monday next, and to go thence in procession to the House of Commons, for the purpose of presenting a petition in favour of ‘the people’s Charter;’ and if the right honourable baronet was prepared to take any steps to prevent the independence of the House of Commons from being overawed by any public meeting, or to protect the loyal and peaceable inhabitants of London? —Sir G. Grey replied that the attention of her majesty’s government had been directed to the notice in question, emanating from a convention consisting of forty-nine delegates elected at public meetings held in several of the large towns of the kingdom. This notice stated that those delegates met in London for the purpose of superintending the presentation of a petition in favour of the Charter to the House of Commons, and to adopt any other course that might be deemed advisable in order to secure the passing of the Charter into law. It likewise stated that a great public meeting would be held on Kennington Common on Monday next, and that the parties composing that assemblage would march in a procession, regulated and superintended by marshals, with their petition to the House of Commons. The attention of the government having been called to that notice, and other information having reached them respecting the intended proceedings, the government had directed a notice to be issued, which would be published in the course of half an hour throughout London, pointing out that, by the statute and common law of these realms, the intended procession was illegal, warning the loyal and peaceable subjects of her majesty to abstain from taking any part in the procession, and calling upon them to give their best aid to the constituted authorities towards preventing any disturbance, maintaining public order, and preserving the public peace.—Mr. F. O’Connor said, if there were the slightest intimation of committing a breach of the peace on the occasion of this procession, he would not be a party to the proceeding—that the parties concerned in the affair were peaceably disposed—and that every man of them would consider himself as a special constable, upon whom the preservation of peace was incumbent. Their whole object was to present to that house a petition, signed by between five and six millions of the people. The present announcement would certainly take the people by surprise.—Sir G. Grey could not see how they could be taken by surprise. The government had, at the earliest moment, taken the subject into deliberation, and resolved to take the course he had indicated.—Mr. Hume was sorry to find the government had taken up the subject so seriously, and advised them to rescind the proclamation.”

Notwithstanding Mr. Hume’s advice, the government did take it up as a serious matter, and the opinion of the public was with the government. Among other measures which the executive took to ensure security, the following were conspicuous:—“A large supply of fire-arms and cutlasses have been sent from the Tower to the East India House, and their different warehouses, the Custom House, Excise-office, the Post-office, Bank of England, the Mansion House, the various departments at Somerset House, the Ordnance-office, Pall-Mali, the Admiralty, and the different government offices at the West-end; also to a great many banking-houses in the city, and the dock companies. The clerks and persons employed in these establishments will be ready to act, if absolutely necessary, against any outrage that may be committed by a mob. The swearing-in of special constables is proceeding rapidly in Lambeth, Walworth, Camberwell, the Borough, and the districts on the Surrey side of the water, where the tradespeople and householders all show their desire to protect the public peace if called upon.”

These preparations were followed by the following proclamation:—

“_NOTICE_

“Whereas the assemblage of large numbers of people, accompanied with circumstances tending to excite terror and alarm in the minds of her majesty’s subjects, is criminal and unlawful.

“And whereas not only those persons who take an active part in such, assemblage, but those also who by their presence wilfully countenance it, are acting contrary to law, and are liable to punishment; and whereas an act of parliament, passed in the thirteenth year of the reign of his late majesty King Charles II., intituled, ‘An act against tumults and disorders, upon pretence of preparing or presenting public petitions or other addresses to his majesty in the parliament,’ it was enacted, ‘that no person or persons whatsoever shall repair to his majesty, or both or either of the houses of parliament, upon pretence of presenting or delivering any petition, complaint, remonstrance, or declaration, or other addresses, accompanied with excessive numbers or people, nor at any one time with above the number of ten persons.’

“And whereas a meeting has been called to assemble on Monday next, the 10th instant, at Kennington Common, and it is announced in the printed notices calling such meeting, that it is intended by certain persons to repair thence in procession to the House of Commons, accompanied with excessive numbers of people, upon pretence of presenting a petition to the Commons house of parliament; and whereas information has been received that persons have been advised to procure arms and weapons, with the purpose of carrying the same in such procession; and whereas such proposed procession is calculated to excite ‘terror and alarm in the minds of her majesty’s subjects.

“All persons are hereby cautioned and strictly enjoined not to attend, or take part in, or be present at, any such assemblage or procession.

“And all well-disposed persons are hereby called upon and required to aid in enforcing the provisions of the law, and effectually to protect the public peace, and suppress any attempt at the disturbance thereof.

“(Signed) C. Rowan,

“R. Maxne,

“Commissioners of the Police of the Metropolis.

“Metropolitan Police Office, Whitehall Place,

“April 6, 1848.”

The government resolved wisely to permit the meeting to assemble, at the same time announcing that any attempt to cross the bridges in a formal procession would be resisted. By this means, which it was alleged had been taken by the advice of the Duke of Wellington, the immense concourse of the seditious was placed at the side of the river where they could do least mischief, and the passages of which by the bridges could be easily defended by a small force. The government thus showed the impotency of the chartist party, and its own respect for constitutional rights.

On the morning fixed for the great experiment London presented a strange appearance. A vast body of persons was called out to act as special constables. Men of every rank of life might be seen in this capacity, among them Prince Louis Napoleon Buonaparte, afterwards Emperor of the French, stood with his constable’s baton as a custoder of order. The troops, which had been called from distances, and were billeted in the suburbs, rapidly concentrated at tap of drum and call of bugle. The Duke of Wellington, having the command, so disposed them that, without appearing through the day, they were ready to act at a moment’s notice, wherever their presence might be necessary, and so posted that each detachment could readily render support to another, in a regular chain of defensive positions. From every part of the provinces chartist delegates arrived, by railway and coach, bringing large rolls of petitions to be appended to the general roll.

Very early in the morning the Chartists gathered, in large bodies, at each separate rendezvous. Russell Square, Clerkenwell Green, and Stepney Green, were the grand points of meeting, where the greatest numbers assembled before marching to Kennington Common. Some of these processions were composed, to a great extent, of old men, boys, and women, and were attended by bands. Poles, surmounted by caps of liberty, flags, and streamers, were borne in the ranks or in carts. All these detachments were watched by mounted police and special constables, and at each rendezvous a large body of special constables on foot was drawn up to prevent any breach of the peace. The police being concentrated on various points, their ordinary duty was performed by special constables, who were distinguished by official staves and a white band round the arm. The shops were closed, and the public buildings were all well guarded and fortified. Buckingham Palace seemed the only place upon which no extra care was expended. No one supposed that the home of her majesty would be insulted, no matter what party was in the ascendant. As the troops took up their several positions within the public buildings, they were loudly cheered by the people in the streets, for it was evident, notwithstanding the immense chartist concourse, that an overwhelming majority of the Londoners was opposed to their proceedings. While matters were taking this course with the general public, the chartist delegates met in their usual place, the Literary and Scientific Institution, John Street, Fitzroy Square; Mr. Reynolds was called to the chair at nine o’clock. Mr. Doyle, the secretary, announced that a communication had been received from the head police-office, Scotland Yard, intimating that no procession from Kennington Common to the parliament house with the petition would be allowed, but that the petition itself would be permitted to pass the bridge in the custody of a suitable number of persons. Several speakers urged that the government should be set at defiance, and the petition proceeded with at all risks, until delivered at the House of Commons. Fergus O’Connor dissuaded them from any collision with the authorities. In a speech full of bombast and egotism, he declared that he was personally marked out for slaughter by the authorities. Thus, after all the bluster of this great tribune, as his followers called him, he showed the white feather. He was not prepared, like Smith O’Brien, gallantly to go out, with his life in his hand, and verify, by exposing himself to every peril and penalty, the words which he uttered when it was safe to utter them. Mr. O’Connor’s dissuasions in the interest of peace did not meet the approbation of the delegates, who seemed unanimously resolved to force their way across Westminster Bridge when the hour should arrive for so doing. In this spirit the meeting was adjourned to Kennington Common. The following graphic account of the departure of the delegates, their progress thither, and their arrival, was given by an eye-witness:—

“During this discussion two newly-constructed cars had driven up to the doors of the institution. The one intended for the conveyance of the monster petition was on four wheels, and drawn by as many very splendid farm horses. The body of the car was square, and surmounted by a tastefully constructed canopy. The attendants bore streamlets in the varied colours of red, green, and white, having appropriate inscriptions. The van or car in waiting for the delegates was upwards of twenty feet in length, with seats arranged transversely, in so commodious a manner as to afford comfortable accommodation to the delegates, as well as several representatives of the press. The body of the car was inscribed with the motto, ‘The Charter. No surrender. Liberty is worth living for and worth dying for.’ On the left, ‘The voice of the people is the voice of God;’ while on the back of the car was inscribed, ‘Who would be a slave that could be free?’ ‘Onward, we conquer; backward, we fall.’ Eight banners were fixed (four on each side) to the car, inscribed, ‘The Charter.’ ‘No vote, no muskets.’ ‘Vote by ballot,’ ‘Annual parliaments,’ ‘Universal suffrage,’ ‘No property qualification,’ ‘The payment of members,’ and ‘Electoral districts.’ To the vehicle were harnessed six farm-horses of superior breed, and in the highest possible condition. The marshals (designated by a silk sash of the colours red, white, and green) having announced, at ten minutes past ten o’clock, all in readiness, Mr. F. O’Connor was the first to ascend the car. The honourable gentleman was received with loud cheers by the crowd which thronged John Street, and took his seat in front of the van. He was followed by Mr. Ernest Jones, Mr. Harney, Mr. M’Grath, Mr. Clark, Mr. Wheeler, Mr. Reynolds, Dr. Hunter, and other leaders of the convention. The rest of that body having also taken their seats, the _cortege_ set forth amidst loud cheers. Passing along Goodge Street into Tottenham Court Road, along High Street, Bloomsbury, the National Land Company’s office was reached, and from that building five huge bales or bundles, comprising the petition, with the signatures, were brought out, and secured on the first car, prepared for their reception. Again the cavalcade moved forward, and progressing along Holborn and Farringdon Street, reached New Bridge Street, the crowd increasing the train at every step. So far the shops in the line which had been passed were only partially closed. The utmost order prevailed, though the delegates were recognised by numerous friends and adherents, and at intervals most vociferously cheered. At the Waithman obelisk the alderman of the ward, Sir James Duke, was in attendance, with his deputy, Mr. Obbard; but up to this spot not a single policeman was to be seen. The windows of the houses in New Bridge Street were filled with spectators, and, amidst much applause, the moving mass took an onward course across Blackfriars Bridge. At this time, a strong detachment of a battalion of pensioners, under arms, and fully accoutred, were observed to have just landed at the city pier, from Woolwich, and were loudly cheered by the vast concourse that now crowded the bridge. On reaching the Surrey side, the first display of the civil force appeared. On each side of Albion Place, were drawn up, in military order, a strong body, in double file, of the L division of the metropolitan police, while the city police maintained the ground on each side of the bridge, which was within the limits of the city jurisdiction. This force was under the orders of Mr. Henry, one of the magistrates at Bow Street. Opposite the end of Stamford Street, a party of the mounted police, fifteen strong, under the command of an inspector, was stationed. In its passage along the Blackfriars Road to the Elephant and Castle, the crowd continued to increase, and hem in the vehicles on both sides; still, everything was peaceable and well-conducted. At the Elephant and Castle a new mass joined in the rear of those who, walking eight abreast, and followed the train from the place of departure, and on reaching Newington Church the appearance of the masses was most bewildering. Proceeding along the Kennington Road the common was reached at half-past eleven o’clock. Here had already assembled the Irish confederalists, and the various bodies of the trades of London, who had intimated their intention of joining in the demonstration. These had taken their position in numerical order on the common, having arrived from their different rendezvous some time previously. Each trade had its emblematic banner, and the Irish confederalists displayed a very splendid green standard, emblazoned with the harp of Erin, and the motto ‘Erin go bragh.’”

The delegates addressed the meeting, and recommended peace, but chiefly on the ground that they were not prepared to contend with the armed force directed upon all the strategetic points where it might be made available. The magistrates and some of the chiefs of police were assembled at the Horns Tavern, Kennington, where they sent for Mr. O’Connor, requesting an interview. The mob supposed that he was arrested, and loud cries arose for his rescue. They were pacified, however, by his return, accompanied by Mr. M’Grath, and he was welcomed by the people with a tumult of cheers. He had given the magistrates assurance that order should be preserved, and he communicated the fact to the people, many of whom, believing that the day would issue in a revolution, were dissatisfied. Discussions arose on Cuffey advising the people to force Westminster Bridge, and present the petition themselves. The more moderate of the leaders, having their recommendations well backed by the statement that the troops were under arms and the police provided with cutlasses and pistols, prevailed, and the mob at last consented that the petition should be taken in a cab by Mr. O’Connor and certain others, and be presented by the honourable member for Nottingham that night. Upon the departure of Mr. O’Connor and the other delegates with the petition, a Mr. Clark moved the adoption of a petition to the House of Commons against the bill for providing more effectually for the security of the crown and government:—“The humble petition of the inhabitants of the metropolis of England, in public meeting assembled, showeth: That your petitioners have heard, with feelings of indignation and astonishment, that, by a bill which is now before your honourable house, for the ostensible purpose of providing more efficiently for the security of the crown and the government of these realms, it is sought to alter the law relating to the indefinite charge of sedition, and to punish by transportation that which is at present punishable by fine and imprisonment. That your petitioners regard this bill as an attempt to deprive the people of the right of expressing their just horror at the atrocious legislation which is generally practised by your honourable house, and your petitioners beg your honourable house to stamp this infamous measure with condemnation, by its unanimous and ignominious rejection.”

This resolution was seconded by a Mr. Kydd, and eloquently supported by Mr. Reynolds, and at half-past one the assembly broke up. The multitudes of course pressed to the bridges, but found their progress everywhere obstructed by police. Those who chose to cross the toll-paying bridges, were permitted to do so upon payment, under the eye of strong bodies of police. At London Bridge and Blackfriars, the crowd made desperate efforts to force their way across, and repeatedly swept the police before them, but were encountered by stronger efforts, and inch by inch driven back again. At Westminster Bridge the chief struggle was maintained, so that fears were entertained lest the bridge should give way beneath the swaying masses. On these three points many of the more sturdy of the mob were severely wounded by the swords of the mounted police, and many were arrested and placed in custody under the charge of riot. When the “monster petition” was brought over Westminster Bridge, the excitement of the multitude assembled in Bridge Street and Parliament Street was very great, and the police had to disperse or capture many ill-disposed persons who had no public object in collecting together. The petition and chartist executive committee arrived at the lobby of the commons by half-past three o’clock.

The house met at the usual hour. When the gallery was opened, the chartist petition, of awful bulk, stood rolled up in front of the table. An unusual number of members were present; several peers occupied the seats allotted to them in the chamber, and the public gallery was filled. Mr. Smith O’Brien was in his place, and he was the object of much observation. After the transaction of private business, Mr. F. O’Connor rose and said—“Sir, I have the honour to present a petition signed by five million seven hundred and six thousand persons, and another signed by thirty thousand persons, praying for annual parliaments, universal suffrage, vote by ballot, equal electoral districts, no property qualification, and the payment of members. As I have already received so much courtesy from the house, I will say nothing further at present, but move that the petition be read at the table.”

The petition having been read by the clerk, Lord Morpeth rose to apologise for the necessary absence of the home-secretary. The noble lord said that the secretary of state would have been in his place, only that he was occupied with the numerous details of his office. It was his opinion, with regard to the matters of the petition, that he would not willingly be wanting in proper respect to a petition so numerously signed.

The petition was then received, and was, with difficulty, rolled down the floor of the house to the bar.

Mr. Lushington gave notice that on Friday night he would ask the first lord of the treasury whether he could hold out a distinct hope that, in the present session, he would introduce himself, or support the introduction of any measure for the extension of the suffrage, the abridgment of the duration of parliaments, the formation of electoral divisions, and the vote by ballot. This motion was hailed with loud cheers.

The strangers’ gallery, and wherever spectators could be accommodated, was full during this scene, and the public desire to hear what notice the lords would take of these events was nearly as great; there also every allowable space was occupied by anxious expectants, to hear the Duke of Wellington and other ministers express their opinions.

The Marquis of Lansdowne, in reply to a question from the Marquis of Northampton, stated that the meeting which had caused so much alarm throughout the metropolis had taken place at Kennington Common that day, and the multitude had been dispersed by the police without requiring the aid of the military, and without any difficulty. The petition had, he believed, been brought to the House of Commons in a cab, and had been presented according to the usual form.—Lord Brougham, who made his first appearance in the house since Christmas, remarked that however high he held the right of petitioning, and of meeting for the purpose of discussing public affairs, he was decidedly of opinion that such a multitudinous meeting as that referred to, as well as the monster meetings of Ireland, could be viewed in no other light but as demonstrations intended to overawe the parliament and the crown by an exhibition of physical force. Although he had condemned the manner in which the Manchester meeting in 1819 was put down, it was his opinion, as well as the opinion of Lord Plunkett and the late Lord Abinger, that such a meeting could not be considered _bonâ fide_ meant for discussion, and that it was illegal.—The Duke of Wellington quite concurred in the law as declared by Lord Brougham, and considered that the metropolis had deep reasons for complaint in having trade interrupted, commerce suspended, the inhabitants kept in a state of alarm and terror for several days, owing to the assemblage of large bodies of people, whose only object could be, by meeting in such multitudes, to overawe the legislature. He sincerely rejoiced that the peace had been preserved without the appearance of a single soldier.—The Marquis of Northampton heard the explanations given with pleasure. He thought the country was greatly indebted to the noble duke, and also to all concerned, for their exertions in maintaining the peace.—The Marquis of Lansdowne declared that it was most gratifying to him and to the government to find the enthusiasm displayed by all the respectable inhabitants of the metropolis, who had come forward to enrol themselves as special constables. The noble marquis said that the exemplary conduct of the police was also deserving of the highest commendation.

Allegations having been made that the names attached to the petition were not nearly so numerous as alleged, and that many of them were forgeries, an inquiry was called for, and the committee on public petitions had the task assigned to it of making the investigation. The report made by the chairman to the house was most singular, showing that in fact the privilege of petition had been abused, and the house trifled with. On the 13th of April Mr. Thornley brought up the report of the committee on public petitions, which stated that upon the 26th of November last, a committee was appointed to report to the house the number of signatures attached to all petitions presented to that house, and that they had felt it their duty to make a special report to the house upon the subject of the national petition, presented on the 10th of April by the honourable member for Nottingham, signed by subjects of the British crown. The committee attached the utmost value to the right of petitioning, and to the exercise of that most important privilege by the subjects of this realm, and felt deeply the necessity of preserving the due exercise of such privilege from abuse, and having also a due regard to the importance of a petition so very numerously signed, had made that petition the subject of their present report. They felt bound, in the discharge of their duty, to represent to the house that with respect to that petition there had been a gross abuse of that privilege. The honourable member for Nottingham, upon presenting the petition, had stated that the petition was signed by upwards of five millions of persons. Upon the most careful examination of the number of signatures in the committee, with the assistance of thirteen law-stationer’s clerks, who acted under the superintendence of the various clerks of the committees, the number of signatures attached to the petition does not, in the opinion of the committee, amount to two millions. It is further found that a large number of the signatures were consecutively written by the same hand. It was likewise observed that a large number of the signatures were those of persons who could not be supposed to have concurred in its prayer; among these were the name of her majesty, signed Victoria Rex, the Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, &c, &c. There was also noticed a large number of names which were evidently fictitious, such as “Pugnose,” “Longnose,” “Flatnose,” “Punch,” “Snooks,” “Fubbs,” and also numerous obscene names, which the committee would not offend the house or its dignity by repeating, but which evidently belonged to no human being. Upon the motion that the report do lie upon the table, a somewhat angry and personal discussion arose, in which Mr. Cripps was very severe in his censure of the conduct of Mr. O’Connor, in alleging that upwards of five millions of signatures had been attached to the petition. The motion was eventually agreed to. At the conclusion of the discussion Mr. F. O’Connor left the house; and a hostile meeting between him and Mr. Cripps having been presumed likely, in consequence of the personal nature of what had passed, Mr. O’Connor was, on an order of the house at a late period of the evening, taken into the custody of the sergeant-at-arms, but was subsequently released, and a reconciliation with Mr. Cripps effected.

Throughout the year attempts were made by the Chartists to create disturbances, and many of them were arrested and punished for riot, assault, or sedition. The leaders were very active in disseminating among the working classes opinions adverse to the rights of property and of society at large. These proceedings injured the cause of electoral and parliamentary reform. There were many members in the House of Commons, and many persons of influence throughout the country, who were favourable to some of the principal political opinions put forth in “the people’s Charter,” but there was no sympathy among these classes for the economical and social theories of the party by which the Charter was chiefly upheld. Reform in parliament, which was still desired by the people at large, was thus postponed by the alarm which the extreme views and violent temper of the Chartists created amongst the classes who possessed property, and amongst religious and peaceable citizens.

VISIT OF FRENCH NATIONAL GUARDS TO LONDON.

The political excitement of the times was much increased by a visit to London, made at the end of October, by more than a thousand National Guards of Paris, in full uniform. Aged persons who remembered the first French revolution, and the subsequent wars, were somewhat alarmed at this sudden appearance of French uniforms. The masses of the people welcomed the peaceful invaders, and the British Guards fraternised with them. Every public place was thrown open to them, and in the theatres and public gardens they were greeted with applause, the bands performing French national music. The visitors departed, expressing their high sense of the cordiality with which they had been received.

COMMERCIAL AFFAIRS.

This year was one of severe trial to Great Britain. The credit of many great mercantile houses was shaken, and many failed. The distress which prevailed at the beginning of the year, both in Great Britain and Ireland, disheartened the trading community, and impeded the usual course of business. When the French revolution suddenly burst forth, business received a shock such as only political events of the greatest magnitude can communicate; but when that event was followed by a series of continental revolutions, destroying the old European system, and convulsing nearly all the great monarchies, commercial affairs were nearly paralysed. The threatened disturbances in Ireland, and the chartist agitation at home, aggravated the evil effects which so many other causes produced. Banking accommodation was extremely difficult of attainment, and the funds fell very low. About the end of March affairs assumed some hopefulness, and the funds rose; but so many events crowded on in rapid succession, like dark clouds impelled by the storm, that these encouraging indications were checked. Still, public confidence in the stability of British institutions sustained public credit, and the disturbed state of other countries likewise caused the investment of capital in England to a surprising extent, keeping up the funds, and extending commercial transactions. As soon as the great chartist demonstrations of April were over, and the safety of the government placed beyond doubt, monetary and mercantile matters rapidly improved; and although English merchants and bankers suffered from the fluctuations of credit on the continent, yet the security of England reacted upon all European commerce, and caused the continental losses of our capitalists and traders to be far less than could have been expected in a season so politically tempestuous.

THE COBDEN TESTIMONIAL.

Soon after the repeal of the corn laws, it was resolved by certain friends of that measure to give Mr. Cobden a testimonial of national gratitude for his services. The public knew his deserts, but they did not know that he had consumed his fortune in their behalf. The business of Mr. Cobden was that of a calico-printer, which he carried on in the neighbourhood of Manchester. By the excellence of his colours, his execution, and the novelty and good taste of his patterns, he created a vast and distinctive trade, which he necessarily neglected while conducting the agitation against the corn laws; and the result was perilous to his business and ruinous to his purse. Viewed in this respect the national testimonial was but an act of justice, apart from any consideration of the great services which he rendered to the cause of free-trade. None but those immediately cognizant of his efforts could conceive his herculean labours to promote the repeal of the corn laws. His eloquence was characterised by intelligence, directness, the absence of all meretricious ornament, and an eagerness to convince and carry his hearers with him, which was singularly effective. His addresses were not only free from all ambition as to ornate or attractive language, but also as to original or characteristic thought. There was such an entire absence of all self-seeking about the man, and he so thoroughly identified himself with the people whose interests he pleaded, that, possessing a fair readiness of speech, and aptness for _ad captandum_ argument, he could not fail to secure the favourable attention of earnest men on a subject where their interests were largely engaged.

Although Mr. Cobden promoted the agitation of the question on broad national grounds, he, nevertheless, looked at it from a class point of view more particularly, and this was one of the elements of his power with the traders. When he began the agitation it was as a manufacturer, for the redress of a grievance which affected his class; it was as he went on in the agitation for that object, that he began to look upon the question as one of general interest; and then his speeches assumed a higher tone and a larger scope, and sound principles of political economy were uttered by him with all the force of truth which he felt, and which he had capacity ably to express. It could, however, scarcely fail to strike men that whether in Free-Trade Hall, in Manchester, or in the commons house of parliament, his speeches on free-trade were rather those of the merchant than the philosopher or the statesman. On all political and politico-economical questions, the tone of his mind was the same: he regarded them rather in reference to the effect likely to be produced upon commerce in its immediate or proximate interests, than in the ulterior consequences, or the great political and ethical principles involved. The interests of trade, rather than the honour of England, engaged his heart. He was, consequently, accused of being deficient in patriotism; but no public man was more willing to sacrifice himself for the welfare of the people of England, or was personally less selfish. He was kind, amiable, truthful, honourable, and upright; and desired with all his energies to promote, not only the welfare of his countrymen, but of all men.

A public subscription having been set on foot, the committee by whom it was conducted reported the result of their labours about the end of April. Seventy-nine thousand pounds were contributed; it would have been twice the sum, but for the distress, and the disturbance of public affairs by the torrent of revolution which was sweeping over the continent. The birthplace of Mr. Cobden, in Sussex, was purchased for him, and the remainder of the money invested according to his wish. A sum of £10,000 was raised for Mr. Bright, whose services, however great, were justly deemed inferior to those of Mr. Cobden. Mr. Bright, however, was supposed to possess considerable pecuniary resources, although he also spent freely his private property for the public welfare; and it was alleged that, but for his liberality in this respect, Mr. Cobden could not have maintained his post in the face of so many personal sacrifices. Mr. Bright was the less popular man of the two, partly from temper, and a certain _hauteur_ which contrasted unfavourably with the more simple and cordial manners of Mr. Cobden, partly from his religious opinions bringing him, under a sense of duty, into collision with the Established Church on various irritating questions, such as church-rates. The general attainments of Mr. Bright were higher, and his oratorical talents far superior to those of Mr. Cobden. The latter frequently fell beneath his ordinary standard of effectiveness, Mr. Bright scarcely ever. The author of these lines has frequently attended public meetings in which these gentlemen took part, and he hardly remembers a single instance in which Mr. Blight’s speech did not possess a high order of eloquence; whereas many of Mr. Cobden’s speeches were only interesting on account of the facts they detailed, and the clear manner in which they were communicated.

Some time after these contributions of goodwill from the country to the two principal orators of the Anti-cornlaw League, a similar tribute was paid to the services of Mr. Archibald Prentice, for many years editor and proprietor of the _Manchester Times_. This gentleman was the founder of the Anti-corn-law Association, out of which the League sprung, and, as an able writer and public speaker, did much to prepare the way for the men who afterwards conducted that agitation to victory. Mr. Prentice fought bravely and pertinaciously for the repeal of the corn laws, long before the wealthy supported it, or the suffrages of statesmen and men of influence gave it a leading position in the questions of the day.

It was not to the credit of some others (a very small number) who were advocates of the League, that they were as eager to set on foot subscriptions for themselves, as the public were for those who had really earned them. One individual, who hung about “the League rooms,” and made speeches often undesired by the committee, and when inconvenient to their arrangements, was very indignant that a subscription was not raised for him. Without eloquence in speech, temperance in council, or discretion in action, he became prominent only by overbearing boldness, and an ever-meddling officiousness.

AGITATION CONCERNING THE NAVIGATION LAWS.

Early in the parliamentary session, the government indicated an intention to repeal the navigation laws. In this they were supported very ardently by Mr. Hume, Mr. Ricardo, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Milner Gibson, and by many other ardent friends of the Manchester school. The time was ill-chosen for any movement on this subject, because the seamen as well as the shipowners were opposed to any alteration, and the disturbed state of continental Europe, and indeed of the British Isles, made it extremely unwise for government to irritate a class whose physical energy, peculiar position, and popularity with the people, gave them, if disposed, peculiar capacity to disturb the peace.

The party which desired the repeal of the navigation laws maintained that free-trade in ships and seamen was as necessary as in other matters, and the cotton districts called loudly for the change. The leader of the shipping interest was James Mather, Esq., of South Shields, a gentleman not connected with ships or shipowners, but moved by patriotic feelings alone. Mr. Mather possessed all the qualities necessary for a leader in the agitation of a great political and politico-economical question. With a highly cultivated intellect, conciliatory address, fearless spirit, and astonishing physical energy, he was just the man to please at once the educated mariners, and the rough, bold, hardy tars. The gentlemanly bearing of Mr. Mather was also calculated to impress his opponents favourably, and a graceful persuasiveness of mien and language, aided in qualifying him for that object. Mr. Mather grappled with the arguments of Cobden, Bright, and the other leaders of the cotton districts, whose influence at that time, fresh from their victory over the corn interest, made it important to confute the arguments they addressed to the public. Mr. Mather addressed a letter to the editor of the _Shipping Almanack and Gazette_, which produced a great impression where the arguments of the Lancashire leaders had been accepted as irrefutable. It is desirable to reproduce this document, as the controversy was one of the most important in its day, and the policy ultimately adopted remained longer open to question than any other of the anti-protectionist measures which were adopted. Mr. Mather’s letter was the more effective, because it exposed an artifice to which Mr. Gladstone especially resorted, but in which he was supported by the Lancashire members:—

“The combined attack of Messrs. Gladstone, Bright, Cobden, and two or three others in the House of Commons, upon the navigation laws, on account of their preventing the importation of a few cargoes of cotton lying at Havre, and demanding a suspension of these laws for the immediate necessities of the manufactories, and the advantage of British shipping, was as unfair and discreditable a proceeding as party men have for a long time been guilty of. For the sixty-five thousand bales of cotton at Havre, brought across the Atlantic chiefly by French ships, it is, they assert, of advantage to British shipping to destroy that amount of carriage on the long voyage, and allow this cotton to be brought from France to England, which a few trips of a steamer would easily effect. The very statement of the matter, in plain language, refutes the absurd assertion. You are losing the carriage of thirty cargoes of cotton, these gentlemen asserted. No, it is replied, for by preventing their admission from France, as there is a great abundance of cotton in America, we are gaining the carriage of thirty cargoes on the long voyage—a portion in British ships; and you will get cotton just as cheap, nay cheaper for the manufacturers, as the expense of transhipment will be saved.

“But the cotton is immediately wanted, they assert. Now this was a mere pretence, which the parties clearly understood, to give a momentary effect to a most untenable charge. Events have corroborated this.

“Within a few days thirty-three vessels have brought seventy-three thousand six hundred and forty-nine bales of cotton from America; and such is the great want of it, sufficient to annihilate or suspend the navigation laws, that the manufacturers only bought nineteen thousand six hundred and sixty bales, while nine hundred and seventy bales were bought for exportation; that, instead of requiring cotton, they are exporting it from the manufacturing district in which it was stated to be so much required.

“If cotton was in such demand, would it be upwards of thirty per cent, lower than it was last year, and would it be falling in price as it is now? Prices are at present within ⅛d. per lb. of the lowest they were ever reduced to. For two months it has been a falling market, and at the very moment these men were advancing such assertions, was the cotton market in a state of decline, giving the broadest contradiction to them. If cotton had been wanted, the price, as in any other article, would have been high, not low, and would have been advancing, not receding, especially with a limited supply.

“The importation last year was the smallest for ten years. Increasing previous to 1845 for fifty years, it has since rapidly decreased, and now it has been found that nearly one-third less stock is required than there was in 1843, 1844, and 1845.

BALES.

In 1843 it was.......................... 1,557,597

1844.................................... 1,490,984

1845.................................... 1,652,731

1846.................................... 1,134,194

1847.................................... 1,087,058

“And in this year (1848), up to this month, it has been ascertained that one-third less stock than in the previous low year of 1847, is more than enough. (See _George! Holt &c.; Co.’s Circular, and Liverpool Prices Current_, for the 7th of April). In addition, a reduction of upwards of thirty per cent, in price, from that of last year, indicates a still more limited requirement.

“While the stock is only, up to this period for this year, three hundred and twenty-two thousand eight hundred bales, against the corresponding period last year, four hundred and ninety-two thousand six hundred bales; showing, with upwards of one-third less stock one-third less price—a demonstrative proof that the supply is infinitely greater than the demand. Whenever the price advances, indicating demand, the American supply will be poured into the market without any necessity for importations from France. Had the navigation laws been suspended, as urged by some of their opponents, and the French cotton brought in, it would only have been a drug in the market, useless and unsaleable. More has since been brought in than was lying at Havre, at thirty per cent, less than they have had it for two years, and they will not buy it. It was not wanted; only an excuse was wanted to strike a blow—a most unfair one—at the navigation laws, and the British commercial marine, which all the little opponents throughout the country, in their gross ignorance, have quoted and applauded.”

Meanwhile, the agitation of the mariners and shipowners was exceeding great, especially in the three grand centres of maritime activity—the Thames, the Mersey, and the Tyne. Along the north-east coast of England, the tidings that the government meant to repeal the navigation laws sped with rapidity, and produced the most intense excitement. Public meetings were called at Hull, Scarborough. Whitby, Sunderland, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Shields, and Berwick, which were attended by great numbers, and which were eloquently addressed. The sailors attended these meetings with boisterous enthusiasm. They were under the impression that a great wrong was about to be perpetuated, and they were resolved to do anything which loyalty allowed to defeat the meditated alterations in the law. Under the guidance of a man less just and scrupulous, and less jealous for the constitution than Mr. Mather was, much mischief might have arisen from the sense of grievance which the sailors entertained. That gentleman, however, so conducted the agitation as to gain a large measure of public support, and to defeat, during that year, the proposed alterations.

A convention of shipowners and seamen of the Tyne was held at Shields, one of the largest and most important ever held in England. Mr. Mather proposed the following resolutions, which were enthusiastically adopted: they will disclose the purpose and opinion of that community:—

“Resolved—That we will resist, by every legal and constitutional means in our power, the repeal of the navigation laws, so violently agitated by theorists and self-interested men, which were adopted, and have been sustained, by the wisest statesmen in all ages for the support of the shipping and seamen of Britain, to prevent the cheap ships and ill-fed and badly-paid foreigners from underselling and destroying the British mercantile marine.

“Resolved—That we pledge ourselves, on arriving in London, to take measures, in conjunction with all the seamen there, loyally and respectfully, as becomes British seamen, to lay, personally, an urgent memorial at the feet of her majesty, warning her of the consequence of driving British seamen into the service of a foreign state, where that protection and encouragement are freely given them that, by the repeal of the navigation laws, will be denied them in their own country; and humbly entreating her majesty to interpose her royal authority for the protection of that class of men who, in time of war and danger, her ancestors and this kingdom have ever found their best protection and their greatest glory.”

At this meeting Mr. Mather was deputed to proceed to London, and lay the statements of the shipowners before the government. A speech made by that gentleman at Shields, places the controversy in the light in which it was then viewed by the shipping interest:—

“All the maritime laws that have guided the policy of this great state for centuries, that have made her ‘great, glorious, and free,’ are to be repealed under the most frivolous pretexts. Mr. Labouchere, the organ of the government, a supporter of reciprocity and equal rights to the commercial marine of the world—British and foreign—propounds a measure in which he bestows all the preponderating advantages upon the opponents of his own country. Had the act being that of an enemy it would have been proper. The whole foreign and colonial trade is to be given up to foreign shipping, free and unfettered, while that of Britain is to be bound down hand and foot, and scarcely capable of moving. First, then, your ships are to be built of taxed timber, 15s. and 20s. per load, exclusive of its freight, and expenses as much more, and to go into competition with the foreign ships with not a shilling per load duty or freight. You are not only obliged to compete with your heavily-taxed ships, and to pay foreigners freight to bring you the timber to build them, but you are obliged to carry three-fourths British crews in these offered-up trades, while the foreigner’s crews are to be all of his own country, half-paid and half-fed. You know well the wages and feeding of foreign crews; you have all been witnesses and are daily witnesses of it. It is a truth, and undeniable, that these foreigners have only from 15s. to 25s., the highest wages per month. It is thus with Danes, Russians, Prussians, Swedes, and Norwegians, while your wages are more than twice as much—60s. per month. They can be fed, too, on 6d. per day—in most instances, much less; while British seamen cannot be fed under 1s. per day, to feed them as their climate and constitutions require—hence their extraordinary energies. Yet, with these great disadvantages, in ships, wages, and provisions, it is determined to risk three-fourths of the commercial marine of Britain in a contest with foreigners that must be overwhelming. But Mr. Labouchere feels no difficulties, has no political qualms of conscience, in thus offering up a sacrifice three-fourths of the commercial marine of Great Britain. He says, ‘Look at the results of the same system tried so far back as the beginning of the seventeenth century in Holland—the Dutch by free trade became the most prosperous nation in Europe. Look at her great commercial marine. Under it the carriers of the world—her ships were on every sea.’ It is very surprising that this gentleman did not continue to follow history in that country and at home since that period downwards. The iron-headed Cromwell, great by his acts, had the sagacity to perceive that the commercial marine was the soul of the navy, and that as long as the Dutch had the carrying trade, Britain and other colonies were in danger. So he strengthened the old restrictive laws of Richard II., Henry VII., and Elizabeth, and passed the navigation laws, under which the British commercial marine has been protected to the present time, with the exception of the tampering they have met with lately. And what has been the result? The Dutch, with her free-trade system, has sunk her commercial marine to the lowest condition, while Britain, with her protective system, has grown a commercial marine, the greatest the world ever saw—her ships in every sea, her flag overshadowing the world. How does it happen—and let Mr. Labouchere and the whig government answer—how does it happen that the Dutch commercial marine has been ruined by the free-trade system, and that we have grown great, _pari passu_, by a restrictive system? But figures are appealed to by the present government to show that since the introduction of the reciprocity treaties, or free trade in a limited extent, our commercial marine has greatly increased.