Chapter LVIII: {victoria. 1846} (3)

As soon as General Gough perceived the success of Stacey, supported by Wilkinson, he directed brigadier the Hon. T. Ashburnham to follow the supports, and Generals Gilbert and Smith’s divisions to throw out their light troops against the enemy’s centre and left, and to open a heavy fire of artillery. The cannonade against the enemy’s centre, and more especially against his left, was delivered with amazing rapidity, at a close range, and with deadly aim. The Sikhs, at the same time, worked their very heavy pieces with skill, so that while a fierce bayonet encounter went on within the trenches on the enemy’s extreme right, one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon sent their messengers of death across the opposing lines, and rolled their thunders over the valley and the waters of the Sutlej. The Sikhs began to expect that the British centre and right would confine the attack to an artillery battle, and therefore detached their infantry in masses from those points against Stacey’s brigade, which had then fought their way well within the works. General Gough, thereupon, ordered the centre and left trenches to be attacked, so that the whole semi-circle of the works was stormed. At the first onset the Sikhs gave way on every point, but they returned with desperation to the conflict, especially where there was a chance of precipitating themselves upon the native regiments. Three British divisions of infantry fought hand to hand with the enemy; but the battle seemed doubtful, from the numbers and desperation of the enemy. A manoeuvre was now executed which was generally regarded as novel, but which, on a small scale, British cavalry accomplished also in America. The sappers and miners of the left attack broke passages through the intrenchments, through which the cavalry of Sir Joseph Thackwell rode, in single file, forming as they passed through, and then charging within the area of the defences, cut down the Sikh gunners and infantry mercilessly. The 3rd Dragoons, with less assistance from the sappers, and making many “break-neck leaps,” sprang within, the defences, and used their swords with the skill for which that gallant corp had obtained so high and so well-deserved a reputation. The conduct of that intrepid regiment surpassed, if that were possible, its own glory at Moodkee and Ferozashooshah. Light field-pieces were brought in through every opening, and were worked in murderous proximity to the enemy. Infantry, cavalry, and artillery were now within the works, which were no longer tenable, and the Khalsa soldiery fled precipitately to the bridge, pursued with a carnage similar to that at Aliwal. Here, however, the bridge befriended the fugitives, but an artillery and musketry fire was directed upon it, making havoc in the confused and dense masses—men whose hurried flight impeded their progress, and increased the slaughter. As they gained the bridge their pursuers were at hand, precipitating them over it into the Sutlej. Another column of fugitives attempted to ford the river, but the waters were high, and swept them from their feet. The horse artillery galloped into the river, and discharged showers of grape upon the unresisting masses who struggled through its dark waters. Little quarter was given, for, true to Eastern usage, those who now were fugitives and cried for mercy, murdered the prisoners whom in the early part of the action they had captured. Their conduct resembled that of another Asiatic nation which calls itself European, years afterwards, on the slopes of Alma, and on the plateau of Sebastopol. To the circumstance of the Khalsa soldiery refusing to give quarter the unsparing vengeance of our troops was to be attributed; and it must also be admitted that when the Sepoy soldiery are thoroughly excited, they display a ferocity which none who are only acquainted with their ordinary conduct and character would ever suppose possible. The battle was over by eleven o’clock. History furnishes few instances of such a signal victory so soon won. On no occasion, not even excepting Aliwal, did the Company’s troops fight better: the testimony of Sir Hugh Gough was very much to their honour in this respect. He especially selected for encomium the Ghoorkhas, as bravest where all were brave. “I must,” wrote the general in his despatch, “pause in this narrative to notice the determined hardihood and bravery with which our two battalions of Ghoorkhas met the Sikhs wherever they were opposed to them. Soldiers of small stature, but indomitable spirit, they vied in ardent courage in the charge with the grenadiers of our own nation, and, armed with the short weapon of their mountains, were a terror to the Sikhs throughout this great combat.”

The battle of Sobraon destroyed the Khalsa army, and humbled the military power of the nation. The spoils of war were sixty-seven pieces of cannon, more than two hundred camel swivels, numerous standards, ammunition, small-arms, side-arms, accoutrements, tools, and every appendage of a fortified place. The loss of the British army was very serious in effecting such important achievements.

Major-general Dick, one of the heroes of Waterloo, was killed; also Brigadier-general Taylor; and Major-general McLaren was mortally wounded. In all, thirteen European, and three native officers, were killed; one hundred and one European, and thirty-nine native officers, were wounded. The total of men killed was only three hundred and twenty, but more than two thousand were wounded, many of them mortally. The loss on the part of the Khalsa army was enormous; notwithstanding that they fought behind works, a larger number were slain than at Aliwal.

Sir Hugh Gough lost no time in utilising his victory, for the same day he passed a division of native infantry over a bridge of boats across the Sutlej, the bridge of Sobraon having been broken and burnt at the close of the action, and the ford at Hurrakee being impassable, the river having risen some seven inches in a short time. The destruction of the bridge of Sobraon does not appear to have been a politic measure; it was not necessary as a precaution, because the enemy was so totally defeated as not to be able to make use of it any longer.

On the 14th of February, the whole of the British army of the Sutlej bivouaced at Kussoor, within thirty-two miles of Lahore, the Sikh capital. The governor-general there issued a proclamation, announcing his determination to prosecute the war until the complete submission of the Lahore government was obtained; at the same time, his excellency declared that he had no wish to subvert the Sikh government, but only desired to obtain security for the future good faith of the maharajah’s ministers, and the peace of the bordering possessions of British India. The Lahore government was terror-struck at the rapid approach of the British army, and at the moral effect which the proclamations of the governor-general were likely to have upon the Sikh population. Gholab Singh, the wuzeer, represented to the ranee, or queen-mother, that the Khalsa army had lost twenty thousand men in the last two battles, and that unless terms were made with the governor-general, the dominions of her son would be soon forfeited. The ranee called a council, and it was then agreed that Gholab should repair to the British camp and sue for peace. The wuzeer undertook the task, on the condition that the ranee, the durbar, and the chief officers of the army, as well as the members of the punchayete, should sign a solemn declaration that they would abide by the terms he might accept, and do all in their power to enforce their observance by the Sikh soldiery and population. This was acceded to; and on the 15th the wuzeer, accompanied by Dewan Deena Nath, and Fakeer Kboroodeen, proceeded to the British camp. These three persons were conjointly empowered to negotiate, and they were attended by many influential Sikhs, anxious for peace; among them was the Banuhzie chief, Sultan Mohammed Khan, and several sirdars of great eminence. Thus a strong moral guarantee was given to the British that the negotiations were sincerely opened by the Lahore government. Sir Henry Hardinge admitted the deputation coldly, refusing to receive the muzzars offered and accepted on all occasions of important negotiations in the East. The terms demanded by Sir Henry were the surrender of the territories east of the Beas, in addition to the province which had in December been declared confiscated; the surrender of every gun which had been pointed at the British; the disbanding of the Khalsa army, and its reorganisation on the principles observed by the Maharajah Bunjeet Singh; the entire regulation and control of both banks of the Sutlej; a reorganisation of the Lahore administration, and the payment of one million and a half sterling as indemnification for the expenses of the war. It was also demanded that the young Maharajah Dhuleep Singh should meet the governor-general eleven miles from Lahore. Sir Henry refused to discuss these points in person with the Rajah Gholab Singh, but referred him to his secretary, Mr. Currie, and to Major Lawrence. The rajah remained until midnight discussing the terms with these officers, and finally accepted them. On the 17th Gholab again renewed his interview with Mr. Currie and Major Lawrence, when various details were settled. On the 18th the young maharajah, attended by a magnificent suite, presented himself, at Lulleeanee, to Sir Henry, who received him without a royal salute, or any other mark of royal distinction. The maharajah, an amiable and gentle prince, submitted to the governor, expressing his contrition for the outrage which had been inflicted upon British territory. Of course this was a mere formal ceremony, as the prince was too young to take any share in the responsibility of these occurrences. When submission was made in due form, a royal salute thundered from the British camp, and all the etiquette due to an eastern prince was observed towards the young maharajah.

The relics of the Sikh army were at this time drawn up about eighteen miles from Lahore, at a place called Raebaun, under the command of the two notorious leaders, Sirdar Fej Singh, and Rajah Sail Singh. The soldiery of this force had the hardihood to request that they should be led against the British, and their murmurs and threats of revenge did not cease during the proceedings which were taking place, and which ended in the establishment of peace. Indications were already given that neither the Khalsa army nor its chiefs felt even yet vanquished. Immediately after the maharajah made submission, the governor-general put forth the following proclamation:—“The chiefs, merchants, traders, ryots, and other inhabitants of Lahore and Umritsir, are hereby informed that his highness Maharajah Dhuleep Singh has this day waited upon the right honourable the governor-general, and expressed the contrition of himself and the Sikh government for their late hostile proceedings.

“The maharajah and durbar having acquiesced in all the terms and conditions imposed by the British government, the governor-general has every hope that the relations of friendship will speedily be re-established between the two governments. The inhabitants of Lahore and Umritsir have nothing to fear from the British army. The governor-general and the British troops, if the conditions above adverted to are fulfilled, and no further hostile opposition is offered by the Khalsa army, will use their endeavours for the re-establishment of the government of the descendant of Maharajah Runjeet Singh, and for the protection of its subjects. The inhabitants of the cities in the Punjaub will, in that case, be perfectly safe in person and property from any molestation by the British troops, and they are hereby called upon to dismiss apprehension, and to follow their respective callings with all confidence.”

On the morning of the 20th the British army were under the walls of Lahore, where not a cannon appeared in the embrasures. The governor-general thought it politic to send Dhuleep Singh, the young king, with some ceremonial to his palace, he accordingly issued the following general order, which made a favourable impression on the inhabitants of Lahore, as well as on the chiefs of the Sikh nation:—

“The right honourable the governor-general requests that the commander-in-chief will cause the following arrangements to be made for escorting his highness the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh to his palace, in the citadel of Lahore, this afternoon. The escort will consist of two regiments of European cavalry, two regiments of native cavalry—the body-guard to be one—one regiment of irregular horse, two troops of horse artillery, one European and one native. The secretary to the government of India, F. Currie, Esq., will take charge of his highness and his suite, and will be accompanied by the political agent, Major Lawrence; the governor-general’s private secretary, Charles Hardinge, Esq.; the aides-de-camp of the governor-general; two aides-de-camp of the commander-in-chief, one aide-de-camp from each general officer of division, in uniform. The escort will be formed at the nearest convenient spot to the governor-general’s camp at two o’clock, and proceed to his highness’s camp, and thence to his palace. On alighting from his elephant a salute of twenty-one guns will be fired by the horse artillery.

“His highness the maharajah of the Sikh nation, selected by the chiefs as their sovereign, having on the 18th instant intimated his intention to proceed to the governor-general’s camp at Lulleeanee, attended by his highness’s wuzeer, the Rajah Gholab Singh, and other chiefs, was received in durbar on the afternoon of that day by the governor-general, the commander-in-chief and the staff being present. His highness’s ministers and chiefs there tendered his submission, and solicited the clemency of the British government.

“The governor-general extended the clemency of the British government to a prince the descendant of the maharajah, the late Runjeet Singh, for so many years the faithful ally and friend of the British government, as the representative of the Sikh nation, selected by the chiefs and the people to be their ruler, on the condition that all the terms imposed by the British government and previously explained to his highness’s ministers and chiefs should be faithfully executed.

“On withdrawing from the durbar, the maharajah received the usual salutes due to his highness’s exalted rank. His highness has since remained near the governor-general’s camp; and, as it will be conducive to his highness’s comfort that he should rejoin his family, the governor-general desires that he may, with all honour and in safety, be conducted by the British troops to the gates of his palace this day.

“A proclamation was issued on the 18th instant by the governor-general, promising protection to all persons at Lahore and elsewhere who peaceably continue in their usual employments of trade and industry.

“The governor-general is satisfied, after the experience of this campaign, that he can rely on the discipline of this invincible army, as fully and securely as he has always been confident that the clay of battle, under their distinguished commander, would be one of victory.

“He trusts, at present, that no officers or soldiers will pass the advanced sentries of their encampment to enter the town of Lahore, and he requests his excellency the commander-in-chief to give the necessary instruction to carry this order strictly into effect, as well as to protect all persons bringing provisions into the camp.”

The report of the secretary concerning the installation of the young maharajah in his palace, under the British auspices, is very striking, and exemplifies the grandeur and customs of oriental courts and conquerors:—

“I have the honour to state, for the information of your excellency, that, in accordance with the instructions contained in the order of the governor-general of yesterday’s date, I proceeded in the afternoon with the escort ordered, and accompanied by the officers mentioned below, on elephants, to conduct the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh to his palace in the citadel of Lahore:—Major Lawrence, the govern or-general’s political agent; W. Edwards, under-secretary of the foreign department; R. Oust, Esq., assistant-secretary to the foreign department; C. Hardinge, Esq., private secretary to the governor-general; Lieutenant-colonel Wood, military secretary to the governor-general; Captain Cunningham; Captain Hardinge, aide-de-camp to the governor-general; Captain Grant, ditto; Lord Arthur Hay, ditto; Captain Mills, ditto; Captain Bagot, aide-decamp to the commander-in-chief; Captain Edwardes, ditto; Captain Gilbert, aide-de-camp to General Gilbert; Captain Tottenham, aide-de-camp to General Smith; Lieutenant-colonel Smith, ditto; Captain Napier, ditto; Captain Smith, ditto.

“The procession was arranged in the following order:—9th irregular cavalry, 3rd light cavalry, her majesty’s 16th Lancers; troop horse artillery, Europeans; troop horse artillery, natives; her majesty’s 9th Lancers, the secretary, with the maharajah and suite, the governor-general’s body-guard.

“The escort was formed in open column of troops left in front, commanded by Brigadier Cureton, C.B. We proceeded in this order to the encampment of the maharajah, about one mile and a half from our pickets, and nearly the same distance from the citadel gate of the city. At about three-quarters of a mile from the maharajah’s camp I was met by the minister, Rajah Gholab Singh, and some of the chiefs. Intimation of our approach was then sent on to the maharajah, that he might be ready upon his elephant upon our arrival.

“On reaching the maharajah’s camp, the troops of our escort drew up, and the maharajah, with Bhaee Kam Singh on the same elephant, came forward from his tent, accompanied by several chiefs. After the usual salutation and complimentary questions and replies, I placed the maharajah’s elephant next to mine, and the troops having fallen in, as at first, proceeded round the walls of the city to the gate of the citadel. On arriving, Brigadier Cureton drew up the escort in line in front of the gateway, and I took the maharajah, accompanied by the officers enumerated in the former part of this letter, with Rajah Gholab Singh and the other chiefs, into the interior of the citadel, and to the inner door of his palace. I then observed to the maharajah and chiefs, that by the order of the right hon. the governor-general, I had thus brought the maharajah, conducted by the British army, to his palace, which his highness had left for the purpose of tendering submission to the British government, and for placing himself, his capital, and his country at the mercy of the governor-general, and requesting pardon for the insult that had been offered; and that the governor-general had thus restored him to his palace as a mark of the favour which he desired to show to the descendant of the late Maharajah Runjeet Singh.

“A salute of twenty-one guns was then fired by the horse artillery. We then took leave of the maharajah at the gate of his palace, and returning to the outside of the city, we, continuing our progress round Lahore, thus returned to our camp. As our camp is situated opposite the south-east end of the city face, and the citadel is immediately within the city walls, at the north-west angle, we made the entire circuit of Lahore. I considered this preferable to going through the city, the streets of which are very narrow, and would have much impeded the progress of our large escort. We did not see one gun on any part of the walls, all their embrasures were empty.”

On the 22nd of February the governor-general occupied the citadel and the palace, and issued a general order, proclaiming the termination of the Sikh war. The army which had been engaged, and all regiments ordered up to its support, received a year’s _batta_ (pay). Fej Singh, who was twice wounded at Sobraon, was at the head of a very considerable force in the neighbourhood of Umritsir; but, notwithstanding the devotion of his troops, he did not dare to offer resistance; his cannons were surrendered, the soldiery uttering loud cries of rage, and the officers, in tears, uttering suppressed groans of remorse and shame. The disbanded troops disturbed and plundered various districts in the country.

On the 25th of February, the men of the 16th Lancers and of the 31st foot (Young Buffs) were ordered to Bombay to embark for England, permission being given to such of the men as thought proper to volunteer into regiments still serving in India. The bulk of the British army remained in the Punjaub for some months, various circumstances affording grounds for suspicion as to the good faith of the ranee and her durbar. The treaty of Lahore was however completed, and was sufficiently stringent. It has already been shown upon what terms negotiations were opened: when the stipulations were reduced to regular form, they assumed a more binding character, the following items having been introduced:—The hill country between the Beas and the Indus to be ceded instead of one lac of rupees, part of the indemnity. Fifty lacs of rupees to be paid by the maharajah on the ratification of the treaty. The Lahore army to be limited to twenty-five battalions of regular (Aeen) infantry, and twelve thousand cavalry. The entire control of the rivers Beas and Sutlej, to the confluence of the Indus at Mikenkote, and the control of the Indus from the point of the confluence to the borders of Beloo-chistan. The maharajah never to take into his service any British subject, nor the subject of any European or American state without permission of the British government. Rajah Gholab Singh to be recognised as an independent sovereign over such territories as the British should make over to him. All disputes arising between him and the Lahore government to be referred to the British. All change in the frontiers of the Lahore state prohibited without British sanction.

In pursuance of the stipulations concerning Gholab Singh, a treaty between him and the British government was concluded at Neuritzen on the 16th of March. The following articles of it will sufficiently disclose its character:—In the first article, the British made over to the rajah all the hilly country just conceded by the Lahore government. This territory was situated to the eastward of the river Indus, and westward of the river Ravee, including Ohumba, and excluding Lahool. In consideration of this transfer, the rajah should pay to the British government fifty lacs of rupees on the ratification of the treaty, and twenty-five lacs on the 1st of October. The British government to give the rajah assistance against all external enemies. Maharajah Gholab Singh to acknowledge the supremacy of the British government; and in token thereof to present annually one horse, twelve perfect shawl goats, and three pairs of Cashmere shawls. The symptoms of discontent, on the part of the disbanded troops and the defeated chiefs, rendered necessary an extra article to the treaty of Lahore, for the purpose of garrisoning that city for the defence of the young maharajah during the reorganisation of his army on a different footing. It was agreed to occupy the citadel and town of Lahore to the end of 1846.

While all these events were passing, Sir Charles Napier, the governor of Scinde, made great exertions to render such service as he could to the policy of the governor-general of India. Sir Charles hastened forward from the seat of his government, but on passing up the Sutlej was fired upon; he landed at Ooch, and proceeded to Bhawulpore, where he arrived on the 20th of February. He there made a political visit to the rajah, and proceeded on to Ferozepore, which he reached on the 22nd of February; but the governor-general was then in the neighbourhood of Lahore. Before Sir Charles could arrive, all that has been related transpired. By the same date, Lord Elphinstone had arrived as far as Delhi, _en route_ to the governor-general’s camp.

Matters did not long remain quiet in the Punjaub. The ranee was an unprincipled woman; her paramour, Lall Singh, was an unprincipled man; and this pair began to plot further commotions before those which had so nearly overwhelmed them were entirely composed. Lall Singh hated Gholab; the installation of the latter as maharajah of Cashmere excited his jealousy, especially as Gholab, having been wuzeer, continued to tender his advice to the ranee. It was in fact determined at Lahore, that Gholab should never enter upon his independent sovereignty. Mohee-ood-Een had been governor of the district under the Lahore supremacy. A son of this person, entitled the Sheik Enam-ood-Een, was made Sail Singh’s instrument for carrying out his scheme. Acting as the new wuzeer of the ranee, who was regent during the minority of her son, Dhuleep Singh, Lall Singh directed the sheik to summon a meeting of the chieftains of the mountain country subjected by treaty to the new Maharajah Gholab Singh, and to organise among them an armed resistance to his power. Gholab was more of a diplomatist than a soldier; he marched against the bold mountaineers, was defeated, and obliged to call for the aid of the English. Brigadier-general Wheeler, an experienced, gallant, and spirited officer, was ordered to march upon Cashmere and occupy the capital. The sheik, panic-struck, came in and made submission, revealing the treachery of the ranee’s paramour and adviser. Lieutenant-colonel Lawrence got possession of such documents as proved the treacherous complicity of the Lahore government; a formal demand was therefore made upon that government for the expulsion of Lall Singh from the Lahore territory, and for a renewed promise that the treaty of the 9th of March between Gholab Singh and the British should be respected. The Lahore government was once again all submission, and Lall Singh was seized and carried across the Sutlej into the British territory. In consequence of these transactions, the governor-general demanded that a British resident should be received at Lahore, to whom all political questions should be referred before obtaining a practical application. Also that English troops should be at liberty to occupy any fort or territory, if necessary to preserve the public peace and enforce the due observance of the treaty. The Lahore state to pay twenty-two lacs of new Nameck-shee rupees, of full tale and weight, per annum, in order to reimburse the expenses which the British government should incur, in preserving by an armed force the authority of the maharajah, and the observance of the treaty against the refractory chiefs or disbanded soldiery. On the attainment of his sixteenth year, the maharajah to be recognised as of age, and the regency of the ranee and the council of regency to cease, or sooner, if the governor-general and the Lahore durbar so agreed. Thirteen of the principal sirdars of the Punjaub signed these agreements in the presence of Lieutenant-colonel Lawrence and Mr. Currie, not one of whom, in all probability, contemplated the observance of the stipulations a moment longer than suited their own views.

Little further of importance occurred in the Punjaub during 1846. British India generally was quiet, but disturbances of all sorts prevailed in the surrounding territories. The new conquest of Scinde was consolidated by the genius of the eccentric and gallant man who conquered it, and his name was, by a strange perversion of compliment, used as a synonyme for “_Shatan_” all over Beloo-chistan, Affghanistan, Delhi, and the Punjaub. Lieutenant-general Sir G. Arthur was incapacitated by ill-health from that active administration of the Bombay presidency which had characterised his government. He had done much to consolidate British authority there by his firmness and humanity, his goodness and justice, and not only by those high moral qualities, but also by his intellectual aptitudes for sustaining the responsibility imposed upon him.

One of the causes of disquietude in various places, and more especially in the Punjaub, was an increasing desire of the whole native population to expel the British. This partly arose from fanaticism, and partly from hostility of race. The Sikh ranks had been mainly recruited from our disbanded Sepoy soldiery and deserters. Sir Charles Napier made vigorous efforts to correct the evils which he found to exist in the army within his own government, and made representations to Sir Henry Hardinge full of prophetic foresight as to the disposition of the Sepoys, whom the gallant conqueror of Scinde believed to be disloyal almost to a man. According to statements made long afterwards by Major-general Tucker (the adjutant-general), and by Major-general Lord Melville, Sir Henry Hardinge, while he actually eulogised the Sepoy army especially for their loyalty, privately expressed his alarm at the unsafe foundation upon which British power in India rested, in consequence of the secret unfaithfulness of the Sepoy troops! This very much resembled Sir Henry’s procedure afterwards, when Lord Plardinge and commander-in-chief of the British army. Possessing administrative capacity, military talents of a high order, and as dauntless a heart as ever beat in a British soldier’s breast, he had the soul of a “red-tapist” and a “snob,” and was ready to sacrifice his own opinions and the welfare of the service, to official, aristocratic, or court influence. He fought and governed well, but not so much for the good of the country as the objects of his caste. His conduct in reference to the Sikh war was much reprehended for unpreparedness, want of promptitude, and for a tampering and concessive policy unsuitable to oriental nations. His extreme gallantry in the field, and the successful issue of the war, blotted out these reprehensions both from his own name and from the public mind. His instructions from home accounted for his time-serving hesitation, unpreparedness for the war, and forbearance with an enemy upon whom such indulgence was lost. All this vacillation harmonised with the foreign and domestic policy of Sir Robert Peel, under whose instructions he acted. It met with the disapprobation _ab initio_ of all men competent to form an opinion on Indian affairs. The chivalry of the soldier covered the faults of the governor-general, and the impolicy of the government under whose instructions he acted.

When the tidings of these events in India reached England, the rejoicing was very great. Never had the arms of England been more signally crowned with success; and never had such suspense attended the first tidings of the dangers to our Indian empire, menaced by the invasion of the far-famed and highly-disciplined Khalsa army. The country felt relieved of a great pressure of care, as when, after a long and gloomy night—

“Man wakes again to joy, and peace, and hope,
Day dreams, and bright reality.”

Parliament was prompt to express the general admiration for the brave.

On Monday, the 4th of May, the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee on a message from her majesty, respecting a provision for the governor-general and the commander-in-chief. Both these gallant men had been raised to the peerage. Sir Robert Peel (the minister) proposed a grant of £3000 a year to Lord Hardinge and his two next male heirs, and £2000 a year to Lord Gough and his two next male heirs. These propositions received the assent of the house. Mr. Hogg, on the part of the East India Company, announced that the company had made grants of £5000 per year to Lord Hardinge for life, and £2000 per year to Lord Gough. Lord Francis Egerton drew attention to the claims of Sir Harry Smith, which both Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell treated as an interference with the prerogative of the crown.

On the following night, in the Lords, the Earl of Ripon moved an address to her majesty in answer to her message. On that occasion the Earl of Clanricarde eloquently eulogised both the gallant generals whose exploits in the Punjaub had added fresh wreaths to the chaplets of their fame.

The civil affairs of India were occasionally the subject of discussion in the British press throughout this year: the Indian railway projects, the high price of money at Calcutta and Bombay, and the fluctuations of commerce in our Eastern territories, demanded the attention of economists and politicians.

On the 9th of November, an extensive list of brevet promotions in the Indian army was announced in the _Gazette_, which comprised thirty-four major-generals, twenty lieutenant-colonels, and two bunded and forty-one captains. This gave great satisfaction to the profession and the public.

An interesting occurrence in connection with India took place in the earlier part of the year. Lieutenant Waghorn, whose enterprising genius led him to prosecute the problem of an overland route to India, saw his labours at last crowned with success. The government resolved, with certain modifications, to adopt the basis of his scheme.

STATE OF AFFAIRS AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.—SUCCESSES OF THE CAFFRES.—VICTORY OVER THE TRIBES OF STOCK AND PATO BY COLONEL SOMERSET.

Among the many eventful matters of 1846 was a Caffre war. The tribes bordering the British territory were brave, restless, and predatory. Almost the only property which they valued was cattle, and they were tempted by the large flocks of the colonists to make border raids. The force at the disposal of the settlers was not sufficient to preserve their property, nor check these incursions, much less to punish them. The various tribes could precipitate nearly thirty thousand, and, on occasions, forty thousand men at once upon the colony; resolute, robust, wild men, physically superior to the Fingoes and Hottentots within the territory of her majesty, and equal in that respect to the Boers or British. The marauders were also mentally superior to the black races within the colony, and altogether more interesting savages, braver in battle, and capable of a higher civilisation. One of these tribes, numbering about ten thousand, was in alliance with the British, but the whole population of the Cape able to bear arms, and the troops, taken together, did not reach twenty thousand men. The nature of the country favoured the action of savage assailants, especially such as were intellectually so well capable of taking advantage of it as the Caffres. For disciplined troops it was unfavourable, where there was such an enemy to encounter. During the early part of the year the Caffres moved simultaneously on various points, capturing cattle, and slaying or driving the settlers into every post upon which they might fall back for safety. It was not war, for the Caffres literally hunted the borders, striking terror into the hearts of the colonists, and carrying off their property. As the year advanced the settlers assumed a well-organised attitude; the Fingoes and Hottentots were armed, and showed some courage in defence of the colony and the harassed troops; by dint of courage and exertion they appeared in various directions intime to keep the enemy at bay, and preserve the lives and habitations of the Dutch and English settlers. This was the state of matters when, on the 26th of April, the Caffres came down in great numbers and swept away the cattle of the colonists, driving them through the Fish River. In carrying away this booty they passed, with great hardihood, close to the fortified post called “Trompetter’s Drift.” The guns of the position opened with grape and canister, at point-blank range, and accomplished a dreadful slaughter, but none of the booty was recaptured; the enemy even earned away all his wounded and slain.

On May the 5th a formidable force came upon the neighbourhood of Fort Beaufort. The colonists stood to their defence, and a sharp action ensued, in which three of the settlers were killed and many wounded. A much larger number of the marauders were put _hors de combat_, but the victory, on the whole, was with the Caffres, who brought away seven horses, three hundred and thirty head of cattle, and seventeen thousand sheep. At this juncture Colonel Somerset, of the 7th Dragoon Guards (then quartered at the Cape, and mounted as light cavalry), displayed an enterprise and courage which entitled him to much honour. He was wise in council, energetic in business, indomitable in resolution, and heroic in battle. To these qualities of a man’s sterner nature, he added those of a humane and amiable heart. The colonel was on the watch for an opportunity to strike a severe blow against these freebooters, and on the 8th of June opportunity was afforded. On the previous evening a party of burghers and Fingoes scoured the Fish River bush, and performed this duty efficiently, the Fingoes showing spirit, and generosity to the enemy. Colonel Somerset formed a junction with this force on the morning of the 8th. The colonel had under his command the Cape Mounted Rifles, a detachment of the 7th Dragoon Guards, and two heavy guns. Early in the day the united detachments encountered a very large force, under the command of the notorious marauding chief, Stock. The Caffres, confident in their numbers and in their recent successes, challenged the British to come on, and, in fact, commenced the action, throwing out skirmishers with something of the practice of regular troops; they afterwards made some furious charges with the assigai. The measures taken by Colonel Somerset were marked by his usual ability and promptitude, and the enemy suffered a most sanguinary defeat. When Stock perceived that the day was going against him, notwithstanding a protracted combat, he sent off several mounted men express for Pato, another chief. The latter sent a chief named Umhala, who advanced at the head of his tribe, but having no conception that his friends had experienced defeat, and supposing that he was only about to aid in taking a spoil, he was astonished to find himself suddenly in front of the fine force of Colonel Somerset. Meanwhile, Lieutenant-colonel Lindsay, who commanded in Fort Peddie, perceiving that the firing of cannon and musketry was heavy and protracted, sent out Captain Hogg, with a troop of the 7th Dragoon Guards and a gun, who came upon the rear of Umhala’s party just as Colonel Somerset met them. The Caffres, placed between two fires, their retreat cut off, numerous although they were, lost confidence and broke. They were charged fiercely, and cut to pieces. Estimates were given of their loss, varying from three hundred to twice that number. The British loss was slight; about seven troopers fell, and several officers were very severely wounded, in close combat, by the assigai, a formidable weapon in the hands of a South African. Among the officers hurt were Sir Harry Darell, who was wounded in the thigh and arm severely; Cornet Bunbury also received several wounds. Captain Walpole, of the Engineers, was shot in the thigh, and a blow from an assigai upon the neck laid bare the windpipe. Those officers, Lieutenant O’Reilly, and others, displayed much personal prowess, cutting down the Caffres with their swords in close, desperate, and successful conflict.

The following letter gives a good description of the scene presented to the reinforcement sent out by Lieutenant-colonel Lindsay:—

“Colonel Somerset has been out to-day in the direction of Stock’s Kraal. About an hour after he left we heard heavy firing, which lasted for two or three hours. It appears that they were challenged by a lot of Caffres in the bush; they went in after them and gave them a regular mauling, shot a great number of them, and coming out on the flat when they had polished these gentlemen off, they fell in with a body of about five hundred to six hundred, whom they also charged, and shot like so many dogs. I believe, at the lowest computation, three hundred and fifty were left dead on the field. This last body that they fell in with were Pato’s Caffres, who heard the firing at Stock’s Kraal, and were hastening to his assistance, when, luckily for us, they were caught upon the open flat, and the 7th Dragoons and Cape Corps charged them, and literally rode over them. I trust that this affair, coupled with the attack on Peddie, will cool their courage considerably. One corporal of the Cape Mounted Rifles was shot dead, and Sir Harry Darell, Captain Walpole, Royal Engineers, and Bunbury, together with some men of the 7th, are slightly wounded: I think four of them slightly, and one very dangerously. Colonel Somerset seems the only man that can bring them to their senses. They were all going down to attack supply waggons that were to come up from Trompetter’s to-morrow morning, but I fancy, after to-day, they will not attempt it. I must now give you an account of the slaughter that took place shortly after. We were all very tired, having been on our legs from nine o’clock last night to midday to-day, with hardly any refreshment; we therefore hastened to the camp; however, we were disappointed in having refreshment. We saw the colonel’s division a mile or two ahead, marching quietly on. Presently we saw a party ride ahead, and soon after a race. Then firing commenced. I rode up as fast as I could to the ridge; a spectacle was then presented to my view which I shall not forget. A large party of Caffres had collected near the Kieskamma, intending to move to-day towards the Fish River to intercept the waggons, and stop the communication. This party heard the firing and thought that the waggons were attacked. They hastened to help, but what was their astonishment when they found a large force in front of them. Fortunately, there was no bush to shelter them; they fired one volley and dismounted from their horses—about three hundred mounted and seven hundred foot. The Dragoons then charged them, and killed many; a panic seized them—they ran off, and were shot like sheep—dragoons, Cape Corps, Boers, all firing at them, following them up full six miles. They became completely exhausted—they could not run. The slaughter was awful! They were followed up to near the Kieskamma. The slaughter was on the Gwanga, near Mr. Tainton’s late place. The lowest estimate is, I believe, three hundred killed; very few were seen to get away. We took three prisoners—one at Hmpa-kati, belonging to Creili. He said the intention of the Caffres was to drive the Umlunguinto the sea. We asked how it was to-day. He said it was all finished to-day. Pato has crossed the Kieskamma. Umhala and Seyolo were with this command. How they fared we cannot tell. It is supposed that Stock was this day killed.”

After this Colonel Somerset followed up his success. Many skirmishes, much plunder, and considerable loss of life occurred, but, in the end, the British forces remained victors. The Caffres, however, were not prevented from reorganising themselves for fresh forays.

STATE OF NEW ZEALAND.—SUPPRESSION OF THE NATIVE REVOLT.

It was not at the Cape only that our troops had to contend with savages of a superior race: the year began with a conflict in New Zealand. Captain Grey, the governor, having in vain endeavoured to conciliate the disaffected chiefs, proceeded, at the head of eleven hundred men—sailors, marines, and soldiers—to attack the principal pal, which was defended by stockades, so skilfully constructed, that it was necessary to erect works, and mount cannon and mortars, to dislodge their occupants. The subjugation of the place was effected after severe loss on the part of the enemy, and, unhappily, considerable loss on the part of her majesty’s force. The capture of the pal led to the surrender of the chiefs, and before the month of January expired, peace was restored to the colony.

BORNEO.

The proceedings of the Borneo pirates having led the British Rajah Brooke to demand assistance, Captain Mundy, under the direction of Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, operated during the month of July in command of an effective maritime force. The squadron sailed up the river to Brune, the capital of the country, which was defended by several strong forts, and a heavy battery, _à fleur d’eau_, of eight brass and two iron guns, sixty-eight pounders. All; these defences were carried by the British sailors and marines, and terrible destruction inflicted upon the pirates. After effecting what appeared to be a complete subjugation of these hordes of sea robbers infesting these coasts, the squadron retired.

OUR NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES.

_Canada._—The relations between Great Britain and the United States were so unsatisfactory at the beginning of this year that considerable uneasiness existed in Canada lest war should break out, and that colony become the chief theatre of contest. A militia bill passed the Canadian legislature, which was calculated to give confidence to the imperial government, and which placed the colony in an armed attitude towards her great neighbour.

The free-trade measures proposed to the British parliament caused even more disquietude than the differences with the United States. The Canadian producers were very jealous of these states as a competitor in supplying the English market, the legislature passed strong resolutions expressive of their alarm, and addressed the crown, representing that free trade in corn between the neighbouring states and the mother country would be productive of the heaviest injuries to the colony. This address was one of the most sturdy pronouncements of protectionist opinion which the discussions of the day brought forth. The Canadians were happily disappointed. The imperial legislature was not checked in the enactment of its free-trade measures by this memorial; good was done to Canada in spite of herself; the legislators of the parent country understood the interests of Canada better than her own provincial parliament did, and the great prosperity of that country may be said to have begun with free trade. The year was one of alarm and discontent in both the upper and lower provinces. A dreadful fire in Quebec, which nearly destroyed the city, added to the other causes of disquietude.

_Nova Scotia._—This colony also suffered some commercial depression, and endured apprehension of a war upon the North American continent. The fisheries were comparatively unproductive, and the potato crop failed. Happily the corn crops prospered, relieving considerably the pressure upon the resources of the people. A militia bill, occasioned by the apparently hostile policy of the United States government, provided for the defence of the province. Certain differences arose between the legislature and the crown, in connection with the crown revenues and the civil list, but the year closed upon the colony in peace, and with a fair measure of prosperity.

_Newfoundland._—The affairs of this colony were characterised by nothing remarkable during the year, in a political point of view, but a great social calamity attracted the attention of the American colonies and of the mother-country. A conflagration broke out at St. John’s, which laid nearly the whole city in ashes. The fire happened on the 9th of June, and as the houses of the town were mostly built of wood, it soon spread beyond the power of any efforts which the population could command to restrain it. The Custom-house, Roman Catholic Church, Protestant Episcopal Cathedral, Court-house, jail, ordnance store, all the newspaper and printing-offices, the banks, the Hall of Legislature, post-office, and police-office, were all burnt clown, together with two whole streets, each more than a mile long, leaving 12,000 persons without a habitation. The shipping, near the wharves also caught fire, and some of the vessels were destroyed. The loss of property exceeded a million sterling.

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

_The United States._—On another page sufficient reference has been made to the circumstances attending the chief subject of dispute between Great Britain and the North American Union. The Oregon boundary was adjusted, and all fear of war between the two countries removed. The propositions made by the Earl of Aberdeen, the English foreign minister, were so unfavourable to his own country, and so completely a concession to America, that the president and senate at once accepted them. Had the navy of the United States driven our fleets from the Pacific, President Polk could hardly have expected terms more favourable to his nation. Indeed, the only energy which the noble earl displayed in his management of foreign affairs was in conceding what his queen and country had a good right to claim.

SOUTH AMERICA.

_Brazil and La Plata._—On the southern part of the American continent events also occurred of some interest to England. During the previous year a united British and French force operated successfully against the dictator Rosas, who, in spite of the remonstrances of England, France, and Brazil, persisted in hostile operations against the republic of Monte Video. Notwithstanding the chastisement inflicted by the European navies, Rosas continued his hostility to Monte Video during the year. The measures taken against the tyrant by the governments of England and France were half measures. The Earl of Aberdeen and M. Guizot seemed to be associated in wondrous harmony of action, or rather inaction, when the joint interests of the two powers were concerned.

Differences arose between Great Britain and the Brazils in connexion with the slave-trade. A convention had existed between the two countries for its suppression on the coasts of Brazil; the period for which the convention existed expired early in the year, and the government of the Brazilian emperor notified to that of her Britannic majesty that it should not be renewed. This gave great umbrage to the latter government, which saw that the design of the Brazilians was to continue the infamous traffic. The British parliament consequently passed an act for subjecting Brazilian vessels, suspected of being engaged in the trade, to the jurisdiction of the English tribunals. Against this the Brazilian government protested, and sent a circular note conveying a copy of the protest to all other powers. On the 3rd of May the emperor delivered an address to the representatives of the nation, stating that he would support the dignity of his crown against the interference of Great Britain, and calling upon the assembly to support him. He at the same time, however, declared that he would be faithful to his engagements in putting an end to the trade in Africans. This was so vaguely expressed, and the desire of the Brazilian government was so evidently to foster that illicit commerce, and, if possible, involve England in a quarrel with some of the other maritime powers, that the English government was much incensed, and resolved upon stringent measures. In this they were opposed by the Manchester party, even by some among them who had taken a most active part in anti-slavery movements. The persons thus inconsistent were chiefly among the Society of Friends, who, while on the one hand they hated oppression, on the other hated war, even when waged to succour the oppressed. The chief movers in the Manchester agitation against the government policy towards Brazil, were, however, neither anti-slavery men, nor members of the Peace Society, but certain merchants engaged largely in the Brazilian trade, and whose political principles were very accommodating, always, somehow, being on the side of their interests, or supposed interests, in commercial matters. No war ensued, but the firm attitude taken by the English government prevented the renewal of the slave-trade by Brazilian merchants.

RELATIONS WITH CONTINENTAL EUROPE.