Chapter VII: {george III. 1776–1777} (2)

This declaration went forth to the world as the unanimous act of congress and of the whole American people. Nevertheless, several delegates, among whom was Mr. Dickenson, refused to sign the paper, and it is well known that there were many among the American people, and men of great influence and talent, who dissented from the act. Washington himself conceived that congress was going too far, although he still continued at the head of their army to fight their battles. But there was now no alternative but to fight or be considered a renegade. The great body of the nation was in favour of the measure of congress, and were prepared to stand by its consequences. And in this they were encouraged by the inherent power which they possessed; by the physical advantages which their country presented; and by the difficulties which Great Britain, split into factions, and with a divided parliament, must encounter in carrying on a war in such a far distant country. The Americans also appear to have been encouraged, even at this early stage of their rebellion, by foreign powers. It is an indisputable fact, indeed, that their sole reliance was not upon “native swords and native ranks.” Secret agents had been sent to America from powers clandestinely inimical to the British nation; and American agents had been sent secretly to the courts of Paris, Madrid, Naples, the Hague, and St. Petersburgh. The Americans, moreover, drew encouragement from the hope that there might be a rebellion in Ireland, if not in England itself. To ensure such a consummation in Ireland, they even sent addresses to the Irish people which were well calculated to lead to it. How artfully these addresses were worded may be seen from the following extract of one, in which the Americans expressed their regret that they had been compelled to include Ireland with Great Britain in their non-importation agreements. It states:—“Your parliament had done us no wrong. You had ever been friendly to the rights of mankind, and we acknowledge with pleasure and gratitude that your nation has produced patriots who have nobly distinguished themselves in the cause of humanity and America. On the other hand we were not ignorant that the labour and manufactures of Ireland, like those of the silkworm, were of little moment to herself, but served only to give luxury to those who neither toil nor spin. We perceived that if we continued our commerce with you, our agreement not to import from Britain must be fruitless. Compelled to behold thousands of our countrymen imprisoned; and men, women, and children in promiscuous and unmerited misery—when we found all faith at an end, and sacred treaties turned into tricks of state—when we perceived our friends and kinsmen massacred, our habitations plundered, our houses in flames, and their once happy inhabitants fed only by the hand of charity—who can blame us for endeavouring to restrain the progress of the desolation? Who can censure us for repelling the barbarous band? Who in such circumstances would not obey the great, the universal, the divine law of self-preservation? Though vilified as wanting spirit, we are determined to behave like men; though insulted and abused, we wish for reconciliation; though defamed as seditious, we are ready to obey the laws: and though charged with rebellion, we will cheerfully bleed in defence of our sovereign in a righteous cause. What more can we say? What more can we offer? We know that you are not without your grievances. We sympathize with you in your distress, and are pleased to find that the design of subjugating us has persuaded the administration to dispense to Ireland some vagrant rays of ministerial sunshine. Even the tender mercies of government have long been cruel towards you. In the fat pastures of Ireland many hungry parricides have fed and grown strong to labour in her destruction. We hope the patient abiding of the meek may not always be forgotten.” The Americans could scarcely have spoken plainer than this, and the Irish people could not fail rightly to interpret their language as an incitement to join in that sin which the sacred penman has likened to the sin of witchcraft—rebellion.

{GEORGE III. 1776–1777}

EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW YORK.

It has been seen that when General Howe evacuated Boston he set sail for Halifax. He remained at Halifax till the 11th of June, when he sailed for New York, and arrived near the end of the month offf Sandy Hook. He expected to meet his brother, Lord Howe, with the main body of the fleet and the new army, together with Sir Peter Parker with his squadron, and General Clinton with his troops. These parties, however, were still far away, and he therefore landed at Staten Island, where he was joined by Mr. Tryon, the expelled governor of New York, and a body of loyalists who had taken refuge with him in an armed vessel. Shortly after he was joined by his brother, Admiral Lord Howe, and subsequently by Sir Peter Parker and his squadron, when their united forces amounted to nearly 30,000 men, British and foreign.

Anterior to this, and as early as the month of April, General Washington had left Boston for New York, and at this moment his army were throwing up strong entrenchments at that city and on Long Island, to close the river Hudson against the English fleet. The main body of his forces were with Washington at New York; General Sullivan, with a strong force, was at the western extremity of Long Island, just opposite the city; while the rest of the forces mainly occupied different posts on York Island. The total number of Washington’s army appears to have exceeded 30,000; but sickness prevailed in his camp to such an extent that at one time nearly a fourth part of his forces were unfit for action. Added to this embarrassment, many of the inhabitants were disaffected to the American cause, and even a part of his own guards entered into a conspiracy to seize his person, and deliver him to the enemy. This conspiracy, however, was discovered, and several engaged in it were executed, and Washington, thus relieved from danger, earnestly pressed forward the defences of the city. He had with him a large train of artillery and an abundant supply of military stores.

Before proceeding to extremities, Lord Howe sent ashore by a flag, circular letters, acquainting the Americans with his powers, both civil and military, and enclosing a declaration granting pardons to all such as were willing to return to their duty; promising that any colony, town, post, or place that submitted instantly should be exempted from the provisions of the acts of parliament prohibiting their trade, etc.; and giving assurances that the meritorious services of all persons who should aid and assist in restoring tranquillity would be duly rewarded. Washington forwarded these papers to congress, by whom they were published in the newspapers, with a comment calculated to destroy their effects. At the same time Lord Howe opened a direct communication with Washington; but that general taking offence at the letter being simply directed to “George Washington, Esq.,” raised a cavil on that ground, to prevent a conference which would have been embarrassing to him at so critical a period. It was in vain that Adjutant-general Paterson, the bearer of the letter, protested that no disrespect was intended, and that Lord Howe and his brother, the general, could not depart from the rules laid down for them: Washington rejected the letter, and refused to let it lie on his table, which refusal was highly approved of by congress. As a last resource, the British admiral entered into a correspondence on the subject with Dr. Franklin, with whom he had been on intimate terms in England; but the first letter which his lordship received from that philosopher convinced him of the inutility of any further efforts at negociation, and he prepared for the decision of the sword.

{GEORGE III. 1776–1777}

DEFEAT OF THE AMERICANS ON LONG ISLAND.

Having at length been joined by Clinton and by nearly all the forces he expected, General Howe, on the morning of the 22nd of August, commenced operations. He first threw forward a division of 4000 men under Clinton, who landed in Gravesend Bay, Long Island, without opposition; their disembarkation being covered by three frigates and two bombs. This division was soon followed by the rest of the British army and the artillery; and upon their landing, Sullivan’s advanced guard set fire to all the houses and granaries and fled to the woody heights, through which the English must pass. Washington had previously reinforced the army of Sullivan, and calculating that Long Island must be held, he threw over more reinforcements from New York, until the mass of his army was concentrated on that spot. By his direction, the Americans to the number of 15,000 were posted on a peninsula towards that end of the island which faces the city of New York, and is not more than a mile from it. They were commanded by Generals Sullivan, Putnam, and Lord Stirling, and their object was to occupy these heights, and to defend the defiles which led through the hills against the English. A severe contest ensued; but the British right, under Sir Henry Clinton, having outflanked the left of the enemy, while the Hessians, under General De Heister, vigorously attacked the centre, the Americans were routed. Lord Stirling, who commanded the right wing, finding that the English had penetrated to the rear, gave orders for a retreat, and to secure it, boldly attacked the division under Lord Cornwallis; but being assailed in his course by General Grant, he was repulsed and taken prisoner. The dispersed troops fled to the fortified lines and camp at Brooklyn; but they left 2000 slain on the field, or drowned in a morass into which they were driven at Gowan’s Cove; and about half that number, with Generals Sullivan and Udell, with ten other field-officers were taken prisoners. The loss of the British was comparatively trifling: seventy were slain and about 200 wounded. The ardour of the British troops was such that they followed the fugitives almost to the foot of their works, and they were with difficulty prevented from making an assault on their lines. Had they been permitted it seems clear that they might have easily carried them; but General Howe, conceiving that the lines must become his by regular approaches without much sacrifice of life, he ordered them back to a hollow out of the reach of the fire of the enemy. By this order the troops which had fled were saved. Washington, who had passed over from New York during the battle, in the midst of his extreme anguish at the fate of so many of his troops and the critical situation of the remainder, suddenly saw a gleam of hope bursting through the surrounding gloom. On that night the British army encamped in front of the American lines, and on the following morning the British general commenced his regular approaches; breaking ground about six hundred yards from one of the redoubts. But while the troops were digging their trenches on one side, Washington was smuggling his forces out on the other, and ferrying them over East River to the city of New York. His masterly retreat was effected by night in such order, secrecy, and silence that the English were not aware of it till the rising sun showed them that the enemy was out of the reach of danger: But for this the half of Washington’s army which he had exposed on Long Island would have been lost, and the war might have been virtually ended. But even after his escape Washington found himself in no very enviable position. A superior and victorious force was in front of him, while all around him the country was hostile to his cause. The success of the British arms indeed, caused the anti-revolutionists to lift up their heads on every hand, and in great numbers.

CONFERENCE ON STATEN ISLAND.

Almost immediately after the victory on Long Island, Lord Howe made another attempt to open a negociation. General Sullivan was despatched by him on parole with a verbal message to congress, importing that though he could not at present treat with them as an authorized body, he was desirous of conferring with them as private gentlemen at any place they would appoint. He had, he said, in conjunction with General Howe, full powers to compromise the dispute between Great Britain and America on terms mutually honourable and advantageous—that he wished a compact to be made when as yet no decisive blow was struck and neither party could allege being compelled to enter into an agreement—that in case congress were disposed to treat, many things yet unasked might be granted them—and that, if upon the conference there should arise good ground for an accommodation, this might lead to an acknowledgment of its authority, as otherwise the compact could not be settled. Congress was embarrassed by this message. They felt that the admiral could have no offers to make which they could accept; and yet if they declined the conference the people might entertain a different opinion, and they might incur their vengeance if they refused to hear the message. Under these circumstances, while in their reply to Lord Howe they remarked that they could not, as the representatives of the free and independent States of America, send any of their members to confer with his lordship in their private characters, they would nevertheless send a committee of their body to know whether he had any authority to treat with persons authorised by congress, and to hear such propositions as he might have to make. The members appointed for this conference were Franklin, Adams, and Routledge; three of the bitterest enemies of Great Britain. This trio waited upon his lordship in Staten Island, on the 11th of September, and they were received with true English politeness and urbanity. His lordship commenced the conference by stating that though he could not treat with them as a committee of congress, yet as his powers enabled him to confer and consult with any private gentlemen of influence in the colonies, he would be glad, if they thought proper, to confer with them in such a character. As their business was only to hear what his lordship had to say, the trio replied, that he might consider them in what character he pleased, while they would only consider themselves in the character given them by congress. The admiral then said that he and his brother, as commissioners, had delegated power to grant pardons for the past, and that every favour might be expected from the British crown if the colonists would return to their allegiance. He also remarked that the king, ministry, and parliament were disposed to make government easy to them, and that the obnoxious acts would be revised in order to put an end to their grievances. These offers and assurances, however, were despised. The committee replied that if he had nothing else to propose he had come too late: the petitions of congress had been despised, independence was now proclaimed, and the new government formed. Lord Howe then simply expressed his regret at the evils which must be let loose upon the land, and the trio returned to Philadelphia.

CAPTURE OF NEW YORK, ETC.

After the victory on Long Island, and while the conference was going forward on Staten Island, General Howe was engaged in slowly enclosing Washington on all sides. Apprehensive of the consequences, therefore, the American general resolved to evacuate the city of New York, and retire on Kingsbridge, where some strong works had been erected. The British army had already effected a landing on New York Island without any loss or difficulty, and Washington retired so precipitately that he had not sufficient time to carry off all his artillery and stores. By his retreat General Howe not only took possession of New York, but also the best part of the island. He had scarcely, however, taken possession of New York when a dreadful fire broke out in several quarters of the town. Washington had previously proposed to congress that the city should be burned, rather than left in the hands of the English, which proposal had been negatived, but notwithstanding incendiaries were employed to execute the design. On the night of the 20th, therefore, when most of the citizens and troops were buried in sleep, these desperadoes began their work, and, despite the exertions of the soldiers and the citizens, nearly a third part of the city was consumed to ashes. A few incendiaries fell a sacrifice to the rage of the soldiers, and many individuals were arrested on suspicion, but no clue was found to unravel the mystery, though no doubt can exist that the fearful deed was committed by order of the American general. The act has been applauded as one emanating from stern patriotism and self-devotion, but it appears rather to have proceeded from sheer recklessness and bitter hatred to the English. The New Englanders were not destroying their own houses and property, but the houses and property of another people, and a rival colony, regardless of all the fearful consequences resulting from the act.

On the retirement of Washington to Kingsbridge, the British troops were put on board the vessels again, with a view of landing at West Chester, gaining the rear of the enemy’s encampment, and enclosing him on all sides within his fortresses. Washington perceived the necessity of counteracting this project, and, immediately decamping with his whole force, he took up a strong position, and occupied lines and works which ran right across York Island; the strongest being at Kingsbridge and Fort Washington. General Howe, with the main body of his army, marched up York Island, and encamped in face of Washington’s lines, his lines also extending quite across the island, and being covered on either flank by the British ships. While thus situate, on the 16th of September, there was some skirmishing in the plain that lay between the two camps, in which the Americans lost Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch, two of their best officers. The ill-success of the American general, by this time, seems to have had a great effect upon the disposition of his troops. Desertions were frequent, and as the time was approaching when the period of service for which most of the Americans had engaged would expire, Washington conceived that he should soon be left without an army. He saw plainly that the boasts of the sons of liberty, about flying to arms and fighting for their country without pay or reward, were not to be depended upon; and he wrote to congress, urging them to offer the troops good pay, in order that they might be induced to remain in the camp to fight their battles. Congress voted, in accordance with his recommendation, a bounty of twenty dollars per man, and small portions of land to every officer and soldier who should serve during the whole war. This, however, was not deemed sufficient, and Washington again wrote to congress, asserting, not only that if the offer were not raised, both officers and soldiers would leave the service, but that they would universally, as many were already doing, join the royal army. Congress again acceded to his wishes: they voted an increase of pay and bounty-money, and offered other advantages, immediate or prospective, which made it more profitable for them to remain in the American service, than to join Lord Howe. By this means Washington’s troops were kept together, and General Howe was therefore, compelled to exert himself for victory. Having thrown up intrenchments to defend his own lines, and the approaches to New York, on the 12th of October he embarked a considerable part of the royal army, and landed them at Frog’s-neck, about nine miles in the rear of Washington’s positions. Some of the ships of war went still higher up the North River, so as to cut off any retreat to the Jerseys. The only road open to escape, indeed, was one leading to the New England provinces, and this, it is thought, might have been secured. Washington now contemplated deciding the fate of America by a pitched battle, and had it not been for the remonstrances of General Lee, the deserter, who had come up from Sullivan Island and the Carolinas, he would thus have acted. A council of war was called, and it was decided that they must decamp immediately, and get towards the open country, called the White Plains. In their retreat there was some skirmishing, in which the British troops were victorious; but on the 22nd of October, Washington succeeded in gaining the edge of the White Plains, where he put the main body of his army in a long line of entrenched camps, extending from twelve to thirteen miles on different heights, and having the deep river Brunx in his front. In this position he was attacked by the royal army on the 28th of October: the troops being divided into two columns; the left, led by Howe, and the right by Clinton. As they advanced towards the White Plains Clinton’s column fell in with several bodies of the enemy, and drove them back in great confusion to their lines. It was observed, as the troops approached the American lines, that they were strongest on the flanks, and weakest in the centre. Had an assault been made on the centre, the absolute destruction of the American army would have been inevitable; but General Howe, neglecting that point, ordered a strong detachment of the left wing, under General Mac Dougal, to attack an eminence on which 4000 men were advantageously posted, probably for the purpose of covering a retreat, if necessary. This detachment succeeded in their enterprise; but it then became necessary to preserve the hill which the troops had gallantly taken possession of, and, in so doing, the left and right wing of our army were, in a great measure, severed from one another, so that they could not attack the main position of the Americans. That night the British troops slept on their arms, and the next day they encamped, with the left wing on one side of the Brunx, and the right on the other. On the 30th, having received some reinforcements, Howe made a disposition to attack the enemy’s lines on the following morning; but during the night it rained in torrents, and the faces of the hills became, in consequence, so slippery, that the attack was postponed till the morrow. In the meantime, however, his intention was betrayed by a deserter, and before the break of day Washington evacuated the lines, set fire, in his retreat, to all the houses on White Plains, crossed the Croton River to North Castle, and took up a strong position, with the Croton stretching along his front, and having his rear well defended by woods and heights.

CAPTURE OF FORT WASHINGTON.

Perceiving from the nature of the country that he could not force the American commander to join battle, General Howe now made a retrograde movement. Washington had left considerable forces at Fort Washington and King’s Bridge, in the hope that those positions might be secured, even though he retreated or were beaten. The force in Fort Washington, and in the extensive entrenchments round it, consisted of 3000 men, under the command of the gallant Colonel Macgaw. This post was important to the royal army, as it secured an intercourse with the Jersey shore, and as in the hands of the enemy it seriously obstructed the navigation of the North River. General Howe, therefore, resolved to take it, and on the 15th of November, the garrison was summoned to surrender, on pain of being put to death by the sword. This summons was unheeded, and on the following morning it was carried by a furious assault; and all the garrison who were not slain, were taken prisoners. On the side of the British, also, there was a great loss; eight hundred being either killed or wounded.

CAPTURE OF FORT LEE, AND RETREAT OF WASHINGTON.

Immediately after this success, Lord Cornwallis crossed the North River, and drove the Americans from Fort Lee, which was nearly opposite Fort Washington, and took all their artillery, provision, and stores. This advance induced the American general to quit his post on the Croton, and fall back upon the river Delaware. Cornwallis penetrated to the remotest parts of East and West Jersey, and on the 24th of November, having received some reinforcements, he marched for Brunswick. He was now within two or three marches of the Americans, who fled before him in dismay; but when he arrived at Brunswick he was ordered to halt. He did not receive orders to advance till the 16th of December, and then it was too late for him to overtake the enemy. When he arrived at Princetown in the afternoon of that day, the last of the Americans had cleared out, and on pursuing them the next morning he reached Trenton only in time to see Washington’s last boats crossing the river. At that time the forces of the American general scarcely amounted to 3000 men, for numbers of them had deserted, and those that remained were chiefly unsteady militia. Beyond the Delaware, indeed, Washington’s force lost all appearance of an army; and the men still continued to desert, though often brought back forcibly to the camp. Lord Cornwallis now desisted from the pursuit, and put his division into winter-quarters, between the Delaware and the Hakensack.

EXPEDITION AGAINST RHODE ISLAND.

While Cornwallis had been advancing through the Jerseys, General Clinton had been sent, together with the squadron of Sir Peter Parker, to Rhode Island, where an American squadron had been collected under Commodore Hopkins. This island was taken without any difficulty, and Hopkins retired up Providence River, where he remained inactive and useless. The people of Rhode Island, however, were enthusiastic revolutionists, and it required a considerable force to keep them in awe; whence, during three years, a great body of men were left in perfect idleness.

SUCCESSES OF GENERAL CARLETON.

It has been seen that the American army which had been driven from Canada, took refuge on the Isle Aux Noix, and that General Carleton was preparing to follow up his successes. It required vessels to cope with the American flotilla, and to command the lakes St. George and Champlain, near which the Isle Aux Noix was situate, and of these the general was in want. The frame-work of vessels was, indeed, sent for from England, but it required time before they could arrive, and still further time to put them together. Still Carleton did not remain idle. In the emergency he sent detachments from the king’s ships stationed at Quebec, with volunteers from the transports, and a corps of artillery, to fell timber, and to occupy a favourable post on the Lake Champlain. The keel and floor-timbers, also, of the “Inflexible,” a ship of three hundred tons, which had been laid down at Quebec, were taken to pieces, carried over to St. John’s, and laid down again at a corner of the lake, where a little dock-yard was improvised. Moreover, thirty long-boats, many large batteaux, and a gondola of thirty tons were carried up to the spot, partly by land, and partly by being dragged up the shoals and rapids of the river Sorel. In a few weeks, indeed, General Carleton had a naval force—such as it was—to sweep the Lakes Champlain and St. George from end to end. But before these preparations were completed, the Americans had quitted the Isle Aux Noix, and had traversed the lake for Crown Point. Congress had voted that General Gates should take the command of these troops, and that Arnold, the hero of the Canada expedition, should command the squadron of fifteen vessels which were on the lake. When his preparations were completed, Carleton lost no time in seeking this squadron, and on the 11th of October he discovered it in a strong line across the passage between Isle Vallicour and the western shore of the lake. A warm but indecisive action ensued, which lasted till night-fall; but Arnold in the course of the night, though well watched, escaped from the passage, and attempted to make Fort Ticonderago. On the following morning his squadron was out of sight, but before noon the British flotilla got up with it again, and brought it to action a few leagues below Crown-Point. After a running fight of two hours, Arnold’s headmost vessels succeeded in reaching Crown-Point, and the narrow part of the lake beyond that fort; but the “Washington” and “Jersey” were taken, and all the rest were run on shore, and there burnt by their crews. Crown-Point was immediately abandoned by the provincials, who ran for their lives to Ticonderoga. This fort was deemed too strong to be successfully attacked, at so advanced a season of the year, and Carleton, having strengthened the British fleet so as to ensure the command of Lake Champlain, evacuated Crown-Point of which he had taken possession, and returned to Quebec, where he exerted himself during the winter in making preparation for the next campaign. At the same time General Burgoyne returned to England.

MEASURES OF CONGRESS.

Although the confidence of many members of congress, that the contest would soon be over, was shaken, yet as a body they remained firm and hopeful. At the same time, on the advance of Lord Cornwallis through the Jerseys, they fled for safety from Philadelphia to Baltimore, in Maryland. On reassembling here, however, they betrayed no despondency or any lack of spirit. The hope of obtaining their grand object,—independence and separation from Great Britain,—seemed to sustain them in the midst of all their reverses. They now materially enlarged the powers of Washington. They authorised him to raise sixteen additional regiments; furnished him with all the money they could, and promised him a great deal more; and finally conferred upon him, for six months, a sort of dictatorship. They further voted a loan of 8,000,000 of dollars; they made more paper-money; they threatened all who would not receive it in payment for goods or labour; and they adopted all possible means, by force, intimidation, and enticement, to get money into the treasury, and to inspire courage into the hearts of the people. As for their committee of correspondence, they laboured ardently to induce France and Spain openly to espouse their quarrel, and to threaten England with an invasion, while the flower of its troops were engaged in America. It was proposed in congress that their commissioners at Versailles should be authorised to transfer to France the same monopoly of their trade which had been possessed by Great Britain. This, however, was relinquished as a measure which would strike a mortal blow at some of their leading arguments in favour of independence. It was next proposed that France should be offered a limited monopoly, and, this failing, it was suggested that France might be gained over by the offer of an alliance offensive and defensive. The more prudent among them represented that if France would venture into the war at all, it would not be by any treaty, or compact, or promises of congress, but out of her old rivalry and hatred of England. All the assurances she would want, they said, was an expression of their determination never again to submit to the mother country, but to persist in their present course, though all the world should be merely lookers-on. Resolutions were printed to this effect, and sent all over the union, and then to the principal courts of Europe, with agents appointed to impress upon those courts the sincerity of this declaration, and to solicit their friendship for the United States. The agents chosen for this mission were Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and Mr. Arthur Lee, and what success attended their negotiations will soon be seen. Though appealing to the worst passions, and the most selfish feelings of foreign courts and cabinets, they were, nevertheless, not only listened to with complacency, but obtained present aid covertly, and had hopes held out to them of aid openly hereafter.

DEFECTION OF THE COLONISTS, ETC.

Towards the close of this year, clear proofs were given that the Americans were not wholly unanimous in the cause of independence. The inhabitants of the city and island of New York, and of Long Island, and various other places, presented petitions to Lord Howe, declaring that they acknowledged the supremacy of Great Britain, and praying to be received into the king’s peace and protection. On the removal of congress from Philadelphia to Baltimore, the majority of the Philadelphians also began openly to declare for the royal cause. Washington detached troops to that city to quell the anti-revolutionary spirit, but this did not prevent many of its leading men from going over to, and corresponding with the commissioners. Moreover, most of the towns of the Jerseys sent deputations to the king’s commissioners, and expressed their anxiety for a renewed allegiance to the British Crown. Possibly this may in part be attributed to the success of the royal arms, but it is evident that the feelings generally arose from genuine patriotism. Self-preservation may, also, in part, have dictated this line of policy, for in one particular the advice of Lord Barrington had been followed with respect to the Indians, and it had produced its natural consequences. Our establishments for the management of affairs with these tribes were withdrawn, and then the red men were left to act as they pleased; and they had a long account to settle with the Americans. From the earliest period of their emigration the colonists had laid it down as a principle that the red men were to be treated like beasts of prey, and they still hunted them down on every opportune occasion. Hence, as the Indians were accurate accountants in matters of blood, and held it as a sacred part of their religion, that they were bound to avenge the death of their kindred; no sooner were our agents withdrawn, than the Creek and Cherokee Indians resolved to ravage the back territories of Virginia and the Carolinas, and to carry, if possible, both fire and the spear into the heart of these colonies. They were repulsed by the militia of the colonies, but not before they had taken a terrible revenge for long-endured wrongs; and the day might not be far distant when they would return with other tribes to extend their devastations throughout America.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

The British parliament assembled on the 31st of October. In his opening speech the king declared that nothing would have given him so much pleasure as to be able to state that the troubles in America were terminated, and that the colonists had returned to their duty. He continued:—“But so daring and desperate is the spirit of their leaders, whose object has always been dominion and power, that they have now openly renounced allegiance to the crown, and all political connexion with this country; they have rejected, with circumstances of indignity and insult, the means of conciliation held out under the authority of our commission; and have presumed to set up their rebellious confederacies for independent states. If their treason be suffered to take root much mischief must grow from it to the safety of my loyal colonies, to the commerce of my kingdom, and, indeed, to the present system of all Europe. One great advantage, however, will be derived from the object of the rebels being openly avowed and clearly understood;—we shall have unanimity at home, founded in the general conviction of the justice and necessity of our measures.” His majesty said that he was happy to inform them that Canada was recovered, and that the success in the province of New York had been such as to give the strongest hopes of the most decisive consequences. He then recapitulated, as usual, the pacific assurances of European powers, although he must himself have had some doubts at this time of the sincerity of their professions. It is manifest, indeed, that signs of a rupture had become evident to the British cabinet, for his majesty added to this part of his speech,—“That he indulged the hope that all misunderstanding might be removed, and Europe continue to enjoy the inestimable blessing of peace.” He also recommended that England should be put in a respectable state of defence, and urged upon his “faithful commons,” the necessity of granting ample supplies for the maintenance of the honour of his crown, and the vindication of the just rights of parliament. He concluded thus:—“In this arduous contest I can have no other object but to promote the true interests of all my subjects. No people ever enjoyed more happiness, or lived under a milder government than those now revolted in the provinces: the improvements in every art of which they boast declare it: their numbers, their wealth, their strength by sea and land, which they think sufficient to enable them to make head against the whole power of the mother country, are irrefragable proofs of it. My desire is to restore them to the blessings of law and liberty, equally enjoyed by every British subject, which they have fatally and desperately exchanged for all the calamities of war, and the arbitrary tyranny of their chiefs.”

{GEORGE III. 1776–1777}

DEBATES ON AMERICA.

Addresses which were, as usual, echoes of the speech, were brought forward in both houses, and they elicited violent debates. In the commons Lord John Cavendish moved an amendment of greater length than even the proposed address. This amendment was seconded by the Marquess of Granby, and in it, and the debates that ensued, it was affirmed that the disaffection and revolt of the colonists could not have taken place, if there had not been great faults committed against them. The faults pointed out were, chiefly, the rejection of petitions and complaints; the improper instructions given to commissioners for the purpose of reconciliation; the endeavours made to break down the spirit and independence of the colonists, by the many acts of parliament passed during the recent sessions; and the project of extirpating the Americans by the sword. All these errors were imputed by the opposition to the want of information, and the too great confidence in ministers, who though in duty bound to ascertain the temper and disposition of the Americans, had totally failed for want of that knowledge. An appeal to the sword was denounced as a most dangerous precedent, and by a strange perversity of mind the leaders of the American revolution were described and especially by Wilkes, as men averse to a change of government, and as being only driven to extremities by an accumulation of neglect, insult and injury, and by two years of a savage, piratical, and unjust war, carried on against them by the English people. Wilkes also, with others on the same side, took umbrage at the word “treason,” as applicable to the Americans, asserting that what ministers called “treason,” the Americans denominated “a just resistance and glorious revolution.” As for the pacific declarations of foreign powers, and especially the Bourbons, all reliance on them was exposed with sarcasm and ridicule. Colonel Barré, indeed, declared that a war of the most serious nature with France and Spain was impending over the country. The whole of his majesty’s speech was, in truth, denounced as false, insidious, hypocritical, and deceptive;—as holding out law and liberty, indeed, but holding it out at the point of the sword.

The speech and address were defended by Lord North and Lord George Germaine. Lord North denied the charge which had been alleged against him of withholding information; declared that he had always communicated to the house as much as he could divulge with safety; and indignantly repelled the charge of hypocrisy advanced against that part of the king’s speech which stated his desire to restore law and liberty to the colonists. In his own peculiar quiet way, Lord North hinted to the opposition, that if they were members of the new American legislature, they could not have ventured to make so free with the president and majority of congress, as they were now doing with their sovereign, his ministers, and the majority of the English parliament. In the defence, Lord George Germaine remarked that we had been anxious for reconciliation upon mild and fair terms, and that these terms had been rejected with scorn by the American leaders. According to their own statements, he said, of the propositions made by Lord Howe, and the conference that had taken place on Staten Island, his lordship was as eager for the restoration of peace, as Franklin, Washington, and the other leaders were for the continuance of hostilities. He then turned to the statements made by foreign powers, concerning their friendship for England. These statements of the princes of the House of Bourbon must be taken as proofs of their pacific intentions, but if they proved false, and should incur the folly and the guilt of assisting a rebellion, Great Britain was prepared to meet them in the field. He pertinently asked:—“Will the Bourbons, blind to their own interests, wish the spirit of independence to cross the Atlantic? Can they be exempt from fear, lest their own colonists should catch fire at the doctrine of the unlimited rights of mankind, and prefer them to slavery and digging of gold? And will not great danger arise from the vicinity of powerful states freed from European control?” Finally, it was urged in defence of the speech and address, that the only question which called for debate, was simple in its nature it was, only, whether we chose to resign all the benefits we derived from our colonies, and which had been purchased by our best blood and treasures, and by truckling to the defiance and insult hurled at us by the Americans, cut off those sources of power and opulence, and submit to a degradation from the rank we held in the political system of Europe; or, whether we should, by the full exertion of our power, preserve those advantages, assert our ancient supremacy, restore the authority of the British Parliament, and bring back our ungrateful subjects to a sense of their duty. A division on the amendment answered these questions; it was negatived by a majority of two hundred and forty-two against eighty-seven, and the original address was therefore carried.

In the upper house, an amendment was moved by the Marquess of Rockingham, similar to that of Lord John Cavendish, and was followed by debates of equal violence. By the Earl of Shelburne the speech was denounced as a tissue of sophisms, and as a composition of unqualified absurdity, treachery, cruelty, hypocrisy, and deceit. He attempted to show, indeed, that all its paragraphs were false, differing only in this—that some of the falsehoods were fallacious, some specious, and some notorious. The Duke of Richmond maintained that America was lost for ever, and he thought that we had better sit down quiet and contented at the loss, consoling ourselves with the reflection that it had been no fault of our own, but, solely that of an unjust and imbecile administration. But even Lord Shelburne did not concur in this opinion: he never meant, he said, this country to give up its right of commercial control over America, which was the essential bond of connexion between the two countries; and he declared that as the national debt was truly and equitably the debt of every individual in the empire, whether at home, or in Asia, or America, the Americans ought in some way, to contribute to its discharge. Lord Sandwich, the first lord of the Admiralty, more warmly opposed the doctrine of quiescence propounded by the Duke of Richmond. It was, he said, derogatory to the honour and destructive to the interests of England; and he declared that he would hazard every drop of blood, and his last shilling, rather than see his country set at defiance, bullied, and dictated to, by her undutiful and ungrateful children; her disobedient and rebellious subjects. The amendment was negatived by a majority of ninety-one against twenty-six. Fourteen peers had it entered on the journals, at full length, as a protest signed by themselves.

On the 16th of November, Lord John Cavendish produced a copy of the proclamation issued by Lord Howe and his brother, as commissioners, and proposed that, in conformity to its tenor, the house should resolve itself into a committee for revising the acts by which the colonists felt themselves aggrieved. This proposition was seconded by Burke, and many of the opposition harangued in its favour. Ministers, however, opposed such a step, on the ground that this inquiry into grievances had been proffered only to those who should return to their duty, and hence a disavowal of independence, and an acknowledgment of British supremacy were requisite, before any measures of reconciliation could be adopted by Great Britain. On a division the motion was lost by a majority of one hundred and nine against forty-seven.

After the rejection of the proposition of Lord John Cavendish, many members of opposition, especially those of the Rockingham party, seceded from the business of parliament, alleging that it was useless to discuss or oppose ministerial measures. This conduct, however, was blamed by the majority of the opposition, who contended that no member of parliament could, consistently with his duty, desert the interests of his country, merely because he felt that his party would be outvoted. It was agreed that no one could infer from thence that his attendance would be useless, and that a respectable minority, though not able to carry measures of its own, might, nevertheless, modify injurious laws and counsels, by exposing their pernicious tendency. Some who held these opinions made efforts to bring the great orator, Chatham, to the charge again; but his gout prevented him from coming to the house, and little could be elicited from him beyond a declaration that his sentiments with regard to America were the same which he had always professed, and which stood fully explained in his Provisional Act. At the same time he expressed his fears that, in a few years, France would set her foot on English ground. Thus, cleared of its members, the house of commons voted the army and navy estimates without any display of violent opposition. The number of seamen voted was 45,000, and £3,205,505 were voted for the expenses of the navy; exclusive of £4000 for the support of Greenwich Hospital, and £500,000 to go towards the discharge of the debts of the navy. The army estimates voted, were about £3,000,000 exclusive of extras, and some new contracts with German princes, for more German troops to serve in America. These supplies being granted, on the 13th of December, both houses adjourned for the Christmas recess.

ATTEMPT TO FIRE HIS MAJESTY’S DOCKYARD AT PORTSMOUTH.

During the recess of parliament, the public mind was agitated by acts of incendiarism, which seemed at one time to denote that a conspiracy had been entered into for the destruction of both our shipping and our arsenals. In 1764, Choiseul, the French minister, had concocted a plan for such a fearful catastrophe, but having divulged it to Grimaldi, then prime minister of Spain, through him it was discovered to Lord Rochford, our ambassador at Madrid, and the scheme therefore failed. Ministers might have taken warning from this circumstance, and have had the dock-yards and arsenals watched with sufficient vigilance, as to prevent so disastrous an event from ever taking place. By this time, however, they had returned to their old confidence, and on the 7th of December, a fire broke out in the dock-yard at Portsmouth, which threatened its total destruction. It was got under by great exertions, and it passed at first for an accident, but on the 15th of January, one of the under-clerks of the dock-yard having occasion to move some hemp in the hemp-room, discovered a machine and combustible materials, which had evidently been placed there by the hands of an incendiary. Some weeks before, a sullen, silent man, a painter by trade, and who was known by the name of John the Painter, had been seen loitering about the yard, and he was now suspected to be the delinquent. Suspicion fastened still stronger upon him because he was known to have recently come from America, and a cry of alarm instantly spread through the country that American incendiaries had arrived in England, and would spread fire and destruction on every hand. It was necessary that John the Painter should be taken, and soon after he was identified at Odiam in Hampshire, where he had been apprehended for a burglary. John was brought up to London for examination, but he was so taciturn, and so wise in keeping his own counsels, that neither the privy-council, nor the lords of the admiralty, nor other officers who interrogated him, could elicit anything from him that would tend to his crimination. What authority, however, failed to perform, that craft brought about. On the suggestion of Earl Temple, another painter, who had been also in America, was put into the same ward with John, in order to circumvent and entrap him. Fellow-feeling caused the taciturn prisoner to open his mouth. His brother painter pretended to sympathise in his misfortunes, descanted largely on his travels in America, and professed principles similar to his own. The travelled painter did all this with such address, that he finally gathered from John that his real name was Aitken; that he had entered into many regiments from which he had deserted so soon as he had received the bounty-money; that he had traversed England through nearly all its parts, sometimes robbing on the highway, and sometimes filching and stealing in towns while he worked at his trade: that he went to America, where he commenced politician and reformer of abuses, and where he conceived the notion of serving the cause of liberty by burning our shipping and our principal trading cities and towns; that he then left America for France, where he had several interviews with Silas Deane, the agent of congress; that Silas Deane encouraged his project, by giving him money and promising him rewards commensurate with the service he should render the American cause; that he then procured a French passport and came over to Canterbury; and that on leaving Canterbury he proceeded to Portsmouth, where he began to compound and prepare his combustibles, after which he went into the dock-yard and made the attempt of which he was suspected. The manner in which this evidence was derived was certainly contrary to the spirit of the English law, and repugnant to the feeling and practice of the present day, but on this evidence vouched by the travelled painter, John the Painter was condemned and executed. There was no doubt left on any mind either as to the culprit’s guilt, or to his connexion with Silas Deane; but before his death he is said to have confessed to some naval officers, that most of what his accuser had testified against him, was true—that he had, indeed, applied to Deane, who had promised him a reward of great price when his work should be done. Nothing transpired which would inculpate Choiseul the French minister, but as he was still in office, and as his animus was well-known, he was thought to have been concerned in this plot likewise. But it failed; and the circumstance had the effect of still further exciting the enmity of the English people towards the Americans.