Chapter XIX: {george III. 1792–1793} (1)

Meeting of Parliament..... Debates on the Russian
Armament..... Debate on the Affairs of India..... Pitt’s
Financial Statement..... The Slave-Trade Question.....
London Police Act..... Act to relieve the Scotch
Episcopalians, &c. Sheridan’s motion respecting the
Royal Burghs of Scotland..... Debates on Parliamentary
Reform, &c. Trial of Hastings, &e...... Bill
respecting the New Forest and Timber for the Navy.....
Prorogation of Parliament..... Changes in the
Ministry..... East India Affairs..... Progress of the French
Revolution..... Affairs of Poland..... State of the Public
Mind in England..... Meeting of Parliament..... The Alien
Bill, &c. Execution of the French King.

{A.D. 1792}

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

The British parliament did not assemble until the 31st of January. The first topic mentioned in the king’s speech was the marriage of his second son, the Duke of York, with the Princess Frederica, daughter of the King of Prussia. His majesty then informed the two houses that a treaty had been concluded, under his mediation and that of his allies, between the Emperor of Austria and the Porte, and that preliminaries had been agreed upon between the latter of those powers and Russia. The king next expressed his regret that he was not yet enabled to inform parliament of the termination of the war in India with Tippoo Sultaun, but the success which had already attended the British arms afforded, reasonable ground to hope that the war would speedily be concluded. Although events in Europe at this time cast their dark shadows before them, yet his majesty affirmed that the general state of affairs appeared to promise to Great Britain the continuance of her present tranquillity; and he even suggested that some immediate reduction might safely be made in our naval and military establishments. He concluded by recommending the house of commons to consider of such measures as the flourishing state of the funds and of public credit might render practicable and expedient, for a reduction in the rate of interest of such of the annuities as were now redeemable; by stating that he entertained the pleasing hope of their being enabled to enter upon a gradual reduction of taxes, giving at the same time additional efficacy to the plan for the reduction of the national debt; and by recommending a steady, zealous, and confirmed attachment to the British constitution.

The debates on the address principally turned upon the line of policy pursued by the ministry in their interference in the quarrel between Turkey and Prussia, and in the hostility they had displayed towards the latter power. Ministers were loudly condemned for this interference by the opposition; Mr. Grey and Fox taking the most prominent part in the attack. Fox, as usual, introdued France and her revolution and constitution into his speech. The frequent eulogiums on the British constitution which had been introduced into parliament, he said, had been introduced in order to reproach him and his friends for their admiration of what had been done in France, and to suggest the suspicion that he and his friends were hostile to our own form of government. The French, he contended, had done perfectly right in overturning a constitution so radically bad as that of France; but that of Great Britain was so good, though not absolutely perfect, that it merited the efforts of all honest subjects to preserve it. It was hence most unjust to insinuate that those who approved of the destruction of despotism in France, would rejoice in the downfall of the British constitution. Fox concluded by condemning the Birmingham riots; asserting that the outrages had been committed through the laxity or tacit approbation of the magistrates. He remarked:—“It would have been well if his majesty in his speech had spoken of those riots in the terms they merited. They were not riots for bread; they were not riots in the cause of liberty, which, however highly to be reprobated, had yet some excuse in their principle; they were riots of men neither aggrieved nor complaining—of men who had set on foot an indiscriminate persecution of an entire description of their fellow-citizens, including persons as eminent for their ability, as blameless in their conduct, and as faithful in their allegiance as this or any other country could boast.” In reply, Pitt said that the Birmingham riots had better be consigned to oblivion, especially as sufficient had been done for their atonement; and he broadly hinted that Fox revived the subject for party purposes. He warmly defended the conduct of the cabinet in the interference between Turkey and Russia; asserting that the object of it was to prevent the ruin of the Turkish empire, and to preserve that balance of power in Europe which was essential to the interests of Great Britain. Pitt concluded by adverting to the more pleasing topic of financial improvement; stating that the last year’s revenue amounted to £16,790,000, which, after all the expenditure and the annual million devoted to the reduction of the national debt, left a surplus of £900,000; and that, encouraged by this prosperous condition of the finances, he contemplated taking off some of those taxes which pressed most heavily upon the poor.

DEBATES ON THE RUSSIAN ARMAMENT.

Papers relative to the apprehended rupture between Great Britain and Russia were laid before the house on the 6th of February. This gave rise to several debates, in which the spirit of party was strongly displayed. On the 13th of February Mr. Grey loudly complained that ministers had not produced the preliminaries said to have been adjusted between the Russian and Turkish negociators; and that large sums had been unnecessarily spent in fitting out the armament. A week later Mr. Grey moved for a more ample production of papers regarding various portions of the recent diplomacy of ministers; arguing that the whole of the correspondence was necessary, if they wished to justify the steps they had taken. Pitt resisted the demand, conceiving that sufficient had been disclosed to make the house master of all the essential parts of the business, and asserting that confidence was due to the administration, until their capacity or integrity was impeached. The motion was negatived, but on the 29th of February the subject was revived by Mr. Whitbread, who moved the following resolutions:—“That no arrangement respecting Oczakow and its district appears to have been capable of affecting the political or commercial interests of this country, so as to justify any hostile interference on the part of Great Britain between. Russia and the Porte: that the interference for the purpose of preventing the cession of the said fortress and its district to the Empress of Russia has been wholly unsuccessful; and that his majesty’s ministers, in endeavouring, by means of an armed force, to compel the Empress of Russia to abandon her claim to Oczakow, and in continuing an armament after the object for which it was proposed had been relinquished, have been guilty of gross misconduct, tending to incur unnecessary expenses, and to diminish the influence of the British nation.” Many members took part in the debate which followed this motion, but the most remarkable speeches were delivered by those two great rivals, Pitt and Fox. After reviewing our foreign policy from the time of our joining Prussia, in order to prevent Holland becoming the prey of France, Fox said that we were standing forward the principals of every quarrel, the Quixotes of every enterprise, and the agitators in all the plots and disturbances that were every day arising in Europe. He said, if Oczakow was a place of no importance, ministers ought to be censured for having armed and protracted war on its account; and if it was an important place, they ought to be censured for disarming without having obtained repossession of it from the Turks. Fox argued that the Empress of Russia weald have granted better terms to the Turks if England had not interfered; and bitterly complained of Pitt’s reserve and secrecy with parliament. On the latter subject he remarked:—“This is what puts our constitution in danger. That the pride, the folly, the presumption of a single person shall be able to involve a whole people in disgrace is more than philosophy can teach mortal patience to endure. Here are the true weapons of the enemies of our constitution! Here may we search for the source of the present outpourings of seditious writings, meant either to weaken our attachment to the constitution by depreciating its value, or that loudly tell us we have no constitution at all. We may blame, we may reprobate such doctrines; but while we furnish those who circulate them with argumenta such as these, while the example of this day shows us to what degree the fact is true, we must not wonder that the purposes the seditious writings are meant to answer be but too successful. They argue that a constitution cannot be right where such things are possible; much less so when they are practised without punishment. Against the vain theories of men who project fundamental alterations upon grounds of mere speculative objection I can easily defend the constitution; but when they recur to these facts, and show me how we may be doomed to all the horrors of war by the caprice of an individual, who will not even condescend to explain his reasons, I can only fly to this house, and exhort you to rouse from your lethargy of confidence, into the active mistrust and vigilant control which your duty and your office point out to you.” But Fox had by his intrigues brought the country into danger from a war with Russia, more than Pitt had by his armament. Although the laws and constitution of this country entrust the exclusive right of treating with foreign potentates to the king, yet without the knowledge or participation of a single member in the house, Fox had sent an agent to St. Petersburgh to frustrate the objects for which a plenipotentiary from the crown was authorised to treat. And Fox succeeded in his design: it was through his influence that the czarina still obstinately refused to give up Oczakow, And yet Fox condemned ministers for not having succeeded in their negociations! On this subject Pitt’s biographer, Tomline, writes:—“It is to be presumed that Mr. Fox never would have had recourse to such a measure, if he had not entertained a confident hope, that, having already succeeded in rendering the Russian armament unpopular, he should overset Mr. Pitt’s administration, provided the empress could be prevailed on to persevere in her demands. That point he accomplished without difficulty, yet the result did not turn out as he expected—he defeated Mr. Pitt’s plan, and brought a certain degree of discredit and danger on his country, by effecting the aggrandisment of an unfriendly and powerful court, but his own personal ambition remained ungratified.” In his reply to Fox the minister exhibited a noble mind, in not making any use of his rival’s unjustifiable conduct: conduct which was more unconstitutional than Pitt’s rigid reserve, and which was to a certain extent, treasonable. In his reply Pitt defended his policy with great spirit. He asked whether any one conversant in politics could admit that the Turkish empire, being unable to defend itself against Russia and Austria, should be abandoned by the other European powers, every one of which was so visibly interested in the preservation of its independence: whether, if other European powers were indolent, or hindered by untoward circumstances from interfering. Great Britain could coolly leave Turkey to its fate? and whether a British ministry could look on with indifference, while her commerce in the Levant was threatened, and the maritime power of England, not only in the Mediterranean and Archipelago, but in every other sea, must receive a blow from the increase of shipping that would accrue to Russia and Austria, were they to become masters of European Turkey? The interest and honour of this country, he said, required us to pay vigilant attention to the political situation of the continental powers, lest the predominance of any one should destroy that equipoise which was essential to the safety of the whole. And it was evident, he remarked, that the ruin or depression of the Turkish empire would materially affect the balance of power in Europe. All the world knew that the object of Russia had long been to acquire exclusive authority in the Black Sea; and were the Russians to gain possession of its ports, a new naval power would arise, dangerous to all Europe, but especially so to Great Britain, whose safety and prosperity chiefly depended on the superiority of her fleets. It was certain, also, he said, that if Great Britain had not assumed a hostile disposition, the original demands of the court of Petersburgh would have been insisted on to the last, and Turkey would have been forced to submit to a dismemberment. As for Oczakow, he acknowledged that it was not a place of great importance, but as a fortress commanding the navigation of the Dniester, and a point to be gained by the empress in her system of ambition, it was worth some risks, and he conceived that he had done his duty by first attempting to secure this object to Turkey, and afterwards relinquishing it when it could only be obtained at the price of war. At the same time Pitt remarked, Oczakow might have been secured had it not been for the division and opposition in this kingdom; it was chiefly through Fox and his party that what had been done well, had not been done better. Party divisions in this country had encouraged the ambitious designs of Russia; and yet opposition now took merit to themselves for rendering negociations useless; which, but for their efforts, would have been attended with complete success. But he did not envy them their triumph: it was not a triumph over an enemy, but over the council of their king. Pitt concluded by a sarcastic reflection on Fox, which must have been keenly felt by him. In the summer of 1791, the czarina finding that the Whig party was averse to the Russian armament, directed her ambassador to request Fox to sit to Nollekens for a bust in white marble, in order that she might place it between the statues of Demosthenes and Cicero. In allusion to this Pitt said, that if he and his honourable friend Dundas were to go to St. Petersburg, he felt certain that neither of them should be found in any place of glory between two orators of antiquity! Fox replied, vindicating his conduct, and condemning the policy of ministers in the same unmeasured terms as before. But the sentiments of the house were against him and his party: Whitbread’s resolutions were all rejected, either without a division or by very large majorities. During these debates the same question was agitated in the house of lords; but Lord Fitzwilliam, who moved a similar resolution to that of Mr. Grey in the commons, was outvoted by a majority of eighty-nine against nineteen.

DEBATES ON THE AFFAIRS OF INDIA.

It was not on the subject of the Russian armament alone that opposition sought to bring ministers into contempt, and to overthrow their administration. In their plan of campaign they had determined to attack them on the subject of the Indian war, and accordingly, on the 9th of February, Major Maitland moved for all papers necessary to throw light upon the subject. It was the chief object of the opposition to prove that the war with Tippoo Sultaun was unnecessary, and that it had been conducted by Lord Cornwallis without spirit or talent. Such was the substance of the arguments employed by Colonel Maitland in support of his motion, and in which he was supported by Francis, the antagonist of Hastings and Tupey. The motion was on the whole agreed to; Dundas consenting to produce all the papers called for, except copys of any proposals of peace which had been made by Tippoo Sultaun. But this did not satisfy opposition. On the 15th of March Major Maitland moved various resolutions on the Indian war, all tending to reprobate it as unjustifiable, and as the result of a plan laid down by ministers for Tippoo’s destruction. These resolutions were negatived; but on a subsequent day the major renewed the subject, declaring that the papers proved the correctness of his views—that a plan of conquest had been formed, and that the war had been sought for that purpose. In order to settle the matter, after showing the warlike character of Tippoo, and defending the honour of Lord Cornwallis, ministers moved a resolution declaring that the conduct of the governor-general accorded with the true spirit and intent of the rules of government established by the British parliament for the affairs of India, which resolution was adopted.

PITT’S FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

The house went into committee to consider the financial affairs of the country, on the 17th of February, when Pitt made a speech representing the country as in a nourishing condition, almost unprecedented. The revenue had increased so much, he said, that government would be enabled to take off taxes, bearing chiefly upon the poor, to the amount of £200,000, and to apply an equal sum more to increase the sinking-fund for paying off the national debt. He proposed to take off the additional duty on malt; the new duties on male and female servants; the duties upon waggons, wains, carts, and other such carriages; the taxes on houses containing less than seven windows; and a halfpenny in the pound of the duty upon all candles, except wax and spermaceti. These propositions were agreed to without a division. Sheridan only questioning the truth of Pitt’s financial statement, which he did more from the force of habit, and by way of opposition, than from any just cause. On the same day, in a committee of supply, the house granted £400,000 to his majesty, to be issued and paid to the governor and company of the Bank of England, to be by them placed to the account of the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt. So far as Pitt’s statements on this occasion related to the actual condition of the finances of the country they were doubtless correct; but his sentiments on the future were too soon proved to be fallacious. He remarked:—“From the result of the whole, I trust I am entitled to conclude that the scene which we are now contemplating, is not the transient effect of accident, not the short-lived prosperity of a day, but the general and natural result of regular and permanent causes. Though we may yet be subject to those fluctuations which often occur in the affairs of a mighty nation, and which it is impossible to calculate or foresee, yet, as far as reliance can be placed on human speculations, we have the best ground, from experience of the past, for looking with satisfaction on the present, and with confidence toward the future.” Pitt, indeed, expressed his deep conviction that there never was a time when a durable peace might more reasonably be expected than at the present moment. And yet there never was a time when war was manifestly more imminent. England was, in truth, on the verge of a war which was to increase the national debt more than any in which she had been yet engaged. The nation was taught to entertain brilliant hopes at the opening of this year, but at its close those hopes were dashed to the ground. They were called upon to indulge in visions of a total release from national debt; but it was soon found that this debt was to increase by a sure and rapid process. Pitt himself soon discovered that he might be wrong; and hence, being apprehensive that in the case of a new and protracted war, requiring large additions to the public debt, the sinking fund might not operate with sufficient effect to prevent a national bankruptcy, he subsequently proposed, that, whenever a loan should be hereafter made, one per cent on the new stock thus created, besides the dividends, should be raised and applied in the same manner, and under the same regulations as the original £1,000,000. This bill passed the commons without any particular opposition; but in the upper house it was violently reprobated by Lord Chancellor Thurlow as a provision likely to answer no good purpose, and as exhibiting an extraordinary degree of arrogance, by dictating to future parliaments, and prescribing to future ministers a mode of action to be adopted some thirty years hence. He remarked:—“None but a novice, a sycophant, a mere reptile of a minister, would allow this act to prevent him doing what, in his own judgment, circumstances might require at the time; and a change in the situation of the country might render that which is proper at one time inapplicable at another. In short, the scheme is nugatory and impracticable; the inaptness of the project is only equalled by the vanity of the attempt.” This bill, however, passed into a law, and was adhered to in the numerous loans advanced during the whole of the revolutionary contest. About the same time Pitt brought another measure into the house, which indicated that his views were undergoing a change as to the long continuance of peace; this was a proposition to raise £812,500 by means of a lottery. But in this he met with decided opposition. Great surprise was expressed that, in a time of profound peace, he should have recourse to a method of levying money so extremely injurious to the morals and habits of the people. Instances were adduced in which state-lotteries had led to robbery and suicide; and a petition was presented from the grand jury of Middlesex, earnestly praying the house to take the subject into consideration. These representations produced such an impression, that a motion was forthwith carried for a committee to inquire into the evils arising from lotteries.

{GEORGE III. 1792–1793}

THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.

Although defeated in his humane endeavours to effect the abolition of the slave-trade during the last session, yet Mr. Wilberforce resolved to persevere in the great cause which he had undertaken. And in this he was now supported by popular opinion; not less than five hundred and eight petitions having been presented, in the early part of the sessions, praying for the abolition of that abominable traffic. Thus encouraged, on the 2nd of April, Wilberforce moved, in a committee of the whole house, “that it is the opinion of this committee, that the trade carried on by British subjects, for the purpose of procuring slaves from Africa, ought to be entirely abolished.” In his speech, which was very able and eloquent, the mover declared that he would never abandon this business till he had obtained his object; and he intimated that if he carried his present motion, he would follow it up by another to this effect:—“That the chairman be directed to move the house for leave to bring in a bill for the abolition of the slave-trade.” Wilberforce was opposed by Jenkinson, Colonel Tarleton, and other members interested in the slave-trade, who endeavoured to show that our West India islands would be useless without such a traffic, and who treated the petitions on the table with contempt, as signed by raw youths, inexperienced persons, or needy individuals, who wrote their names for money. On the other hand, the motion was eloquently supported by Thornton, Montague, Whitbread, Pitt, and Fox. One of the most powerful speeches was that delivered by the prime-minister. The subject was not made a cabinet question; but every member of administration was left to follow that line of conduct which their own notions of policy, expediency, or right might dictate. Dundas, who had recently become secretary of state, by the resignation of the Duke of Leeds, was averse to instant abolition; and he recommended a middle course, which he thought might reconcile the interests of the West India islands with the eventual abolition of the trade; and he concluded by moving, that the word “gradual” should be inserted before the word “abolition.” In reply, Pitt asked why injustice was to be suffered to remain for a single hour? “Reflect,” said he, “on the eighty thousand persons annually torn from their native land; on the connexions which are broken; on the friendships, attachments, and relationships that are rent asunder! There is something in the horror of it that surpasses all the bounds of imagination. How shall we repair the mischiefs we have brought upon that continent? If, knowing the miseries we have caused, we refuse, even now, to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be the guilt of Britain! Shall we not rather count the days and hours that are suffered to intervene, than to delay the accomplishment of such a work? If we listen to the voice of reason and duty, and pursue this night the line of conduct which they prescribe, some of us may live to see the reverse of that picture from which we now turn our eyes with shame and regret. We may live to behold the natives of Africa engaged in the calm occupations of industry; in the pursuits of a just and legitimate commerce. We may behold the beams of science and philosophy breaking in upon their land, which, at some happy period, in still later times, may blaze with full lustre; and, joining their influence to that of pure religion, may illuminate and invigorate the most distant extremities of that immense continent.” It was argued by some of its supporters, that slavery was a necessary evil. On this argument Pitt remarked:—“The origin of the evil is indeed beyond the reach of human understanding; and the permission of it by the Supreme Being is a subject into which we are not concerned to inquire. But where the evil in question is a moral evil, which a man can scrutinise, and where that moral evil has its origin within ourselves, let us not imagine that we can clear our consciences by this general, not to say irreligious, way of putting aside the question.” Pitt concluded by urging on the house the influence which their decision would produce in other countries, and that the divine blessing was to be expected on their own, by exertions in such a righteous cause. His speech was rapturously applauded, but he failed in obtaining total and immediate abolition; the amendment which Dundas proposed being adopted by one hundred and ninety-three against one hundred and twenty-five. Wilberforce was now asked whether he meant to bring in a gradual abolition bill; but he declared that he could not do any such thing; he could not sanction for a time that which ought not to endure for one moment longer. It was for Dundas, or some one of his supporters, he said, to bring in such a bill; and though Dundas exhibited much unwillingness to take up the matter, he felt called upon to do so; and on the 23rd of April, therefore, he produced twelve resolutions, to the effect that all that branch of the trade which did not refer to the supply of the British West India islands, should cease forthwith; that no male slaves above the age of twenty-five, or female slaves above the age of twenty, should henceforth be exported from Africa in British ships; that the tonnage employed in the slave-trade should be limited and strictly ascertained; that the duties on slaves imported into the colonies should be increased; that laws should be enacted against those who maltreated their slaves; that the colonial legislatures should be invited to concur in these measures; and that the trade should be finally abolished in the year 1800. Wilberforce, Pitt, and Fox warmly opposed these resolutions; and amendments were made, first, that the trade should cease in 1793, and then 1795, both of which were lost; but it was finally agreed, on the motion of Sir Edward Knatchbull, that the final abolition should take place on the 1st of January, 1796. The resolutions, as thus amended, were carried up to the lords on the 2nd of May; on which occasion Prince William, Duke of Clarence, who, in the course of his naval training, had visited the West India islands, and who, conceiving that the state of society there did not justify the pictures drawn of it by the abolitionists, opposed the abolition with great facility of elocution. The friends of immediate abolition were very few in the house of lords; and in order to retard the business, a committee for the hearing of evidence at the bar of the house was proposed. This was objected to by Lords Grenville, Porchester, Stanhope, and Rawdon, and by Bishop Beilby Porteus; but it was carried by a large majority. The examination of witnesses at the bar commenced forthwith; but little progress was made in it before the prorogation, so that the business was virtually postponed till the next session. Wilberforce complained that it was owing to the appeal made by Dundas to the gradual abolition of this horrid traffic, that he was defeated; but it may fairly be questioned whether he could have carried an immediate abolition at the present time, if this appeal had not been made; for, at this period, there were many circumstances which operated to the injury of his cause. Thus the abolitionists had recently determined to use no sugar which came from the West Indies; a determination that would materially interfere with the revenue. Then again, the massacres and burnings in the French division of the island of St. Domingo, where the negro slaves had been set free from their chains, gave rise to a fear that, if a total abolition took place, these troubles might extend to Jamaica and our other West India islands, and hence indisposed the king and many members of parliament to support the measure. Moreover, Clarkson, one of the most active abolitionists, and the bosom friend of Wilberforce, openly advocated the principles of the French revolution, whence occasion was offered of representing the friends of abolition as levellers. Finally, the knowledge that Brissot and the other friends of the blacks in France were fierce revolutionists, and that the redoubtable Tom Paine ranged on the side of Wilberforce in the cause of humanity, had the effect of depriving him of many votes. All these circumstances, combined with the powerful motive of self-interest, would, doubtless have ensured his defeat, had not Dundas interposed his scheme of gradual abolition. So the murderous traffic was to be continued unmitigated; and, as it proved, for another long twenty years.

LONDON POLICE ACT.

Complaints had long been made of the disgraceful state of the police of the metropolis, and especially of the largest portion of it, not included in the jurisdiction of the city of London. Every one felt that the unpaid magistracy were altogether inadequate to the discharge of their onerous duties; and many rules and ordinances had been enacted at various periods, for the preservation of the public peace, which had been nullified by their want of power and incompetency. To rectify this defect, early in March a bill was introduced into the commons, with the countenance and approbation of government, the plan of which was to open five different police-offices in the metropolis, for the prompt administration of those parts of justice which were in the hands of magistrates. Hitherto magistrates, though nominally unpaid, had driven a handsome trade in fees; but by this bill three were to sit in each office, with a salary of three hundred pounds per annum, and all fees were to be applied to the disbursement of salaries and official expenses. The bill provided that constables should possess authority to apprehend persons who could not give a satisfactory account of themselves, and that magistrates should have the power of committing such persons as rogues and vagabonds. Strong objections were made against the bill; opposition arguing that the vesting the appointment of these new magistrates in the crown, would give an unconstitutional increase of strength to government; and that the summary arrest and commitment of any individual, was an infringement on the liberty of the subject, and contrary to the spirit of the constitution. The arguments of its opponents, however, were overruled, and it was passed by a considerable majority. The bill met with a warm opposition in the upper house, by lords Rawdon and Loughborough; but it passed there likewise, and became law.

ACT TO RELIEVE THE SCOTCH EPISCOPALIANS, ETC.

During this session, a bill was introduced in the lords for the relief of the Scottish Episcopalians, who had long been subject to heavy penalties, on the ground of disaffection to the revolution establishment. The bill was opposed by Lord Chancellor Thurlow, who ventured to intimate doubts whether bishops could exist in any Christian country not authorised by the state; but being assured by the bishop of St. David’s, that Christian bishops existed three hundred years before the alliance between church and state took place under the Emperor Constantine, his lordship expressed himself satisfied, and the bill passed. Encouraged by this concession to the Scotch church, the Unitarians applied for a repeal of the statutes affecting them; but their recent advocacy of revolutionary principles made their cause more hopeless than ever: their application was rejected.

SHERIDAN’S MOTION RESPECTING THE ROYAL BURGHS OF SCOTLAND.

Petitions had recently been presented to parliament, setting forth the general mismanagement, misapplication of money, dilapidation of property, and various grievances sustained in consequence of the usurped authority of certain self-elected magistrates in the royal burgs of Scotland. On the 18th of April Mr. Sheridan made a motion for an inquiry into the grievances thus complained of and petitioned against. The main grievance was considered to lie in the self-election of the magistrates; and Sheridan required that this practice should be abolished. He remarked, it was urged that abuses of a similar nature existed in England; but he did not consider that this was an argument to justify abuses in either country. Was justice, he asked, to be defeated by a community of oppression? As there was a dread of innovation at this period, Sheridan endeavoured to disarm this principle. Some persons, he observed, think that the French revolution should deter us from thinking of reform. Whatever might be the conduct of the parties engaged in it, with regard to the event itself, there could but be one feeling upon the subject; exultation and joy at the downfall of despotism in France, which had been the greatest enemy England ever had. Its ambitious, restless, and turbulent spirit, he said, had cost England thousands of subjects and millions of money; but now that which had long disturbed the happiness of the human race was completely destroyed. Could Sheridan have seen into futurity, he would not thus exultingly have triumphed over the downfall of the despotic government of France; for the revolution was to cost England much more blood and treasures than the monarchs of France had cost her at any period of history. Sheridan’s speech had the very reverse effect of that which he intended; it rather exasperated than allayed the general fear. His motion was opposed by the Lord-advocate for Scotland, who defended the corporations and magistrates of the royal burghs from the charges brought against them; and asserted that the power of self-election had worked well, and was held in sufficient restraint by public opinion. Sheridan was ably supported by Fox; but his motion was lost by sixty-nine against twenty-seven.

DEBATES ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, ETC.

The subject of parliamentary reform had many times been debated in the house of commons, though uniformly to very little purpose. The debates in parliament, however, on this subject, if void of any immediate result, had their effects. From them, and from the knowledge conveyed through the medium of the press, the nature of our representative system became well understood by the mass of the people, and about this period a society was instituted for the alleged purpose of effecting a reform in parliament, on the principles formerly advocated by the prime-minister. This society assumed the name of the “Friends of the People,” and about thirty members of parliament, besides other persons of note, enrolled their names as members. Frequent meetings were held by the society, and the resolutions adopted on these occasions were uniformly published, together with the sentiments which were entertained by the members upon this subject. These resolutions and sentiments were often violent and unconstitutional, whence a strong feeling was created at court and in parliament against all parliamentary reform. This was seen on the 30th of April, when, conformably to the plan of the society, Mr. Gray rose to make a speech on the subject, and to give notice of his intention to move, in the course of the ensuing session, for an inquiry into the state of the representation. Mr. Grey said, that both Fox and Pitt had declared themselves to be parliamentary reformers, and that the majority of the nation were of an opinion that parliamentary reform was required. But Pitt at least had now altered his opinion upon this subject. In reply to Mr. Grey he remarked, that this was no time for. moving questions that involved the peace and safety, and endangered the constitution of the kingdom. He was, indeed, no enemy to reform if it could be obtained peaceably and by a general concurrence, but the present time was not proper for, and the national sentiment was decidedly hostile to any such attempt. The present was not a season for experiments, and he would resist every attempt of the nature to his last hour; if he was called on either to hazard our safety, or abandon all hopes of reform for ever, he would say that he had no hesitation in preferring the latter alternative. It was true, that at the conclusion of the American war he had thought a parliamentary reform necessary, in order to quiet the clamour and confusion which had arisen from the dread of an approaching bankruptcy; but however much he might in early life have promoted schemes of reform, experience had taught him the danger of tampering with the established forms of government. Pitt noticed the society of the “Friends of the People,” and its advertisements, which invited the public to join the standard of reform: stating that he saw with concern the gentlemen to whom he alluded, united with others who professed not reform only, but direct hostility to the nature of our government, and who threatened the extinction of monarchy, hereditary succession, and everything which promoted order and subordination in a state. Against the whole class of revolutionary writers Pitt inveighed in the most bitter terms; asserting that they were labouring might and main to bring about an imitation of the revolution in France. Fox replied to Pitt, and in allusion to the applause which the minister’s speech had gained, he observed that he felt additional difficulty in delivering his sentiments. He knew, he said, that the words “parliamentary reform” were very unpopular in the house of commons, but he believed that the public regarded them in a very different light, and that unless something were done to quiet the minds of the people there would be a difficulty in preserving the public tranquillity for any length of time. He had never, he continued, been so sanguine on the subject as the right honourable gentleman who had just spoken, but he was more consistent, for early in life he had formed an opinion of the necessity of some parliamentary reform, and he was still convinced of that necessity. The danger which then existed to the liberty of the people existed still, and the necessity for reform in Parliament, so far from diminishing had increased more than ever since the last session of parliament. Fox said that the opinions of that house were often at variance with those of the people; instancing, by way of illustration, the Russian armament, which had been carried by a ministerial majority, notwithstanding the public voice was hostile to such a measure. The people of England, he remarked, were at this moment paying the expenses of an armament for which they never gave their consent, and as far as that went, they were paying their money for not being represented in parliament. Fox, in conclusion, made some indefinite remarks on the books recently published upon principles of government; ridiculed the idea of danger from innovation in the constitution of England, and warmly applauded the principles of the French revolution, expressing his belief that the accounts received of the calamities of the French and of the defectiveness of their present form of government were maliciously exaggerated. Burke rose to reply to Fox, and in doing so he loudly declaimed against the political societies of the day. The object at which some of them aimed, he said, might not be altogether bad, and the motives of many individuals might be innocent, but the way they went to work was decidedly wrong. The sense of the people had not been taken on the subject, nor had any specific grievance been pointed out, or any specific remedy assigned, without which innovation might be made, but it would not be reform. The house of commons, he said, was not perfect, but he believed it was as perfect as human nature would permit it to be. He added:—“At any rate, while I can raise a voice or arm to prevent it, it shall never assimilate to the national assembly. In that body there are seven hundred members, four hundred of whom are lawyers, and three hundred out of no description that I could name: and, out of the whole, there are not a dozen who possess, in any way, one hundred pounds per annum.

“Such might be the perfection of representation in the eyes of some, and I understand it to be the opinion of many of the new sect of politics; but I trust to the good sense of the people of England never to permit such a mob, nor any thing resembling it, to usurp the sacred office of their legislature.” Windham, one of the most eloquent and accomplished men of the Whig party, warmly seconded Burke, and after a few words from Sheridan and Fox, the conversation dropped. The subject, however, was one of intense interest and not easily to be forgotten. Government by this time, indeed, had become alarmed at the proceedings of its opponents, which alarm was made manifest by a royal proclamation issued against seditious meetings and seditious writings; and exhorting the magistrates to vigilance, and the people to submission and obedience. This proclamation was laid before the house on the 2nth of May, when the master of the rolls moved an address of approbation and support to his majesty. Both in and out of the house opinions varied as to the propriety of this proclamation: some contending that public opinion was not to be directed by such a measure, and others arguing that it was a timely exertion of authority in a turbulent season, and which was indispensably requisite to restrain that lawless spirit which threatened to subvert the established government. The address was warmly opposed by Mr. Grey, who denounced the proclamation in severe terms, as an insidious and pernicious measure, and who moved a counter address, which declared that government was already vested with sufficient power to punish any open violation of the laws; that if seditious writings had been published, ministers had been guilty of neglect in not instituting prosecutions against the authors; that the proclamation was not necessary, and was calculated to create groundless alarms and suspicions; that the house of commons was ever ready to concur with his majesty in the suppression of all riots, tumults, or other disorders, on whatever pretexts they might be formed; that they deeply regretted the tumults and disorders which took place at Birmingham in the course of last summer, to the disgrace of all good government, etc.; and that the surest means of averting the like calamities would be to proceed with all the severity of the law against such persons as might have been instrumental in aiding and abetting those tumults and disorders, and particularly to prosecute and punish such magistrates as appeared to have been guilty of neglect in their duty. It was argued by Grey, and others of the opposition, as Fox, Francis, Whitbread, Lambton, and Lord John Russell, all of whom vehemently supported the counter address, that the diligent inquiry enjoined by the proclamation after the authors and distributors of wicked and seditious writings, tended to establish an odious system of espionage; a system which had made the old government of France an object of general detestation, and which was unworthy of the sovereign of a free people. Grey, and those who supported his amendment, uttered many bitter invectives against Pitt in their speeches, but he declared in reply that such language should not deter him from pursuing that line of conduct which he deemed most conducive to public tranquillity, and the preservation of constitutional freedom. Pitt expressed his high respect for many of the members of the society of “the Friends of the People,” and said that they need not come—as the opposition had presumed they would—within the scope of the proclamation. It was, he remarked, directed against those daring and seditious principles that had been so insidiously propagated amongst the people, under the plausible and delusive appellation of “The Rights of Man.” Pitt expressed his astonishment that the existence of a republican spirit in England had been denied, when it was openly avowed and industriously propagated, both by individuals and by societies. He charged Fox with being the only person who saw no danger in the writings and doctrines so widely promulgated; proclaimed him a friend, if not an advocate, of Paine and his doctrines; and asserted that such conduct could not be reconciled with any spark of patriotism. Fox indignantly rejoined, and disclaimed all sympathy with Paine. At the same time, he avowed that he saw no danger in his writings and doctrines, or of any other writer of his class, because the good sense and constitutional spirit of the people at large were a sure protection against them. Fox intimated that these were once the opinions of Pitt, and that he had only altered them when he saw, or thought he saw, the means of stirring up division among the friends of freedom. Whether a division in the camp of the Whigs was stirred up by Pitt or no, it is certain that such existed at the present time, for several opposition members, as the Marquess of Titchfield, Lord North, Windham, Grenville, with others, spoke in favour of the address; acknowledging their conviction that the doctrines promulgated by the press, and the conduct lately pursued by clubs and societies demanded the vigorous interposition of government, lest they should lead to the evils experienced in France. The address was carried without a division, and it was then communicated to the house of lords, and their lordships’ concurrence requested, in order that it might be presented to the king as the address of both houses. At this time the Prince of Wales was as closely connected as ever with Fox and Sheridan, and it was supposed that he might share their opinions with reference to the French revolution. On this occasion, however, he put the public in possession of his sentiments upon this subject. As soon as the motion for an address was made and seconded, the prince rose for the first time, and said that he should be deficient in his duty as a member of their lordships’ house, unmindful of the respect he owed to the constitution, and inattentive to the peace and welfare of the country, if he did not state openly what was his opinion upon a subject of such magnitude, as that on which their lordships were then deliberating. He continued:—“Having been educated in principles which taught me to revere that constitutional liberty of the people on which their happiness depends, to those principles I will give my firm and constant support. The matter at issue appears to be, whether the constitution was or was not to be maintained—whether the wild notions of untried theory are to conquer the wholesome maxims of established practice; and whether those laws, under which we have flourished for so long a series of years, are to be subverted by a pretended reform, which the people will not sanction. As a person nearly and dearly interested in the happiness of the people, I should feel it treason against my own principles if I did not declare my disapprobation of those seditious publications which have occasioned the present motion. On this great and solid basis I will vote for a concurrence with the commons in their wise and salutary address.” In the course of the debate Lord Grenville observed that such sentiments as those delivered by the Prince of Wales must warm the breast of every Englishman who heard them, and would convey the greatest satisfaction to the people at large, inasmuch as they might expect a continuance of those essential blessings which they had enjoyed since the accession of the present illustrious family to the throne of these realms. The address was supported by several opposition peers, and an amendment moved by Lord Lauderdale and seconded by Lord Lansdowne was rejected without a division. Having received the concurrence of the lords, the address was presented in form to the throne, and it was followed by addresses from all parts of the kingdom. Encouraged by the public sentiment, the ministry commenced prosecutions against many offenders, amongst whom Paine, the author of the “The Rights of Man,” was the most conspicuous. Paine was found guilty, but foreseeing the event, he eluded punishment by absconding to France, where he was elected member of the national convention. It is a question whether it was judicious to prosecute the demagogue, for his prosecution only served as an advertisement to his production, the sale of which became more rapid and more extensive than ever it had been before.

{GEORGE III. 1792–1793}

TRIAL OF HASTINGS, ETC.

During this session the trial of Hastings occupied twenty-two days but no decision took place. Towards the close of the session the attention of parliament was also drawn to the situation of India. In presenting his annual statement of the income and expenditure of British India, Dundas drew a flattering picture of its happiness and prosperity; stating that the surplus of the Bengal revenue for the preceding year was more than one million pounds sterling. Francis denied every thing that Dundas said; asserted that one-third of the company’s territory was inhabited only by wild beasts; and prognosticated nothing but disgrace, defeat, and ruin from the war which was still carried on against Tippoo. Francis said that the seizures for non-payment of the land-revenue were notorious, and that he held in his hand two advertisements, one of which announced the sale of seventeen, and the other of forty-two villages.

BILL RESPECTING THE NEW FOREST AND TIMBER FOR THE NAVY.

In the course of this session Pitt introduced a bill for encouraging the growth of timber for the navy, and improving the royal revenue raising out of the New Forest, by the sale of certain parts, and the enfranchisement of copyholds. This bill passed the commons without much opposition, but on the second reading in the upper house it was strenuously opposed by Lord Chancellor Thurlow. His lordship objected to the principle of the bill as favouring the alienation of the crown lands, and he asserted that it was essential to the safety of the constitution that his majesty should have his interests blended with those of the landed property in the country. Thurlow’s arguments seem to have had great weight, for though the bill was committed by a majority of forty one against twenty-nine, it was postponed and never afterwards resumed.

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 15th of June, when his majesty expressed great concern at the commencement of hostilities in Europe, and stated that his principal care would be to preserve to his people the blessings of peace. His majesty applauded the measures which had been adopted for the diminution of taxation, and the additional provision made for the reduction of the existing national debt; and for the prevention of the accumulation of debt in future. But no prudential measures could lessen the existing debt, or prevent its accumulation, for in a few months England was involved in the most expensive war that had ever called forth her energies.

CHANGES IN THE MINISTRY.