Chapter XVI: {george III. 1787–1789} (2)

Notwithstanding the affairs on the continent were brought to a happy termination, it was deemed expedient to re-assemble parliament much earlier than had been usual for some months past. It met on the 27th of November, and the speech from the throne expressed great satisfaction that the disputes in the United Provinces, which not only threatened their constitution but affected the security and interests of the British dominions, had been so happily arranged. His majesty entered into a detail of the negociations which had taken place; after which he made some remarks on the flourishing state of the revenue, and the advantages that might be expected from the continuance of peace. The addresses were agreed to _nem. con._, in both houses. Fox acknowledged that if it were possible for him on the present occasion to refuse his concurrence with the sentiments conveyed by his majesty’s speech, or to oppose the motion, he should commit an outrage against all those principles and opinions by which his political career had been uniformly marked. Fox also expressed his warmest approbation of the energetic conduct of ministers in preventing France from interfering in the affairs of Holland, and said, that it was his unalterable opinion, that this country ought, whenever occasion required, to take a vigorous part in preserving the balance of power in Europe. Yet, though Fox might be sincere when he uttered these sentiments, he soon showed that he was still as hostile as ever to ministers. Two nights after he moved for an address to his majesty, that he would direct copies, or extracts from any notification made by the court of France of the intention of the most Christian king to interfere in the affairs of Holland, to be laid before the house; and he now contended that ministers had incurred unnecessary expenses, as the King of France never had any intention of an armed interference. This motion was negatived without a division, but on the 5th of December, when Pitt moved that a sum not exceeding £36,093 should be granted to the Prince of Hesse Cassel for the year 1788, Fox again cavilled, by insisting that further information was necessary, and that it was essential to show how these Hessian troops were to be employed. Burke showed himself more noble than his friend Fox on this occasion, for though he expressed a hope that no notion was entertained of introducing foreign troops into this island, he made no strong objection to the subsidy proposed, and he warmly commended the measures which had been pursued with respect to Holland, and congratulated ministers on their having renewed our connexions with that country. Pitt’s motion was agreed to unanimously. On the 10th of December a long debate took place on the subject of an augmentation of forces, which was proposed by the secretary-at-war, but the views of ministers were adopted by a large majority, and 3064 additional land-troops were voted. Money was also voted for erecting fortifications in some of the West Indian islands, which had seriously felt the want of them during the late war. These measures were followed by a debate on the numerous promotions which had recently been made in the navy. Sixteen captains had been created admirals during the summer, while a much greater number had been passed over in silence and neglect. This excited great discontent, and opposition endeavoured to show that great partiality had been displayed, and a motion was made in the house of commons, “That the house should resolve itself into a committee to inquire into the conduct of the admiralty in the business of the promotion.” This motion was negatived; but subsequently, after the Christmas recess, the subject was renewed in both houses, in the course of the debates on which the conduct of Lord Howe, the first lord of the admiralty, became the subject of severe censure, and he resigned in disgust both with ministers and parliament. He was succeeded by Pitt’s elder brother, the Earl of Chatham.

DISPUTES BETWEEN GOVERNMENT, AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.

{A.D. 1788}

During the late disputes, when a rupture with. France was anticipated, government had dispatched four regiments of soldiers for the protection of our East India territories; and when the disputes were settled, it was determined to render this addition to the military establishment a permanent measure. The court of directors had acceded to the proposal when originally made by the board of control, and had consented that the troops should be conveyed in their ships and maintained at their expense. When, however, an amicable arrangement had taken place with France, and all danger was over, the directors changed their sentiments, and contended that unless they themselves made the requisition, they were by Lord North’s bill of 1781, relieved from the obligation-of maintaining any troops that might be sent to India. In this opinion several eminent lawyers, whom they had consulted, appeared to coincide. On the other hand, Pitt, supported by the crown lawyers, asserted that the act of 1784 transferred to the board of control all powers formerly vested in the court of directors, relative to military and political concerns, as well as the collection and application of the revenues. It was contended on the part of government, indeed, that those parts of the act of 1781 which were inconsistent with those of the act of 1784, were, by the latter, virtually, if not actually repealed. Inconsequence of these disputes, on the 25th of February Pitt moved for leave to bring in a bill for removing the doubts in question, and for declaring that the intention of the legislature, in the act of 1784, was agreeable to the construction put upon it by the board of control. In support of his motion Pitt said, that “in his mind nothing could be more clear than that there was no one step that could have been taken previous to passing the act of 1784, by the court of directors, touching the military and political concerns of India, and also the collection, management, and application of thes revenues of the territorial possessions, that the commissioners of the board of control had not now a right to take, by virtue of the powers and authority vested in them by the act of 1784.” Dundas went even further than Pitt in support of the motion, for he declared, that the board of control might, if it chose, devote the whole revenue of India to the purpose of its defence, without leaving the company a single rupee. Leave was given to bring in the bill, without a division, but in all its stages, when introduced, it met with a formidable opposition. Among the objections raised against it, it was stated, that if passed, an army might be established in India without the knowledge or consent of parliament. In order to obviate this, Pitt proposed to add a clause, limiting the number of troops for the payment of which the board of control were empowered to issue orders. It was further urged as an objection, that the board might apply the revenues of India for the creation of undue influence, to the prejudice of the company’s interests, by the increase of salaries or perquisites, to prevent which Pitt proposed two other clauses, prohibiting gratuities, unless recommended by the directors; and stopping all increase of salary, unless proposed by the directors, and submitted to parliament. Pitt added a fourth clause, directing that the directors should lay annually before Parliament an account of the produce of all their revenues, and of all their disbursements. By these clauses every real objection to the bill was obviated; but resistance was still made to it, and the third reading was only carried by a majority of fifty-four, which, at this period, was considered a very small majority. The bill encountered a violent opposition in the house of lords, also; but it was finally carried by a majority of seventy-one against twenty-eight. Sixteen peers signed a long and powerfully-expressed protest, representing the bill as friendly to corrupt intrigue and cabal, hostile to all good government, and abhorrent to the principles of our constitution.

PITT’S FINANCIAL MEASURES.

Pitt proposed his budget for the year, on the 6th of May. In doing so he expressed great satisfaction at the flourishing state of our finances; stating, that although some extraordinary expenses had been incurred by the events of last year, yet, such was the improved condition of the revenue, that it afforded means of providing for all the services which had been voted, without any loan or new taxes, and without the slightest interruption to the action of the sinking-fund. This he proved by a statement of figures, and although Sheridan attempted to controvert his statements, they could not be proved fallacious. Of all men in the house, indeed, Sheridan was the most unfit to enter into financial computations, for his genius rather lay in rhetoric than in figures. In the supplies, 18,000 seamen were voted, and about 29,000 land-forces, beside those that were on foreign service.

ADDITIONS MADE TO THE BILL FOR TRYING CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS.

During this session Mr. Grenville proposed and carried certain amendments and additions to his father’s hill, for better regulating the trial of controverted elections. The principal of these related to the interruption of public business, by frivolous petitions, to obviate which the election committee were empowered to adjudge that a party prosecuting or supporting any such petition should pay reasonable costs. By these amendments, also, a rule was laid down for re-establishing the rights of election, and rendering them immutable.

CLAIMS OF THE AMERICAN ROYALISTS, ETC.

At the conclusion of peace, commissioners had been appointed to inquire into the losses of the American loyalists, and during this session Pitt submitted to the house a plan of liquidation. The loyalists were divided by him into three classes: those who resided in America at the beginning of the war, and from motives of duty to their sovereign had abandoned their estates and property; those who at the commencement of the war had been resident in England, and consequently had not been driven from America; and those who having enjoyed places or exercised professions in America, were compelled to leave that country by the war. Pitt rested their claims on the ground of national generosity and compassion, rather than of strict justice; and he proposed to pay to the two first classes the whole of their claims, if they did not exceed £10,000 and beyond that sum, to deduct from them a _per centage_, greater in the case of the second class than in the first; and to the third class he proposed to allow pensions, proportionate to the incomes which they had relinquished; those whose incomes had not exceeded four hundred pounds, receiving one half, by way of annuity. A sum amounting to about £1,340,000 was voted for this purpose. Pitt also, with the entire concurrence of the house, settled the case of the East Florida claimants, who had been obliged to quit their habitations and property, when their country was ceded to Spain. As their losses had arisen from the voluntary act of government, Pitt thought that they should be indemnified for their losses, and the sum of £113,952 was voted to them. Another measure of mercy was a bill for granting to the Earl of Newburgh, grandson of Charles Radcliffe, beheaded in 1746, for his share in the rebellion of 1715, a clear rent-charge of £2,500 out of the estates forfeited by the said Charles Radcliffe, and his brother James, third Earl of Derwentwater, who forfeited his life on the same account in 1710, which estates had been settled upon Greenwich Hospital. This bill afforded great relief to an amiable and deserving nobleman.

THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.

During the present reign several petitions had been presented to parliament on the subject of the slave-trade; some praying for its total abolition, and others for a more humane treatment of the African slaves in the West Indian islands. The honour of first taking up this cause of humanity in England, as well as in America, belongs to the Society of Friends, a society which is ever ready to exert its influence for the good of mankind. By degrees, however, the subject was taken up by men of all creeds and classes; orators, poets, and prose writers exposed the iniquity of trafficking in the bones and sinews of men, and by this time a general feeling existed in favour of the oppressed sons of Africa. A society was now formed, indeed, and a considerable sum of money raised, with a view to collect information on the subject, and to support the expense of an application to parliament for the total abolition of the slave-trade; great exertions being necessary to insure success, because it was foreseen that self-interest would oppose a powerful barrier to the proposed emancipation. Among those who exerted themselves in this holy cause were Mr. Thomas Clarkson, Mr. Ramsy, Mr. Thornton, Mr. Granville Sharpe, Lady Middleton, and Mrs. Bouverie, the two former as writers on the subject, and the remainder as labourers in procuring converts and subscriptions in the principal towns of England. The great champion of the cause, however, was the philanthropic and warm-hearted Wilberforce, the bosom-friend of the premier. Mr. Wilberforce seems to have been impressed with the idea that this work, with the reformation of manners, were the two great objects of his life; and to the suppression of the slave-trade he resolved to devote his whole parliamentary career. As might be expected, Wilberforce endeavoured to bring Pitt over to his cause; and he so far succeeded—his persuasions also being aided by thirty petitions which had, during this session, been laid on the table—as to induce the minister to issue a summons to certain members of the privy-council, to examine, as a board of trade, the state of our commercial intercourse with Africa. This privy-council was soon engaged in hearing witnesses; some on the part of the African merchants, who endeavoured to prove the necessity and humanity of the slave-trade; and others on the part of the London committee, who as earnestly laboured to show its abomination and iniquity. In the meantime Mr. Wilberforce undertook to bring forward a motion in the house of commons on the subject; and as he was a member for one of the greatest counties in the kingdom (Yorkshire) and an admirable speaker, his party were sanguine as to his success. Before Wilberforce could carry out his intentions, however, he fell ill, and was obliged to retire to Bath. The question stood thus; when, on the 9th of May, Pitt, being solicited by his friends, and by Granville Sharpe, and the London committe, moved the following resolution:—“That this house will, early in the next session of parliament, proceed to take into consideration the circumstances of the slave-trade complained of in the petitions presented to the house, and what may be fit to be done thereupon.” Pitt added, that before the next session the inquiry instituted by the privy-council would be brought to a conclusion, the result of which might facilitate their investigation; and he pledged himself to submit the question to the house, if his friend should still be unable to undertake the task. Burke and Fox, in reply, expressed great concern at the delay, and severely reprobated the inquiry carried on before the privy-council, contending that it ought to have taken place before the house, whose duty it was rather to advise the king than to ask or wait for his advice. Both declared that they were willing and prepared to have taken up the question themselves; and stated that they had given way to Wilberforce from deference to his abilities and known humanity, and on account of the influence he possessed with Pitt and the rest of the ministry. Pitt’s motion was carried unanimously; but Sir William Dolben, in the course of the debate, urged that the sufferings of slaves on their voyage from Africa to the West Indies required immediate attention; and on the 21st of May he moved for leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of their transportation. The picture which Sir William Dolben drew of the sufferings of the slaves on ship-board forcibly exhibited the horrid nature of the traffic. He represented them as chained together hand and foot, with only a space of five feet and a half in length, and sixteen inches in breadth, allotted for each slave; and being thus crammed together, putrid disorders and other dangerous diseases were generated, so that when the overseers came in the morning to examine the freight of human misery, he had to unchain the carcases of the dead from the living. To prevent this, Sir William proposed that no ship should be allowed to carry more than one slave to each ton of her burthen or register, or that a ship of three hundred tons should carry as many slaves and no more. This was, in point of fact, legislating for the slave-owners, inasmuch as the regulations would have the effect of decreasing the rate of mortality; yet as blind to their own interest as they were hardened in cruelty, petitions were presented against the proposed measure by the merchants of Liverpool, Bristol, and London, who stated that it would inflict upon themselves great injuries. They prayed to be heard at the bar of the house, which prayer was granted; but the facts reluctantly drawn from those who were brought forward in support of the present system, were so decisive against it, that the friends of the bill declined calling any counter-evidence. Indignant at the disclosures which were made, indeed. Pitt proposed a clause, rendering every slave-ship which had already sailed from England, subject to the regulations of the bill; and stated that he should think it proper to despatch a quick-sailing vessel, with copies of the act, to the coast of Africa, that they might not have a plea of ignorance to offer for the infringement of its rules. At the same time Pitt said, he trusted the house would make compensation to the merchants who might receive any pecuniary loss by the bill; an object which he thought was of no consideration when the interests of humanity were so intimately concerned. Pitt also proposed another clause, granting certain bounties to owners and surgeons of ships in which the mortality should not exceed two or three during the voyage; a clause which was intended to excite greater attention to the preservation of the slaves. With these additions the bill was carried through the commons in all its stages by considerable majorities. It also passed the lords; but it was there strenuously opposed by Admiral Lord Rodney, Lord Chancellor Thurlow, Lord Sidney, and the Duke of Chandos. The bill, which was to continue in force till August, 1783, by which time it was hoped something more would be done in favour of the slaves, received the royal assent on the 11th of July. The triumph served as an encouragement to the philanthropists to persevere in the cause of humanity; and from this time the number of their converts and their means daily increased.

{GEORGE III. 1787–1789}

CHARGE AGAINST SIR ELIJAH IMPEY.

Early in this session it was determined to impeach Sir Elijah Impey, chief-justice of the supreme court established at Calcutta, by the Regulating Act of 1773, Six articles of impeachment were accordingly exhibited to the house by Sir Gilbert Elliot, who supported them by a long and impressive speech, in which he professed to describe the career of the accused from his first arrival at Calcutta, down to his recall by a resolution of the house of commons. The articles which he produced related to the trial and execution of Nuncomar; to the conduct of Impey in a cause called the Patna cause; to an extension of jurisdiction, illegally and oppressively, beyond the intention of the act and charter; to the Cossijurah cause, in which this extension of jurisdiction had been carried out with great violence; to the acceptance of the office of judge of the Sudder Dewannee Adaulut, which was affirmed to be contrary to law, repugnant to the spirit and act of the charter, and subversive of all its material purposes; and to the affairs in Oude and Benares, where it was declared the chief-justice became the agent and tool of Hastings. At the suggestion of Pitt, these charges were ordered to be printed, and then referred to a committee of the whole house; which committee was to take them into consideration on the 4th of February. When that day arrived, a petition was presented from Sir Elijah Impey, praying to be heard in answer to the charges, before the house proceeded any further; and the prayer being granted, he was called to the bar for that purpose. His defence was very long and conducted with great ability, embracing every point on which he was charged. It produced a deep and lasting impression on the house, and Pitt was heard to declare that had he been placed in the same situation, he could not say but that he should have acted precisely as the accused had done. It was evident that the prosecution would soon be dropped, and it was rendered still more clear by the evidence taken at the bar of the house. This evidence was all taken by the 28th of April, on which clay Sir Gilbert Elliot began his reply to the defence, which was not finished before the 9th of May. Sir Gilbert moved, in conclusion, a resolution importing that the first charge had been made good, which was supported by Fox, Burke, and Colonel Fuliarton, and controverted by Sir Richard Sutton, Mr. D. Pulteney, the attorney and solicitor-general, and the chancellor of the exchequer. Upon a division, the motion was lost by a majority of seventy-three against fifty-five; and on the 27th of May, the day appointed for the committee to sit again, upon the usual motion that the speaker do now leave the chair, it was opposed by the attorney-general, and negatived without a division; and the further consideration of the charges was adjourned to that day three months. The prosecution of Sir Elijah Impey was now closed, for the other charges were never taken into consideration.

IMPEACHMENT OF WARREN HASTINGS.

In the meantime the impeachment of Hastings had been carried on with great activity. In the early part of this session the commons had appointed a committee of management for his impeachment, and on the 13th of February his trial commenced with every solemnity that the forms of official dignity could impart. The trial took place in Westminster-hall, which was fitted up with great magnificence for the occasion; benches, stages, and boxes were erected, and the old grey walls were hung with scarlet. All the magnates of the land were assembled at this trial; either to take part in the proceedings, or to act as mere spectators.

The first two days of the trial were occupied in the arrangement of ceremonials. When all were seated the sergeant-at-arms made proclamation, and called upon Warren Hastings, Esquire, to appear in court. Hastings advanced, accompanied by his two bail, Sullivan and Sumner, and the sergeant-at-arms again made proclamation, that whereas charges of high crimes and misdemeanors had been exhibited by the house of commons, in the name of themselves, and of all the commons of Great Britain, against Warren Hastings, Esq., all persons were to take notice that he now stood upon his trial, that they might come forth and make good the said charges. Hastings was then addressed by the Lord Chancellor Thurlow in the following terms:—“Warren Hastings, you stand at the bar of this court charged with high crimes and misdemeanors, a copy of which has been delivered to you: you have been allowed counsel, and a long time has been given you for your defence; but this is not to be considered as a particular indulgence to you, as it arose from the necessity of the case; the crimes with which you are charged being stated to have been committed in a distant place. These charges contain the most weighty allegations, and they come from the highest authority. This circumstance, however, though it carries with it the most serious importance, is not to prevent you from making your defence in a firm and collected manner, in the confidence that, as a British subject, you are entitled to, and will receive full justice from a British court.” To this address Hastings replied:—“My lords, I am come to this high tribunal equally impressed with a confidence in my own integrity and in the justice of the court before which I stand.” After this the clerks of the court proceeded to read the charges and answers, which occupied the remainder of this day and the whole of the next; and when this was completed, Burke, on the 15th of February, as the head of the committee of managers, opened the impeachment by a speech which lasted four days. He commenced by the following observations:—“My lords, the gentlemen who have it in command to support this impeachment of Mr. Hastings, have directed me to open the cause with a general view of the grounds on which the commons have proceeded in their charge against him. They have directed me to accompany this with another general view of the extent, the magnitude, the nature, and the effect of the crimes which they allege to have been committed. They have also directed me to give an explanation of such circumstances preceding those crimes, or concomitant with them, as may tend to elucidate whatever is obscure in the articles. To those they have wished me to add a few illustrative remarks on the laws, customs, opinions, and manners of the people who are the objects of the crimes which we charge on Mr. Hastings.” In following out the course prescribed him, Burke in turns charmed, excited, and terrified his audience, and produced all the effects attributed to the most successful orators in the days of antiquity. His appeals to the feelings and passions of his auditory were much too frequent, especially as those parts of his speech were derived from the tales of the enemies of Hastings; tales that were amplified and exaggerated, either by private malevolence or by oriental hyperbole. Apart from this grand error, however, Burke’s speech was one of the finest that was ever delivered in the English language. Parts of it were “soberly sublime,” exhibiting a wonderful range of knowledge, a high statesman-like philosophy, and a fine spirit of Christian philanthropy. His arguments were enforced with great acuteness, and were so powerful as almost to convince Hastings himself that he was a guilty man. “For half an hour,” said the accused, “I looked up at the orator in a reverie of wonder; and, during that space, I actually felt myself the most culpable man on earth; but I recurred to my own bosom, and there found a consciousness that consoled me under all I heard and all I suffered.” The excitement which was produced by Burke’s speech operated upon all that heard him; ladies fainted in the galleries, and the inflexible face of the Lord Chancellor Thurlow was several times seen to quiver with emotion. In pronouncing his preoration on the fourth day, the orator raised his voice to such a pitch as seemed to shake the walls and roof of Westminster Hall. He exclaimed,—“Therefore it is with confidence that, ordered by the commons, I impeach Warren Hastings Esq., of high crimes and misdemeanors. I impeach him in the name of the commons of Great Britain, in parliament assembled, whose trust he has betrayed. I impeach him in the name of all the commons of Great Britain, whose national character he has dishonoured. I impeach him in the name of the people of India, whose laws, rights, and liberties he has subverted, whose properties he has destroyed, whose country he has laid waste and desolate. I impeach him in the name of human nature itself, which he has cruelly outraged, injured, and oppressed in both sexes, in every age, rank, situation, and condition of life. And I conjure this high and sacred court to let not these pleadings be heard in vain.” As soon as the agitation, which Burke’s speech and accusation gave rise to, had subsided, a debate ensued respecting the manner in which the defence should be conducted. It was finally decided, in opposition to the wish of the managing committee and the opinions of their counsel, that, according to the usual practice in trials, the prosecutor should complete his case before the accused commenced his defence. Accordingly, Fox, after making some complaints against this decision, opened the Benares charge down to the expulsion of Cheyte Sing, which was followed up and completed by Mr. Gray. After this the evidence was brought forward, and the whole was summed up by Mr. Anstruther on the 11th of April. The court did not meet again till the 15th of April; when Mr. Adam opened the next charge, relating to the Begums of Oude, which was continued and completed by Mr. Pelham. The evidence on this charge was summed up by Sheridan; on which occasion he made another grand display, though, it is said, not equal to that which he made on the same subject in the house of commons. As on the former occasion, his speech abounded with tropes and figures; and his performance attracted a fuller audience than had yet assembled in the hall. It lasted three whole days; but only a few fragments of his speech are extant, and scarcely any one of those in existence convey any notion of the fascination which, it is said, that his oratory exercised over those who heard him. One of the most beautiful portions of his speech related to the correspondence of the governor and his agent. It reads thus:—“When I see in many of these letters the infirmities of age made a subject of mockery and ridicule; when I see the feelings of a son treated by Mr. Middleton as puerile and contemptible; when I see an order given from Mr. Hastings to harden that son’s heart, and to choke the struggles of nature in his bosom; when I see them pointing to the son’s name and to his standard, while marching to oppress the mother, as to a banner that gives dignity—that gives a holy sanction and reverence to their enterprise; when I see and hear these things done; when I hear them brought into three deliberate defences set up against the charges of the commons, my lords, I own I grow puzzled and confounded, and almost begin to doubt whether, where such a defence can be offered, it may not be tolerated. And yet, my lords, how can I support the claim of filial love by argument? much less the affections of a son to a mother, where love loses its awe, and veneration is mixed with tenderness. What can I say on such a subject? What can I do but repeat the ready truths which, with the quick impulse of the mind, must spring to the lips of every man on such a theme? Filial love! the moral of instinct, the sacrament of nature and duty, or rather let me say, it is miscalled a duty, for it flows from the heart without effort, and is its delight, its indulgence, its enjoyment. It is guided, not by the slow dictates of reason; it awaits not encouragement from reflection or from thought; it asks no aid of memory; it is an innate, but active consciousness of having been the object of a thousand tender solicitudes, a thousand waking, watchful cares of meek anxiety and patient sacrifices, unremarked and unrequited by the object; it is a gratitude founded on a conviction of obligations, not remembered, but more binding because not remembered—because conferred before the tender reason could acknowledge, or the infant memory record them; a gratitude and affection which no circumstances should subdue, and which few can strengthen; a gratitude in which injury from the object, though it may blend regret, should never breed resentment; an affection which can be in creased only by the decay of those to whom we owe it, and which is then most fervent, when the tremulous voice of age, resistless in its feebleness, inquires for the natural protector of its cold decline. If these are the general sentiments of man, what must be their depravity—what must be their degeneracy—who can blot out and erase from the bosom the virtue that is most deeply rooted in the human heart, and twined, within the cords of life itself? Aliens from nature! Apostates from humanity! And yet, if there be a crime more fell, more foul; if there be anything worse than a wilful persecutor of his mother, it is that of a deliberate instigator and abettor to the deed; this it is that shocks, disgusts, and appals the mind more than the other; to view, not a wilful parricide, but a parricide by compulsion; a miserable wretch, not actuated by the stubborn evils of his own worthless heart, not driven by the fury of his own distracted brain, but lending his sacrilegious hand, without any malice of his own, to answer the abandoned purposes of the human fiends that have subdued his will. To condemn crimes like these we need not talk of laws or of human rules; their foulness, their deformity does not depend on local constitutions, on human institutes, or religious creeds; they are crimes, and the persons who perpetrate them are monsters, who violate the primitive condition on which the earth was given to man; they are guilty by the general verdict of human-kind.” Sheridan concluded his speech by an appeal to British justice, which, as it is preserved to us, is a mere sonorous roll of words, with a common-place meaning; after which he acted a stage-trick; as if fainting, he fell back into the arms of his friend Burke.

This was the last charge against Hastings that came before the court in Westminster Hall during the present session. In the house of commons, however, there was much discussion concerning the money issued from the exchequer, for the discharge of the expenses incurred in the impeachment. Mr. Burgess moved that an account of all the money expended should be laid before the house; and, though opposed by the managing committee, who said they considered the motion as made merely as an attempt by the friends of Hastings to vex and impede the committee in the prosecution, it was carried, and an account of the expenses was laid upon the table. But this account was incomplete; and Mr. Burgess had to make three other motions before the particulars of the expenditure were clearly brought before the house. In all these motions he was supported by Pitt, who declared he thought it necessary that the house should know how the money was spent, and have the power of checking the expenditure if they thought it in any case unnecessary. It seems to have been suspected that many men were making a profitable affair of the impeachment; and it must be confessed that the conduct of the managers, in resisting the inquiries, seemed to justify that suspicion. Their grand argument against the motion was, that such a measure as giving an account of the expenditure, was unprecedented, and had never been attempted nor dreamed of in any great prosecution. They stated that the charges already incurred in employing counsel were remarkably moderate, and that the fees were, in fact, inadequate to the services performed. They even argued, that if more money had been spent, more good would have been done, as they could then have procured “secret services,” which they thought very necessary in such a case. These were unfortunate arguments, as they left an impression on the minds of many, that some, at least, engaged in the prosecution for what they could get by it. On the other hand, it is possible that some members wished to impede the operations of the committee, and to favour Hastings by cutting off, or, at least, greatly reducing their resources. Even after all his motions were carried, Mr. Burgess expressed a doubt whether the house had really authorised the managers to employ counsel; whether there was any precedent for it; and whether the assistance of counsel was necessary. Pitt did not go thus far; but he questioned whether two civilians, besides ordinary counsel, were required. The whole debate, indeed, seems to show that there was an anxiety among certain members in the house to benefit Hastings, by encouraging doubts and insinuations against his prosecutors; which doubts and insinuations were the more regarded, because two of them, at least—Fox and Sheridan—did not enjoy any high reputation as regards money matters. It would have been very ungracious of the house, however, if, after giving the managing committee a commission to conduct the prosecution, it had left them to pay the expenses of that prosecution out of their own pockets. This was not done; but the discussions which took place on the subject of the expenditure had the effect of keeping down the growth of the law expenses, by drawing public attention to them, and by establishing the rule, that the solicitors should continue to present, from time to time, an account of all money spent in the prosecution. Had this rule not been laid down, the cost of this prosecution would probably have been enormous; and, as it was, they must have been great, for the expenses already amounted to £4300, exclusive of the erections in and decorations of Westminster Hall. The expenses which Hastings had incurred was much greater; and yet of twenty charges only two had been heard; and he then had to make his defence.

PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

Parliament was prorogued on the 11th of July, by a speech from the throne, in which his majesty complimented the two houses on their attention and liberality. The king mentioned that the Emperor of Germany had joined the Empress of Russia in a war against the sultan; and he referred to treaties into which he had entered with the King of Prussia and with the States-general of the United Provinces, which he trusted would be productive of the happiest results both to England and to all Europe.

CONTINENTAL ALLIANCES.

The treaties to which his majesty alluded had been concluded early in this year. That between England and Holland embraced a mutual guarantee of dominions; a security for the existing form of government in the United Provinces; and regulations by which the commerce of each country was placed on the footing of the most favoured nations. The treaty between the kings of Great Britain and Prussia was one of defensive alliance; in which, besides the usual articles of mutual agreement, the contracting parties bound themselves to act at all times in concert, for the maintenance of the security, independence, and government of the United Provinces. The object of these treaties was not so much to preserve the balance of power in Holland against the influence of France, as to secure that country from any attempts which might be made against it by the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, whose forces were now banded together. It was supposed that the object of the alliance of the Austrian and Russian courts was conquest and aggrandizement; a supposition which seemed confirmed by their known characters, and by the war which they were carrying on against the Ottoman empire. From France, at this period, there was now nothing to fear, for it was a house divided against itself, and was, therefore, incapable of either disturbing the peace of her neighbours, or of rendering them any assistance in case of attack from any other quarter. But out of the weakness of France arose the necessity of opposing a barrier against the dangerous alliance which had been formed between the two imperial courts; for it was imagined, that if successful in their war with the sultan, they would afterwards direct their hostile and ambitious views to other parts of Europe.

DERANGEMENT OF HIS MAJESTY: DEBATES ON THE REGENCY.

When the king prorogued parliament he appeared to be in his usual good state of health, but shortly after he became indisposed, and was advised by his physicians to try the mineral waters of Cheltenham. During his residence at Cheltenham his health greatly improved, but in the month of August, when he returned to Windsor, his disorder took an unfortunate turn, for symptoms of mental derangement appeared, which gradually increased, till he was no longer capable of attending to public business. His madness was also accompanied by a bilious fever, from which, for several days, his life was despaired of, as well as his reason. This event affected all classes, and caused great consternation at court and in the cabinet; it also gave rise to intrigue and strife among contending parties.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament stood prorogued to the 20th of November, and six days before, circular letters were issued, requesting the attendance of members on that day. The peers and members being assembled, the state of the king’s health was formally notified to them, in the upper house by the lord chancellor, and in the commons by Pitt. In both houses a motion of adjournment to the 4th of December was made, in order to see whether his majesty’s disorder was likely to be of long continuance, which motion was carried _nem. con._

In the mean time the leaders of both parties busied themselves in intrigue and deliberation. Neither party, however, were yet clear as to the steps they should pursue, for the varying opinions of the physicians were calculated to perplex their minds, rather than to serve as a guide to their conduct. It was necessary that some decisive information should be obtained before the meeting of parliament, and therefore, on the 3rd of December, a privy-council was held at Whitehall, for the purpose of examining the physicians. The result of the opinion of the physicians was, that his majesty was incapable of attending to business; that, judging from experience in similar cases, there was a fair prospect of his recovery; but that the time when that event would take place was uncertain. Parliament reassembled on the following day, when this report was presented to the lords by Earl Camden, and to the commons by Pitt. In both houses it was represented by ministers that the functions of government were suspended; that in this dismembered state of the legislature the right devolved on the two houses of parliament, to make such provision as should be adequate to meet the case; but that it was necessary, before any step could be taken in such a delicate business, that the extent of the deficiency should be fully ascertained. It was moved by Lord Camden in the lords, and by Pitt in the commons, that the report should be taken into consideration on Monday, the 8th of December, which was agreed to; but doubts were expressed in the commons, whether the house could proceed upon a mere report, and whether they ought not rather to examine the physicians themselves at their own bar, or by means of a committee. Pitt replied, that the case required great delicacy, and that the report of the physicians was made upon oath, which the house of commons had not the power to administer. Fox agreed with Pitt, in the propriety of proceeding with delicacy; but, he added, “if delicacy and duty should happen to clash, the latter ought not to be sacrificed to the former.” Nothing further, however, was said at this time on the subject, and after deciding that the speaker was competent to issue writs for new elections, to supply the places of some members who had died during the recess, the house adjourned to the time above mentioned.

About this time the royal family removed to Kew, for the greater convenience of the king’s medical attendants, and as the malady continued without abatement, the Rev. Dr. Willis, who had quitted his clerical functions, and devoted himself with great success to the cure of insanity, was called in to undertake the principal and constant charge of his majesty. When parliament reassembled on the 8th of December, Pitt related these circumstances, and conceiving that it would materially serve his cause, he himself now moved for a committee to examine the physicians who had attended the king during his illness. This motion was carried without a division, and a committee of twenty-one was appointed, Pitt, himself, being their chairman. A similar motion was made and carried in the upper house, and a committee of peers was appointed for the same purpose. The report of the committee was presented by Pitt in the commons on the 10th of December, which was favourable to the king’s ultimate recovery; and after it was ordered to be printed, the premier, whose object it was to delay decision on the subject of the regency, moved that another committee should be appointed, to inspect the journals for precedents of such proceedings as had been adopted in former instances, when the sovereign authority was suspended by sickness, infirmity, or any other cause. This called forth the opposition of Fox, who objected to the motion as nugatory and productive of unnecessary delay. Pitt knew well, he said, that there were no precedents which applied to the present case. He contended that all that was requisite for their decision had been done by the report just laid on the table; a report by which the incapacity of the sovereign had been fully ascertained. Fox then advanced, as a proposition deducible from the principles of the constitution and the laws of hereditary succession, that whenever the sovereign was incapable of exercising the functions of his high office, the heir-apparent, if arrived at maturity, had as indisputable a claim to the exercise of the executive authority, in the name and on the behalf of the sovereign, during his incapacity, as in the case of his natural demise. In advancing such a proposition as this Fox committed a great blunder, for by it he became the advocate of prerogative, in opposition to the rights of the people. Pitt instantly perceived his error, and he took the utmost advantage of it, by taking up the cause which Fox had suddenly deserted. With an appearance of patriotic indignation, Pitt declared that the assertion which Fox had made was little short of treason against the constitution; insisted that the heir-apparent had no more right, in the case alleged, to the exercise of the executive power than any other person in the realm; and asserted that it belonged to the two remaining branches of the legislature to make such provision for supplying the temporary deficiency as they should think proper. He asked, when the regular exercise of the powers of government was from any cause suspended, to whom could the right of providing a remedy for the existing defect devolve, but to the people, from whom the powers of government originated? Kings and princes, he said, derived their power from the people; and to the people alone, by means of their representatives, did it belong to decide in cases for which the constitution had made no specific provisions. On these grounds Pitt insisted that the Prince of Wales had no more right to supply the existing deficiency than any other subject, though he admitted that it was expedient for parliament to offer him the regency. Fox and Burke replied to Pitt, but they were unable to refute his arguments, and his motion was carried without a division, and a committee of twenty-one was appointed to look for precedents, which all men knew were not to be found. On the following day Lord Camden made a similar motion in the lords, in doing which he strongly condemned the doctrine which Fox had advanced, and contended, with Pitt, that the light and duty of naming the regent, and limiting his power, belonged exclusively to the houses of parliament. The motion of Fox was supported by Lords Loughborough, Stormont, and Porchester, and controverted by Lord Stanhope and the lord chancellor, the latter of whom declared that the doctrine was a new one to him. Thurlow seems to have been induced to speak on this occasion, in order to throw discredit on his rival, Lord Loughborough, who was a friend of the Prince of Wales, and was looking for the chancellorship. Recently the lord chancellor had been silent as a statue on the subject in question, and from his conduct it appeared evident that he was waiting to see how the malady of the monarch terminated, before he decided upon what part he should take. It was more than suspected, indeed, that Thurlow had, from the commencement of his majesty’s illness, been in correspondence with the prince and his friends, while at the council-table, and on the woolsack, he seemed to agree with his colleagues in office.