Chapter XII: {george III. 1781–1782} (1)

Notice of the Rupture with Holland..... Burke
re-introduces the Subject of Economical Reform, &c.
Debates on the Supplies..... Motion on the Employment of the
Military in the late Riots..... Petition of the Delegates of
the County Associations..... The Marriage Act
corrected..... Motion of Fox respecting the American
War..... Parliament prorogued..... Attack on Jersey..... The
Garrison of Gibraltar relieved..... Revolt in Washington’s
Camp..... Arnold’s Expedition to Virginia, &c. Lord
Cornwallis’s Expedition to Virginia..... Siege of
Lord Cornwallis in York Town..... Loss of the British
Dominion in Florida..... Attack on Minorca..... French and
Spanish Fleets in the English Channel..... Naval
Action with the Dutch..... Capture of St. Eustatius.....
Commodore Johnstone attacked by de Suffrein, &c.
Further Operations in the West Indies..... Sentiments of
Foreign Powers toward England..... Meeting of Parliament.....
Censures on Rodney and Hauffman..... debate on the Navy.....
Motions of Sir James Lowther for Peace, &c.

{A.D. 1781}

NOTICE OF THE RUPTURE WITH HOLLAND.

On the 25th of January Lord North delivered a message from the king, in which his majesty acquainted the house, that during the recess he had been compelled to direct letters of marque and general reprisal to be issued against the States General of the United Provinces. A copy of the manifesto and sundry other papers were laid before the house, in order that the members might be fully acquainted with the causes and motives of his majesty in directing these letters. Having delivered his message, Lord North moved, “That an address be presented to his majesty, assuring him that the house would, with a firm and determined resolution, support the just and necessary war against Holland, for the maintenance of the honour of his crown, and the lights and interests of his people.” This motion was opposed by the opposition, Burke taking the lead in the debate. In his speech, Burke declared that ministers had been in fault rather than the Dutch, and that the paper found in the box of the captured American packet, was nothing more than a project or draft of a treaty, which possibly the Dutch would never have completed. So far as they knew, he said, it might be merely a “speculative essay,” or a “contemplative prospect;” and therefore it was no justifiable or assignable ground for going to war with them. These were arguments, however, for party purposes; opposition conceived that the declaration of war between England and Holland was setting the seal to Lord North’s political embarrassments, and therefore they adopted this line of argument in order to suit their own views. It was, indeed, notorious that government had strenuously endeavoured to avoid an open rupture with Holland, and that it was not till the British honour was at stake that war was declared. But ministers were in no danger from the arguments of opposition on this question. A majority of nearly two to one agreed with Lord North and the manifesto, and exclaimed against the insolence, the selfishness, and the ingratitude of the States General. In the house of lords, also, the address was carried by a large majority; but two protests were recorded by the dissentient peers against this new war “with the ancient and natural allies of the kingdom.”

BURKE RE-INTRODUCES THE SUBJECT OF ECONOMICAL REFORM, ETC.

On the 15th of February, after some debates on the affairs of India, Mr. Burke reproduced his scheme of economical reform which had been rejected in the last session. He opened his proposition by stating the powerful motives that called upon him to resume that subject. These motives were the celebrated resolutions of the late parliament, respecting the alarming increase of the influence of the crown; the general wish and expectation of the people; and the direct application made to himself and others from several counties and associations. It seems probable that he was chiefly induced to renew the subject through the influence of the associations, which, notwithstanding the scenes which had occurred through them in the metropolis during the last year, still endeavoured to stimulate opposition by inflammatory resolutions, not only against fancied invasions of public rights, but against the license supposed to be now granted to military authority. At this period, indeed, political associations had acquired considerable strength and consistency, and their danger was increased by the new and unconstitutional measure of appointing delegates to transact their business in the capital, and to promote the objects of their petitions. Their chief object was a reduction of expenditure, but with this they coupled what was afterwards called a “Radical Reform” of the house of commons. It was notorious that Burke received from these associations many complimentary addresses, for his efforts in the cause of reform, and he seems from hence to have been stimulated to renew the subject in the house. This, indeed, is indicated by his allusion to the associations. After making this allusion, Burke, in continuing his speech, said that the nation was involved in expenses which reached the utmost limits of the public ability, and that as it was originally the duty of ministers to have framed and carried into execution such a scheme of economy as he now brought forward, so it was their interest to secure themselves from punishment by making some amends for their former neglect. Burke displayed considerable address in his appeal to this new house. The three resolutions of the late parliament, he said, were a valuable legacy bequeathed to the public, and an atonement for previous servility; adding, that they formed a body of maxims, authorizing the people to expect from their present representatives, that which was declared to be necessary by their predecessors: if the present parliament neglected to accomplish what the previous parliament had designed, all the evil consequences would be charged upon them; and while the resolutions of the 6th of April would stand upon their journals as public monuments of exculpation to their predecessors, they would likewise stand as public monuments of disgrace to them. The fallacy of M. Neckar’s financial measures in France was not yet made manifest, and Burke again applauded the economical achievements of that statesman, and held up the example of France, both as a warning and an encouragement. In conclusion he moved, “That leave be given to bring in a bill for the better regulation of his majesty’s civil establishments and of certain public offices; for the limitation of pensions and the suppression of sundry useless expenses and inconvenient places, and for applying the monies saved thereby to the public service.” This motion was seconded by Mr. Duncombe, and leave was given to bring in the bill without opposition; Lord North declaring that he would reserve his objections to the second reading. The second reading took place on the 26th of February, when there was a long and animated debate on the measure. One of the most remarkable speeches on this occasion was delivered by the Hon. William Pitt, second son of the late Earl of Chatham, who now spoke for the first time in the house of commons. William Pitt, on whom the mantle of his father seems to have fallen, announced himself as an ardent reformer and lover of strict economy. One great object, he said, of all the petitions which had been presented, was a recommendation of economy in the public expenditure, and the design of the present bill was to carry these wishes into effect. The bill had still another object more important in view, and that was the reduction of the influence of the crown; an influence which was the more to be dreaded, because more secret in its attacks, and more concealed in its operations than the power of prerogative. Pitt then adverted to the objections which had been made to the bill, and which he termed extraordinary, inasmuch as it only proposed to bring about £200,000 into the public coffers; an insignificant sum when compared with the millions annually expended. He continued:—“What then is the conclusion we are left to deduce? The calamities of the present crisis are too great to be benefited by economy. Our expenses are so enormous, that it is useless to give ourselves any concern about them: we have spent and are spending so much, that it is foolish to think of saving anything. Such is the language which the opponents of this bill have virtually employed. It has also been said that the king’s civil list was an irresumable parliamentary grant, and it had even been compared to a private freehold. The weakness of such arguments was their best refutation. The civil list revenue was granted to his majesty, not for his private use, but for the support of the executive government of the state. It was granted to support the dignity and interests of the empire, to maintain its grandeur, to pay the judges, and foreign ministers, to maintain justice and support respect, to pay the great officers necessary to the lustre of the crown; and it was proportioned to the dignity and opulence of the people. The parliament made the grant, and undoubtedly had a right to resume it when the pressure of the times rendered such resumption necessary.” The youthful orator, who was listened to with deep attention by both sides of the house, declared, in conclusion, that he considered the present bill as essential to the well-being and independence of the country, and he would therefore give it his most determined support. Opposition, however, were outvoted by a majority of forty-three; the motion for the second reading being negatived by two hundred and thirty-three against one hundred and ninety. By a subsequent resolution the further consideration of Burke’s bill was put off for six months. About the same time several other popular measures proposed in the last session were revived, as the bills against contractors and revenue-officers, and for imposing a tax on places and pensions, but they were all defeated by considerable majorities.

DEBATES ON THE SUPPLIES.

Lord North had soon another contest to sustain. On the 7th of March he brought forward his annual statement of the supplies and resources for the current service. The sum demanded for the year was £22,458,337, twelve of which, he stated it would be necessary to raise by a loan. The terms were unusually high. A contract had been entered into with the subscribers to grant £150 stock at three per cent., and twenty-five at four per cent, for every £100 in money, being £9,000,000 more than the sum paid into the exchequer. To defray the interest of this loan new taxes would be required to the amount of £660,000 annually; that is £60,000 more than the legal interest of five per cent., exclusive of which, as the subscription to the loan bore a premium of ten per cent., the further sum of £1,200,000 appeared to be lost to the nation. Mr. Fox reprobated this bargain, as the most corrupt in its origin, the most shameful in its progress, and the most injurious in its consequences that ever came under the notice of the house. The profits of the loan were estimated by him at about £1,000,000, and this sum, he said, was entirely at the disposal, and in the hands of the minister, to be granted in douceurs to the members of that house, either as compensations for the expenses of their late elections, or as bribes for future services. Fox also strongly objected to a proposed lottery, which was a part of the loan scheme, as a means of raising money for the public service. Taught by experience—for Fox was at this time reduced to a miserable state of embarrassment and dependence, from his love of the gambling table—he delivered an impressive harangue on the vice of gambling, and declared that lotteries were the most pernicious of all species of gaming inasmuch as they immediately affected the morals, habits, and circumstances of the lower orders of society. Lord North defended both the loan and the lottery, and asserted that the £12,000,000 could not have been obtained upon easier conditions. Fox had moved that the clause respecting the lottery should be omitted; but this was rejected by one hundred and sixty-nine against one hundred and eleven, and the minister’s measures were all passed. The matter, however, did not end here. Opposition to the loan bill was renewed under a variety of forms while passing through the lower house; and when carried to the Lords, it encountered the severe censure of the Marquess of Buckingham, and others of his party. Eight peers entered a protest against the bill on the journals. Subsequently the subject was revived in the commons, by a motion of Sir George Saville for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the circumstances of the loan. Sir George argued, that though the bargain had been ratified, it was yet not too late to pass a vote of censure, or even of impeachment, on the minister who had thus grossly and daringly sacrificed the interests of the public. A vehement debate followed this motion; but it was lost by a majority of two hundred and nine against one hundred and sixty-three.

MOTION ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF THE MILITARY IN THE LATE RIOTS.

It must have been very clear to any unprejudiced mind, that the employment of the military in the suppression of the London riots of the preceding summer, so far from being premature, had not been resorted to in time to save the city from the ravages of a lawless mob. At this time, however, as in many preceding years, no stone was left unturned by opposition whereby there was the remotest chance of bringing ministers into public contempt. They were assailed at every point wherein they were considered vulnerable; and one attack was but the precursor of another. Mr. Brinsley Sheridan, who had made his first speech during last November, and had won golden opinions by his oratory on that occasion, moved three propositions: the first declaring that the military force could not justifiably be applied in dispersing tumultuous assemblies, without waiting for directions from civil magistrates, unless outrages had broken out with such violence as to overcome civil authority, and threaten the subversion of legal government; the second affirming that the unprecedented order to the military on the 7th of June last, afforded strong presumption of the defective state of the police; and the third for the appointment cf a committee to inquire into the conduct of the magistracy and civil power during the riots. Sheridan delivered a severe philippic against the administration, which was adorned with glowing periods, and abounded in bitter invectives; but after a long debate, in which the government were fully vindicated from all blame, all the motions were negatived. On this occasion, however, Sheridan obtained the reputation of a first-rate orator, which probably pleased him more than he would have been had his propositions received the sanction of the house.

PETITION OF THE DELEGATES OF THE COUNTY ASSOCIATIONS.

During the stay of the delegates of the county associations in London, they were busied in getting up meetings of their own, and in preparing a petition to the house of commons, in which they attempted to combine all the complaints of the nation, and all the prayers for economical and parliamentary reform. These delegates, however, were compelled to sign their petition merely as individual freeholders, and not in their delegated character, inasmuch as the general sense of the house was known to be against them. Their exertions, indeed, had been matter of frequent allusion during this session; and while the few applauded them as enlightened and devoted patriots, the many denounced them as factious demagogues. Their petition was presented on the 2nd of April by Mr. Buncombe; but it was suffered to lie on the table until the recovery of Sir George Saville, who had undertaken to move for referring the petition to a committee. Sir George made this motion on the 8th of May; but the contents of the petition, and the unconstitutional character of the delegates, were severely reprobated; and the motion was lost by a majority of two hundred and twelve against one hundred and thirty-five.

THE MARRIAGE ACT CORRECTED.

It had been found, by a late decision in the court of king’s bench, that a clause in the Marriage Act of 1751 rendered all marriages unlawful whereof the banns had been published in churches or chapels erected since the passing of the act. This decision would have dissolved thousands of marriages hitherto supposed to be valid, and would also have rendered their offspring illegitimate, had not the legislature interfered. A bill was brought in by Lord Beauchamp, which had a retrospective operation, in order to render such marriages valid and their issue legitimate. This bill was adopted by both houses unanimously; and it received the royal assent early in June. After it had passed, Fox, who inherited his father’s dislike to the whole of the marriage Act, brought in a bill for amending or rather repealing it _in toto_. Fox’s motion, which was rejected without a division, excited much notice from the circumstance that it brought him into collision for the first time with Burke, his bosom friend. Burke as strenuously supported the original act, as Fox opposed it; considering that “it hit the just mean between a mischievous restraint and that laxity which formerly occasioned so much disorder.” Each supported their own views with their known abilities.

MOTION OF FOX RESPECTING THE AMERICAN WAR.

On the 30th of May, Colonel Hartley moved for leave to bring in a bill vesting the crown with sufficient powers to treat, consult, and finally agree upon the means of restoring peace with the provinces of North America. This motion was rejected by a large majority, but a few days afterwards intelligence arrived of reverses in North Carolina, which emboldened the opposition to recur to the subject. On the 12th of June, Fox moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee to consider of the American war; and at the same time he gave notice that he intended to move in committee “That his majesty’s ministers ought immediately to take every possible measure for concluding peace with our American colonies.” In his speech, Fox contended that success by force of arms was impossible, and expressed his belief that the Americans would have treated upon far more moderate and honourable conditions than they ever entertained a notion of admitting. The orators on both sides went over the whole history of the war; but their oratory was chiefly remarkable for its mutual recrimination: each party endeavouring to throw the blame upon the other. In the course of the debate the memory of Chatham was treated with disrespect. It was urged by some, that he had been one cause of the dispute, or of the ill-success which had attended its management; that his notions were contradictory; and that if one of his leading principles was to be followed the war would never end. William Pitt rose to defend the character of his father; but his eloquence failed to reconcile the manifest contradictions which had appeared in the proceedings of that great statesman. When he had performed this duty, Pitt proceeded to state his own opinion on the subject of the American war. He remarked:—“The war was conceived in injustice, nurtured in folly, and its footsteps are marked with slaughter and devastation. It exhibits the height of moral depravity and human turpitude. The nation is drained of its best blood and its vital resources, for which nothing is received in return but a series of inefficient victories or disgraceful retreats; victories obtained over men struggling in the holy cause of liberty, or defeats which filled the land with mourning for the loss of dear and valuable relatives, slain in a detested and impious quarrel.” Some members, however, argued that the Americans might yet be subdued; while others doubted whether at this moment, when they were backed by France, Spain, and Holland, they would not treat all overtures with contumely. It was also questioned whether the house could, or ought to interfere with the prerogative of the crown; in which was vested the power of peace and war, and whether they could bind the sovereign by their resolution, which was not likely to be adopted by the lords. Moreover, on both sides of the house there were men who still shrunk from the idea of recognizing the independence of America, and hence, when the house divided the motion was rejected by one hundred and seventy-two against ninety-nine.

PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

This session terminated on the 18th of July. In his speech the king thanked the members for their long attendance, their loyalty, and their affection. At this time a prospect of brilliant successes had opened in India, and that the British would build up an empire more vast in its extent than that for which they were contending in the West. His majesty dwelt at some length upon this subject, and warmly applauded measures adopted, or in progress, for checking abuses in these possessions, and for making our conquests mutually advantageous to the natives and ourselves. On the subject of America he remarked:—“While I lament the continuance of the present troubles, and the extension of the war, I have the conscious satisfaction to reflect, that the constant aim of my councils has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and see the tranquillity of Europe restored. To defend the dominion and to maintain the rights of this country was on my part the sole cause, and was the only object of the war. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart; but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the nation, and the powerful assistance of my parliament, and the protection of a just and all-ruling Providence, to accept it upon any other terms than such as may consist with the honour and dignity of my crown, and the permanent interests and security of my people.” At the time when his majesty delivered this speech there was indeed no prospect of peace: war raged on every hand.

{GEORGE III. 1781–1782}

ATTACK ON JERSEY.

Early in this year the French, under the Baron de Rullecourt, made another attempt upon the island of Jersey. Its little capital was captured by night, and Major Corbet, the lieutenant-governor, signed a capitulation for the surrender of the whole island. Major Pierson, however, was not so pusillanimous. Collecting all the force he could, he fell upon the French invaders in the market-place of St. Heliers, and, being-assisted by the townspeople, killed a great many of them, and captured the rest. But unfortunately Pierson was himself killed by almost the last shot fired by the French. At the commencement of the action the Baron de Rullecourt received several wounds, of which he died immediately after the surrender. In the whole, nearly eight hundred French were either killed or taken, and they had previously lost two hundred men in a terrible storm which overtook them at the commencement of their expedition, and which drove back many of their vessels to their own ports. This affair cost Major Corbet his honour: he was tried by a court-martial, and deprived of his commission of lieutenant-governor. The states erected a splendid monument in the town-church to the memory of the gallant Major Pierson.

THE GARRISON OF GIBRALTAR RELIEVED.

The garrison of Gibraltar, at the commencement of this year, were again reduced to great straits by the persevering Spaniards. The supplies which Rodney had thrown in the year before were nearly exhausted; and some vessels which had been accustomed to run down from Minorca and some of the Italian ports were captured by the French and Spanish cruisers. Under these circumstances, one of the first efforts of the campaign was the relief of this important place. Admiral Darby was appointed to this important service. After escorting the East and West India trade to a certain latitude, Darby arrived off Cadiz, where he saw the Spanish fleet at anchor. While, therefore, he forwarded the convoy with provision!, stores, etc., to Gibraltar, with some ships of the line and frigates to cover them, Darby remained with the rest of his fleet, cruizing between Cadiz Bay and the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltar, watching the enemy. The Spanish admiral, Cordova, had boasted that he would meet the English at sea; but upon second thought, he considered himself safer where he was, and still remained at anchor. The convoy got safe into the harbour, where it was hailed with transports of joy by the half-famished soldiers on the rocky heights of Gibraltar; and their cheers were responded to by those below. The succours were landed with very little difficulty, and Darby then returned to the Channel station. The Spaniards were disheartened by this success of the British, and were mortified by the circumstance that their grand fleet had cowered before an inferior force; but they were again encouraged by promises of co-operation from France, and therefore still continued the siege.

REVOLT IN WASHINGTON’S CAMP.

The earliest events of this year were unfavourable to the American cause. For some months all discipline had been relaxed in Washington’s camp; the officers and men alike being dissatisfied with the treatment which they received from congress. They were on the point of starvation; and though they had long endured their hardships, on the night of the 1st of January, the Pennsylvania line, which was hutted at Morris Town in the Jerseys, turned out to the number of 1300 men, and declared that they would march to the seat of congress, and either obtain redress or return to their homes. After committing some excesses on those officers who opposed their movement, the men marched to Princeton. They were followed on the next day by General Wayne and his staff, with many officers who were supposed to possess their confidence, in the hope that they would be able either to bring them back to their duty, or to sow dissensions among them. Wayne came up with them near Middle Brook; but the demands of the revolted troops were such as he could not grant; and he therefore referred them to congress. The men continued their march to Princeton for that purpose; and while there, emissaries arrived from Sir Henry Clinton, with tempting offers to them, and with the suggestion that they should take up a position behind the South River, when he would soon cover them with detachments from the royal army in New York. The mutineers, however, showed themselves true to the cause of liberty, for they not only rejected Clinton’s tempting offers, but communicated them to General Wayne, with assurances that, though they had left the American camp, they would never go over to the British. At the same time they seized Clinton’s emissaries, and kept them in their own hands; they refused to leave Princeton; resolved that none of their former officers should enter their camp; and ordered Lafayette and others, who had presented themselves as mediators, to return immediately. Soon after, a committee of congress, the governor of Pennsylvania, and a part of his council came into the neighbourhood of Princeton to negociate with the revolters. A conference took place between the sergeants of the revolted troops and the committee; when the latter offered these propositions:—That congress would discharge all those who had enlisted for three years; and that they would give immediate certificates for the depreciation on their pay, settle their arrears as soon as they were able, and furnish the men with such clothing as they required forthwith, The sergeants agreed to distribute these propositions among the troops for consideration; and after due deliberation the mutineers agreed to march to Trenton, to meet their officers and commanders. At Trenton, the terms offered by congress were accepted; and then the mutineers gave up Sir Henry Clinton’s emissaries, who were all hanged as spies. But mutiny did not end here. Encouraged by the success of the Pennsylvania line, a part of the Jersey brigade, stationed at Pompton, flew to arms, and marched to Chatham to join another part of the same brigade; and these all demanded the same terms which had been granted to the Pennsylvanian mutineers. In the former instance, Washington, probably wishing that congress should be made to feel that the grievances of the troops must be redressed, and that the army must be treated with greater respect, had not taken any measures for bringing back the mutineers to their duty. On this occasion, however, foreseeing that continued revolts would tend to the disorganization of his army, he sent General How to Chatham with a considerable force, and with orders to make no terms with the revolted brigade while in a state of resistance. He even instructed How, after the brigade should surrender, to seize a few of the ringleaders and put them to death on the spot. How’s task was not a very arduous one, for the mutineers at Chatham scarcely amounted to more than two hundred men; and he surrounded them in their quarters, seized a few of the ringleaders, and executed them according to Washington’s orders, and reduced the rest to submission. These revolts alarmed congress; and they contrived to raise three months’ pay in specie, and to obtain a quantity of clothes, which they forwarded to the camp, in order to prevent further defection. But this was only a temporary remedy for the evil; and as the inhabitants were distressed in order to satisfy the soldiers, congress resolved to seek a loan from France. Lieutenant-colonel Laurens, son of the prisoner in the Tower, was sent on this commission to the court of Versailles; and at the same time, Mr. Jay, the young lawyer, who was now installed as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Madrid, was instructed to press the court of Spain for co-operation and direct assistance. It is evident, indeed, that congress and the general officers of the army, all thought that the affairs of the Americans were in a desperate condition; and that if they did not speedily obtain assistance in money and troops from the Bourbons, the sun of liberty would be set for ever. Lafayette exerted his influence with M. de Vergennes, the French minister on this occasion. He furnished Laurens with a letter to him, in which he stated, that with a naval inferiority it was impossible to continue the war; that the resources of the country, great as they were, would be ineffectual unless money were sent; that the last campaign had been conducted without a single dollar; and that all that credit, persuasion, and force could do in the way of obtaining supplies had been done. In conclusion, he demanded clothes, arms, and ammunition, and represented that a great fleet, and a new division of 10,000 troops ought to be sent from France to New York, in order to destroy the power of the British on the continent.

ARNOLD’S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA, ETC.

On the very day that the Pennsylvanian line revolted, General Arnold appeared in Hampton Road on the Chesapeak, to carry devastation into Virginia. Arnold had with him about 1200 men, part of whom were American royalists; and with this force he proceeded up James’s River, and landed at Westover, about twenty-five miles distance from Richmond, the capital of Virginia. There were 50,000 enrolled militiamen in that province; but Jefferson, its governor, could only collect a few hundred, and therefore he was obliged to relinquish all hopes of defending the city Knowing the rapidity of Arnold’s movements, he caused some of the public property to be removed to the country above, and then fled with his council, secretaries, and officers, with the greatest precipitation. Arnold entered Richmond the morning after his flight, the troops evacuating the town at his approach. On his arrival he sent some of the citizens of Richmond to Jefferson, offering to spare the town if British vessels were permitted to come to it, and take off the tobacco there deposited, unmolested. This offer was rejected; and Arnold then detached Colonel Simcoe, with nearly half of his force, to Westham, to burn and destroy all the buildings there which contained arms, ammunition, and military stores; and when Simcoe had completed this work of destruction, and had returned, Arnold set fire to all the public buildings and tobacco-stores at Richmond. He then quitted the capital of Virginia, and encamped at Four-mile Creek, whence he returned to his shipping at Westover. From Westover he detached a party of horse to Charles City Court-house, where one hundred and fifty militiamen were surprised and routed; after which Arnold re-embarked his army, and began to descend James’s River. He returned to Portsmouth, where he was joined by more men, who raised his force to nearly 2000 men, and where he established a permanent station, in order to co-operate with Lord Cornwallis. While at Portsmouth, it was suggested by the American leaders, that a few individuals should make a sudden incursion into his camp, and carry him off, in order to bring him to the gallows. The capture of Arnold was, indeed, a cherished object with the Americans, ever since his defection from their cause; but he was aware that he was in danger, and was therefore vigilant, so that if any attempt had been made, it would doubtless have failed. It would appear, in fact, that though 5000 guineas were offered in the event of success, none could be found hardy enough to make such a daring attempt. Washington, however, was resolved to capture the arch-traitor if possible; and with this view he sent Lafayette to blockade him on the land side, while a French squadron blockaded him by sea. Washington wished Destouches to employ nearly the whole of his fleet in this service; but the French admiral was apprehensive that Admiral Arbuthnot might have collected and repaired his scattered ships; and he therefore refused to risk more than one sixty-four-gun ship and two frigates. These were put under the command of Commodore de Tilley; and they sailed for the Chesapeak on the 9th of February. De Tilley, however, found Arnold so well posted as to defy attack, and he returned to Rhode Island. As he was returning, near the Capes of Virginia he fell in with and captured the Romulus, a fifty-gun ship, which was sailing from Charlestown to the Chesapeak. Washington now held a conference at Newport, Rhode Island, with Rochambeau, Destouches, and other officers, in which it was resolved to embark part of the French army, under the command of Count de Viominil, and to risk the whole of the French fleet to escort it, in order to capture Arnold. Destouches, the French admiral, set sail on the 8th of March; but he was followed by Admiral Arbuthnot, and brought to action off Cape Henry. After fighting for about an hour, the French bore up and ran to leeward; and Destouches then resolved to return to Rhode Island. In a few days General Phillips arrived at Portsmouth to take the command over Arnold; and the defence of Virginia was entrusted to Lafayette, who collected his forces on the Elk River, and then marched into that province. In the meantime Generals Phillips and Arnold were engaged in the work of destruction. Williamsburg, York Town, Petersburg, and Chesterfield Court-house were all captured, and public property, with a quantity of vessels found in the different harbours, etc., were destroyed by them. After the capture of Chesterfield Court-house, Arnold marched through Osbornes—where he destroyed the tobacco—to Warwick; just above which place, and between it and Richmond, an American flotilla had been collected. On his approach the crews set fire to these vessels or scuttled them; and escaping to the opposite shore, there joined a body of militia and fled with them. Generals Phillips and Arnold now again united their forces and marched to Manchester, a town on the southern bank of James’s River, where they burned all the tobacco and stores. They contemplated crossing the river to Richmond; but Lafayette had reached that place in the course of the preceding evening, and they therefore retraced their steps by the way of Warwick, and retired to Bermuda Hundred. Soon afterwards they re-embarked their troops, and fell down the river to Hog Island, where they remained till they received notice from Lord Cornwallis that he was about marching into Virginia from the Carolinas, and expected their co-operation.

LORD CORNWALLIS’S EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA.

This was the last year in which any grand efforts were made for the recovery of the colonies, and the plan of the campaign was thus arranged. Lord Cornwallis was directed to penetrate through the intervening provinces into Virginia, there to attack Lafayette, while Sir Henry Clinton himself engaged to keep Washington and Rochambeau in check. Cornwallis took the field early in this year, and having left a considerable force under Lord Rawdon for the defence of South Carolina, advanced towards the frontiers, and took a position at Winnsborough; General Leslie proceeding towards Camden. About the same time the American general, Greene, marched with the main body of his forces to the Cheraw-hills, on the Pedee, having detached General Morgan to act on the left of Lord Cornwallis. This movement alarmed the British commander from some of his posts, and he despatched Colonel Tarleton, with a force of about 1100 men, to counteract the designs of Morgan. This time Tarleton was unsuccessful. Meeting with the enemy at a place called the Cow-pens, although their force was greatly superior, he immediately engaged them, and was defeated with considerable less. Soon after this affair General Greene took the field in person, and Lord Cornwallis, being joined by General Leslie, resolved to cross the Catawba and give him battle. Cornwallis forced a passage over that river on the 1st of February, and his troops scattered the North Carolina militia that were stationed on the opposite bank to defend the ford, and killed many of them, with General Davidson, their commander. Greene retreated to the Yadkin, closely followed by Cornwallis, and both armies crossed that river. Cornwallis took up a position between Greene and the frontiers of Virginia, and a variety of manouvres and rapid marches ensued. In the end, however, Greene succeeded in placing the river Dan between him and the enemy, and getting on a line of march which would lead him into Virginia, without being compelled to risk a battle. Desisting from the pursuit, Cornwallis proceeded to Hillsborough, the capital of North Carolina, where he raised the royal standard, and issued proclamations to the people. All North Carolina appeared to be at his feet, for there was no army to resist him, and the royalists soon began to form themselves into independent companies, to serve with Tarleton’s legion. Greene, however, who had been recruited on the Virginian frontier, soon returned, resolving to keep the field, though he wished to avoid a general engagement. Soon after his return he sent Lieutenant-colonel Lee, with a detachment, against a body of nearly three hundred loyalists, who had been collected by Colonel Pyle, and were marching to join the British army. These unfortunate men mistook Lee’s troops for their British allies, and being suddenly surrounded by them, were butchered on the spot, in the act of imploring mercy. The disaster was rendered still more dreadful by a mistake made by Colonel Tarleton. Happening to be within a mile of this scene of slaughter, and hearing the alarm, he recrossed the Haw, and meeting in his retreat with another body of loyalists, he conceived that they were militiamen, and put them to the sword. All these circumstances combined wholly disconcerted the schemes of Lord Cornwallis in North Carolina, and he crossed the river Haw, and encamped on Allamance Creek, in order to afford protection to the great body of the royalists who resided between the Haw and the Deep Rivers. Greene now advanced a little, and having crossed the Haw near its source, took post between Troublesome Creek and Reedy Fork. Discovering this movement, Cornwallis carried his army across Allamance Creek and marched towards Reedy Fork, hoping to beat up the quarters of Greene’s light troops, and to tempt Greene into a general engagement. Cornwallis attacked Reedy Fork, and some light troops made a slight stand upon the creek, but they were defeated with considerable slaughter; and then Cornwallis found that Greene was retreating as fast as he could across the Haw. Soon after, however, Greene received considerable reinforcements, and considering himself strong enough to face Cornwallis, he recrossed the Haw, and moved forward to Guildford Court-house. Cornwallis instantly prepared to meet him, and a battle was fought at that place on the 15th of March. The engagement, which was maintained with determined valour on both sides, terminated honourably to the British arms. Greene was compelled to retreat, and to leave the field of battle, with his artillery, consisting of four pieces, in the hands of Lord Cornwallis. The victory, however, was dearly purchased, as about one hundred were killed and above four hundred wounded, which amounted to nearly one-third of all the British troops engaged. The loss was rendered more severe on the following night, when many of the wounded expired from want of covering to shelter them from the rain, which poured down in torrents on the field of battle. On discovering the extent of his loss, Cornwallis felt that he was not in a condition to follow up his victory, and as he could obtain no provisions where he was, he was under the necessity of retreating. He left about seventy of his wounded, who could not be removed, under a flag of truce, at a Friends’ meeting-house, and on the third day after the battle, directed his march towards Wilmington, near the mouth of Cape Fear River, a post already occupied by the British troops, under the command of Major Craig, and where he arrived on the 7th of April. In the meantime General Greene, who had slowly moved in the rear of Cornwallis till he descended towards the sea-coast, carried the war into South Carolina. Aware of his movements, Cornwallis sent an express to Lord Rawdon, whom he had left in that state, warning him of his danger. Rawdon occupied cantonments, with the town of Camden for his centre, and against this position the efforts of Greene were directed. The American general reached Camden before the express, but Rawdon was apprised of his approach in sufficient time to call in all his detachments, and to prepare for the struggle. Rawdon had about 900 men under his command, and Greene about 1500 regular troops, and some corps of militia. Yet, although his force was greatly superior, the American general did not venture to storm or to invest Camden, but took up a position on Hobkirk’s-hill, about two miles off, designing to remain there till he should be joined by Lee and the independent partisan, Marion, each with a considerable force. Lord Rawdon seems to have been aware of his expectations, and he resolved to attack him on Hobkirk’s-hill before they could be realised. Rawdon was successful. He charged the enemy with such impetuosity that they were utterly routed, leaving behind them between two hundred to three hundred killed or wounded, and about one hundred prisoners. Greene retreated to a creek about twelve miles off, where he encamped to wait for reinforcements, to attend to his sick and wounded, and to levy supplies for his half-famished men. Lord Rawdou’s loss amounted, in killed, wounded, and missing, to two hundred and fifty-eight, and as this number could be ill spared out of so weak, a force, and some reinforcements which he expected had not yet joined, he was obliged to retire from the scene of his victory, and to act on the defensive. A portion of the troops he expected arrived soon after at Charlestown, and Rawdon marched thither to effect a junction. In his absence, Greene captured Orangeburg, Fort Motte, Granby, and several other places, after which he invested the strong post of Ninety-six, which was considered as commanding the whole of the back country. Before this post could be reduced, however, Lord Rawdon was enabled to bring up his forces, and he retired into North Carolina, with his enemy in full pursuit. The British general soon perceived that it was in vain to pursue the American force, and he returned to Ninety-six, and from thence to Charlestown, taking with him all the loyalists in that district. Greene now returned to South Carolina, and being joined by detachments, under Lee, Sumpter, and Marion, he encamped on the hills of Santee. Lord Rawdon retired soon after to Orangeburg, from whence, on account of ill-health, he was compelled to return to England. His troops were left under the command of Colonel Stewart, who was attacked by the enemy at Eutaw Springs, having previously suffered a loss of above three hundred men, who were surprised in foraging. A desperate battle took place, during which the artillery on both sides was several times taken and retakers Vast numbers fell on both sides, and each claimed the victory; but it would appear that it rather belonged to the British; for Greene retreated, and they remained upon the ground the night after the action and all the following day without molestation. Notwithstanding the result was favourable to the Americans; for the British were compelled to retire, and thenceforward confined their operations to the vicinity of Charlestown. Hence it was that congress proclaimed the affair as a great and glorious victory; and they likewise passed a resolution, for presenting to Greene a golden medal and a British standard.

In the meantime Lord Cornwallis had been engaged in operations in the heart of Virginia. He advanced from Wilmington right through North Carolina, the whole of which he traversed without encountering opposition, and on the 20th of May he reached Petersburg, where the British forces were waiting for him. Before his arrival, General Phillips had died of sickness, so that the chief command of the troops had again devolved upon Arnold. Cornwallis found that Arnold had driven Jefferson and the assembly of Virginia from Richmond to the village of Charlottesville, and had compelled Lafayette to take up a post a few miles below Richmond. Allowing himself but three days’ rest, Lord Cornwallis marched from Petersburg in search of Lafayette. He crossed James’s River at Westover, about thirty miles below the enemy’s encampment; but on his approach, Lafayette retired towards the back country, in order to effect a junction with eight hundred of the Pennsylvanian line, under General Wayne. No pursuit was attempted by Lord Cornwallis, who now directed his attention to various expeditions. As the Virginian planters possessed excellent horses, he was enabled, by seizures, not only to remount his cavalry in a superior manner, but also to have horses for mounting his infantry destined for rapid movements. With such a force Tarleton was detached to beat up Jefferson and the assembly at Charlottesville, where they were busy in voting taxes, making paper-money, draughting the militia, and recruiting for the Virginian line. Tarleton came upon the assembly so suddenly that seven members were taken prisoners, and he captured and destroyed large Quantities of military stores and tobacco. Jefferson and the rest of the assembly made their escape by getting upon fresher horses. Lieutenant Simcoe had been detached, with five hundred infantry, to destroy the military stores deposited at the Point of Fork, fifty miles below Richmond; and Tarleton now proceeded to join him in this enterprise. Simcoe found that these stores had been removed by Baron Steuben to the other side of the river Fluvanna, and that Steuben’s whole force had followed in the same direction. Simcoe followed the baron, and by some ingenious stratagems, made him believe that the whole army of Lord Cornwallis was advancing against him. Acting upon this impression, Steuben fled in disorder, and abandoned his stores, which were destroyed by the British. Steuben joined Lafayette; and soon after, the Pennsylvanian line, under General Wayne, joined his forces likewise. At this time Lord Cornwallis was advancing with his main body upon Albemarle Old Court-house, where there was a great deposit of military stores. Lafayette resolved to protect these, and by a rapid movement he was enabled to take up a strong position in front, of Albemarle Old Court-house some hours before Cornwallis arrived. Cornwallis had just received orders from Sir Henry Clinton to send part of his troops back to New York, in order to defend that city from a contemplated attack by the joint forces of the French and Americans. Avoiding a battle, therefore, Cornwallis slowly retired to Richmond, followed in his rear by Lafayette, who had, however, no intention of risking an action. From Richmond, the British general proceeded to Williamsburg, which he captured without opposition. From Williamsburg, he marched to a ford across James’s River, and sent part of his army, with his baggage and stores, to the opposite bank, in the direction of Portsmouth. Lafayette, who was still timidly following, conceived that nothing was left on his side of the river but the rear-guard of the British, and he then quickened his pace to strike a blow. A battle ensued, in which Lafayette was routed, and his cannon taken, while he lost about three hundred in killed and wounded. Lafayette retired up the river to repose his harassed forces, and Lord Cornwallis then crossed the river, and marched to Portsmouth. While here, he embarked the troops that were required at New York; but before they sailed, he received fresh orders from Clinton to retain them, as he had no longer any fear of Washington and Rochambeau. Under these circumstances, as Portsmouth was not proper for the reception and defence of ships of the line, and as it was not such a post as was desired by Sir Henry Clinton, he resolved to proceed to, and to fortify York Town, on York River. Part of his army was therefore sent up the Chesapeak to take possession of this town, and by the 22nd of August his whole force was concentrated there and at Gloucester Point.

{GEORGE III. 1781–1782}

SIEGE OF LORD CORNWALLIS IN YORK-TOWN.