Chapter XXXIV: Interoceanic Communication (7)

[IV-59] The Salvadoran commander alleged instructions from
his government not to go back till he became convinced that
the assembly could continue its labors without hindrance
in the future. In Guatemala it was said that he had been
prevailed on by the liberal party, somewhat displeased at
the last elections for executive, not to heed the command
to retire. In consequence of the events of Sept. 14th in
Guatemala, the diputacion provincial at San Salvador on the
27th of Oct. assumed the powers of a junta gubernativa, and
exercised them till the constituent congress of the state was
installed. _Marure_, _Efem._, 8.

[IV-60] 'No sin algunos aparatos escandalosos y hostiles de
parte de los salvadoreños.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 27.

[IV-61] They had been reported to the chamber by its
committee on the 25th of Oct. _Marure_, _Efem._, 8.

[IV-62] The states had already constituted their governments
by Sept. 1824. Chiapas was not included among the new states.
Her admission was left open for such a time as she should
apply for it, the belief in Cent. Am. being that the province
had not voluntarily attached itself to Mexico. _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, i. 40-2, 59-62, 68, 96-7; _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 27; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 120-1, 149;
_La Tribuna_, ii., no. 2.

[IV-63] Marure, _Efem._, 12, gives the date as April 10th.

[IV-64] _Cent. Am._, _Informe sobre la Constituc._, 1-73,
and 1-30. This constitution has been called 'el bello
ideal de copiantes y teoristas que soñaron un pueblo para
constituirlo, y que no conocian el país en que nacieron.'
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 36.

[IV-65] The asamblea, foreseeing this, had designed La
Antigua as the meeting place of the local congress; but the
latter at its first sittings selected for future times the
capital. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 179.

[IV-66] Such as to determine the military and financial
budgets, superintend the education of the people, declare war
and conclude peace, and regulate the financial and commercial
interests of the country. Its members were to be elected
at the rate of one for every 30,000 inhabitants. _Id._,
174-5. There were 17 representatives for Guatemala, nine for
Salvador, five for Honduras, six for Nicaragua, and two for
Costa Rica. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13. Dunlop, _Cent.
Am._, 164, says Honduras had six representatives.

[IV-67] _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13. Molina, _Costa Rica_,
19, criticises this organization as follows: 'Se estableció
un senado nulo, un Ejecutivo impotente y un congreso
absoluto.' Necessarily the greater number of representatives
of Guatemala would outweigh those of the other states, and
thus make the constitution only an imperfect copy of that
which had originally served as a model.

[IV-68] Part of the constitution is given in _Rocha_, _Código
Nic._, i. 37-9; on the following pages will be found such
clauses of the old Spanish constitution as were retained
under the new system. See also _Peralta_, _Costa R._, 5;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13-5.

[IV-69] 'Se hacen libres los esclavos que de reinos
extranjeros pasen á nuestros Estados, por recobrar su
libertad.' _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 212-13; _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, i. 217-9; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. 133-5; _Id._, _Efem._, 10.

[IV-70] Holders of slaves thus emancipated were to be
indemnified. We are assured that no one ever applied for such
indemnification.

[IV-71] In 1840 Great Britain, would-be champion of the
world's high morality, on one occasion claimed the return
of some fugitive slaves from Belize, and supported the
demand with the presence of a man-of-war. Notwithstanding
her weakness, Central America refused to comply, on the
ground that under her constitution there were no slaves in
the country. _Crowe's Gospel_, 121-2; _Squier's Travels_,
ii. 385-6; _Revue Américaine_, ii. 550; _Dunlop's Cent.
Am._, 163. According to Molina, the number of slaves thus
emancipated was about 1,000.

[IV-72] 'Una confederacion general que representase unida
á la gran familia americana.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, 138.

[IV-73] Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co., whose agent was
J. Bailey. _Thompson's Guat._, 266; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 143.

[IV-74] One of the conditions was that the republic should
not contract for another loan within two years. It was
estimated that the debt could be paid in 20 years. _Asamblea
Nac._, _Decreto_, Dec. 6, 1824, in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 144. That expectation was not realized.
Details will appear in connection with the finances of the
republic, elsewhere in this volume.

[IV-75] The total number of decrees passed was 137, and of
orders 1186. _El Indicador de Guat._, 1825, no. 16.

[V-1] He is represented as an able man, who had formerly
favored the union with Mexico, but afterward joined
the liberal party, becoming one of its most prominent
members. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 39-41, 46,
while acknowledging his ability, says that he was 'de
poca delicadeza ... de un carácter falso, y afectando una
franqueza y una moderacion que no le es propia.'

[V-2] The delegates of the different states were in the
following proportion: Guatemala 17, Salvador 9, Honduras and
Nicaragua 6 each, Costa Rica 2. The total number being 40,
and not 34 as Squier erroneously has it. _Travels_, ii. 388.

[V-3] Arce had in his favor the prestige of past services,
and his sufferings in the cause of independence. Valle had
the support of those who objected to Salvadoran predominance.
Moreover, he had been educated in Guatemala, and had property
there; from which circumstances it was surmised that he
would be more in sympathy with that state and the so-called
serviles. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 150; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 28-9.

[V-4] The total number of votes for the whole republic was
82, but three had been rejected by congress for various
reasons. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 210-11; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 40-1.

[V-5] Salvador insisted on having an episcopal see, in order
to be independent of Guatemala in ecclesiastical affairs.
This was the chief question at issue. Arce promised to
leave its decision to the next congress. _Arce_, _Mem._, 3.
Valle really had obtained more votes than Arce, and congress
defrauded him of his election. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
268.

[V-6] Barrundia had been elected upon Valle's refusal to
accept the office, and likewise declined it. Valle protested
against Arce's election as illegal, in several writings,
apparently to little purpose. _El Indicador_, 1825, no. 26
et seq.; _El Liberal_, 1825, no. 7, 8; _Nulidad de la prim.
elec._, passim; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 212-13;
_Id._, _Efem._, 13.

[V-7] Arce, _Mem._, 4, has it April 30th, but in view of the
numerous misprints in his work, the date given in the text is
probably more correct. It is the one supported by _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 213; _Squier's Travels_, ii.
388; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 164. Its first president was
Tomás Antonio O'Horan. This court superseded the audiencia
founded in 1544 at Gracias á Dios, and transferred in 1549 to
Guatemala. _Marure_, _Efem._, 14.

[V-8] It was for a defensive and offensive alliance and
equal privileges of trade. It was ratified by the Cent.
Am. govt Sept. 12, 1825. The full text is given in _Rocha_,
_Código Nic._, i. 95-9; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. xxxviii.-xlvii. See also _Ayon_, _Consid. Lím._, 28-9;
_Gaceta de Salv._, Oct. 12, 1854.

[V-9] It was therein stipulated that the citizens of both
republics should enjoy all the rights granted by one or
the other to the most favored nation. The same rights for
political purposes were also agreed upon, that of free
exercise of religion being included. All clauses of a
commercial character were to be in force 12 years; the others
perpetually. Privileges and rights enjoyed by the citizens of
either republic were to be also allowed to those immigrating
from the other. This treaty was ratified by the younger
republic on the 28th of June, 1826. The text in both English
and Spanish may be seen in _U. S. Govt Doc._, U. S. Acts,
Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 1, i. 149-70; _Am. St. Pap._,
For. Rel., v. 774-82; _Gordon's Digest of Laws_, 328-35;
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. xlvii.-lxv.

[V-10] Arce's Mess., March 1, 1826, in _Repertorio Am._, i.
274-9; _Santangelo_, _Congreso Panamá_, 73-5.

[V-11] Their newspapers, _El Liberal_ and _Don Meliton_,
charged him with partiality and incapacity. The latter, for
its satire and ridicule, was the more formidable foe, as Arce
himself acknowledges. _Mem._, 5.

[V-12] The departmental chief of Guatemala claimed that he
was not under Arce's authority, but under that of the state,
then residing at La Antigua. Congress empowered the executive
to compel the local authorities to attend the celebration,
and it was done. _Arce_, _Mem._, 8.

[V-13] The total number of decrees enacted was 92, and that
of orders submitted to the executive 308. For more details,
see _El Centro Americano_, 1826, 38.

[V-14] One half of the representatives of every state had to
retire, according to the constitution.

[V-15] He had at first declined the connection, but afterward
accepted it 'para dar rienda suelta á sus resentimientos y
pasiones contra el presidente Arce.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
48.

[V-16] Text in _Repertorio Am._, i. 273-89.

[V-17] He brought letters of recommendation from Pedro
Molina, who was representing Cent. Am. at Bogotá, and had
a high opinion of him, as he had served under Napoleon.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 230.

[V-18] After he completed that work he was ordered to remain
on the coast till further orders from the government. The
congress tried in vain to prevent it.

[V-19] The reasons adduced by him in his _Mem._, 22-4, and
comments on the same in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
236-7.

[V-20] 'Este asunto se renovaba cada vez que á los diputados
ministeriales convenia paralizar algun golpe contra el
ejecutivo.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 51.

[V-21] The deputies of Salvador defended their course in a
long argument, June 8, 1826, calling it an inevitable result
of the unlawful conduct of the majority of congress. _Doc._,
in _Arce_, _Mem._, 10-17.

[V-22] Restricting the archbishop's powers, and placing
him to some extent under civil authority; suppressing the
subventions of curates, and abolishing certain privileges
the clergy had till then enjoyed; tithes were reduced,
and persons under 25 years of age were not allowed to take
monastic vows. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 244-5.

[V-23] The full text of the resignation is given in _Arce_,
_Mem._, 25-7.

[V-24] 'Pondrá sobre las armas toda la fuerza que crea
necesaria.... En caso de resistencia repelerá la fuerza con
la fuerza.' _Id._, 32.

[V-25] On the ground that only Guatemala had paid such
contingent, and even more, and the other states had
arbitrarily eluded payments. Arce was accused, not without
foundation, it seems, of allowing such discrimination.

[V-26] On September 3, 1826; the document merely stipulates
a temporary suspension of hostilities, without further
entering into the question. _Arce_, _Mem._, 39. It has been
asserted that Espínola held a favorable position, and adds:
'A pesar de esto, capituló vergonzosamente'—a charge without
much foundation, in view of the numerical superiority of the
Guatemalan forces. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 52-3.

[V-27] Arce, _Mem._, 39-41, gives a lengthy account of his
deliberations, and doubts whether it would or not be just,
and consistent with his duties, to imprison Barrundia, all of
which is at least doubtful.

[V-28] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 53. _Crowe's Gospel_, 127,
and _Squier's Travels_, ii. 395, confound the jefe with his
brother José Francisco. The orders were, 'Que en el caso
de resistencia obre fuertemente hasta concluir el arresto y
ocupacion de las armas.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 41-2.

[V-29] This non-resistance is attributed to treachery on
the part of Vera, a Mexican commanding the state forces, who
subsequently entered the federal service. _Marure_, _Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 254-5.

[V-30] _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 26.

[V-31] It is a long doc., giving details, and dwelling
specially on the part Raoul had played. _Id._, 27-31.

[V-32] Comments and details on the subject in _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 255-8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
53-4.

[V-33] 'Este desenlace hizo ridículo todo lo que antes habia
parecido un golpe maestro.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 54.

[V-34] To save appearances, Arce pretended to induce his
supporters to assume their positions in the chamber, but
there is little doubt of its being mere sham. It has been
intimated that even some liberals declined to sit, from
apprehension that an investigation of Arce's conduct might
lead to civil war.

[V-35] Still declaring its allegiance to the federation.
_Gaz. de Méx._, Jan. 25. 1827; _Arce_, _Mem._, 51.

[V-36] The impossibility of obtaining a quorum of members
chosen to the 2d congress, and impending civil war, were
among the reasons assigned for his action. The elections
were to be made on the basis of two deputies for every 30,000
inhabitants, and Cojutepeque in Salvador was appointed as the
place of meeting. This measure was at first well received by
the states, but afterward rejected in consequence of a decree
of the Salvador government on the 6th of Dec., inviting
the federal deputies to meet at the villa of Ahuachapan.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 17; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 56.

[V-37] Oct. 11, 1826. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
273; _Corres. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 27, 1826.

[V-38] He sought refuge in the parish church, but was
pursued by the crowd. His only safety lay in the pulpit,
the remonstrances of the religious, and the presence of
the host. The religious succeeded at times in calming the
rabble, promising that Flores should be sent into exile.
But Antonio Corzo, who was in the court-yard with a few
poorly armed militiamen, fired a volley upon the mob, which
became still more excited. The women dragged Flores from the
pulpit, took him out of the temple, 'y le inmolaron en un
claustro bárbara y horrorosamente.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
57-8. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 396, has it that the Indians
had been infuriated by the harangues of a friar from the
pulpit, and that the rabble slaughtered Flores at the very
foot of the altar, literally rending his body in pieces;
the apparent cause of this vindictiveness of the priests
being that in the general levy of taxes for the state the
property of the convents had not been spared. 'And thus was
the movement started by the aristocrats, seconded by their
allies, the priests.' Ex-president Morazan, referring to that
catastrophe, uses these words: 'Puesto en manos de un feroz
populacho, instigado por las funestas ideas que le inculcaron
sus sacerdotes, pereció al pié de las imágenes de los santos,
á la vista de sus inicuos jueces, y en presencia de la
eucaristía, que estos cubrieran.' _Apuntes_, MS., 4. Flores
had been noted for his charity to the poor, specially to the
Indians, to whom he constantly gave medical aid, medicines,
and other necessaries. The state assembly, after being
restored in 1829, decreed honors to his memory, and ordered
placed in its hall of sessions an inscription in letters of
gold, as follows: 'Al inmortal Vice-jefe Ciudadano Cirilo
Flores, mártir de la Libertad, sacrificado en Quezaltenango,
en las aras de la ley.' In May 1831 the name of Ciudad Flores
was given in his honor to the head town of the district of
Peten. _Marure_, _Efem._, 17, 28.

[V-39] The liberals looked upon it as the result of an
arrangement of Arce and his partisans; the latter declared
it to have resulted from an accident, or rather from violent
acts on the part of liberals in Quezaltenango, such as
forcibly taking horses in the night from private houses and
the Franciscan convent. Marure states that he thoroughly
examined every document bearing on the subject, and found no
evidence against Arce or his party. _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. 275-85. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 58, acquits
_Arce_, attributing the act to a sudden popular excitement.
See also _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 15; _Crowe's Gospel_,
127-8; _Pineda_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 348;
_Corres. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 9, 1826; _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._,
32-3.

[V-40] There was an effort toward reconciliation, the
liberals offering to make concessions, and Arce favoring
their proposals; but the serviles haughtily refused.

[V-41] Owing, it was said, to the publication of a pontifical
bull, which, under Arce's exequatur, had been restricted to
Guatemala by the archbishop, a step that Delgado supposed
to have been by Arce's instigation, or at least a lack of
interest on his part for San Salvador. _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 60. Arce himself attributed the estrangement to party
intrigues. _Mem._, 60. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 165, assigns
disputes about the erection of the bishopric as the cause of
the rupture.

[V-42] Arce, _Mem._, 61, finds fault with Prado's act, when
his own had been just as illegal.

[V-43] Colonel Milla invaded the state with a federal force,
captured Comayagua on the 9th of May, 1827, and arrested
the jefe of the state, Herrera. The whole was a wanton
proceeding. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 6-9.

[V-44] The commander of the Salvadorans was unable to explain
his illegal proceeding. _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 45-6.

[V-45] Detailed accounts, with copies of the official
exaggerated reports, are given in _Gaz. de Méx._, Apr. 26
till May 1 and May 22, 1827; _Marure_, _Efem._, 19; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 62-4. Decree of government of Guatemala on
the subject, March 28, 1827. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 250.

[V-46] Beltranena and several of Arce's officers disapproved
the retaliatory plan. Aycinena, on the contrary, favored it,
though willing to abide by Arce's decision.

[V-47] Both districts had seceded from the state government
of Salvador, attaching themselves to the federal cause.

[V-48] He committed the error of entertaining peace
proposals, which were made only to gain time. He endeavored
to explain it away on the plea of Cent. Am. brotherhood:
'Puedo yo dejar de tener un corazon Centro Americano? No
es posible.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 69. On the same and following
pages is a detailed account of the action, carefully worded
and extolling the bravery of his Guatemalan soldiers.
The official reports are in _El Sol_, Mex., July 3, 1827;
_Marure_, _Efem._, 19.

[V-49] The government of Salvador had in May made peace
proposals, but the federal authorities rejected them.
_Docs._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 47-57.

[V-50] It was decided in secret session of the state assembly
on the 16th of Oct. that the state had a right to intervene,
and if it was ignored, and treaties displeasing to the state
were concluded, the latter should detach itself from the
federation, and its troops continue occupying the towns they
then held. Arce's letter of Oct. 17, 1827, to Brig. Cáscaras,
in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 22.

[V-51] It may have been of his own seeking, for he must have
seen ere this the great difficulty of conquering San Salvador
with his small force, and that to continue longer in the
field would only bring him into further disrepute.

[V-52] Ex-marqués de Aycinena, brother of the jefe of
Guatemala, called the decree impolitic, illegal, and
arbitrary. The serviles could see that it would restore
the old congress, so hostile to them; and with a majority
against them in both houses, they might have to resort to
the dangerous expedient of driving away the senators and
deputies at the point of the bayonet. It was ridiculous in
them to rail against arbitrariness, when they had arbitrarily
deposed Barrundia in Guatemala and Herrera in Honduras. It
was arbitrary to keep the nation without a congress, which
was their work. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 9, 23.

[V-53] Three brothers Merino, and a Frenchman named
Soumaestra. Rafael Merino was made commander-in-chief. _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 75; _Arce_, _Mem._, 77.

[V-54] Near the hill of La Trinidad the federal forces which
had control of Honduras were defeated by Nicaraguans and
Salvadorans under Lieut-col Remigio Diaz. _Marure_, _Efem._,
20.

[V-55] It is difficult to see how the Guatemalans could place
faith on pledges so often violated; evidently given to gain
time.

[V-56] This ended the second campaign between Salvadorans and
Guatemalans.

[V-57] This army was to be used, first in subduing Salvador,
and next Guatemala, where Arce encountered more and more
opposition to his plans. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 81-2.

[V-58] The commissioners, as agreed upon, were to meet at
Jutiapa. Those of the general government went there and
waited several days; no Salvadorans appeared.

[V-59] The mutiny took place at Xalpatagua on the 9th of Feb.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 20; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 83-5. Aycinena
wrote his cousin Antonio, who was in the theatre of war, that
in order to hinder all peace arrangements, measures would be
resorted to that were unknown even to Machiavelli. The mutiny
against Perks was evidently one of these measures.

[V-60] He alleged as a reason the unwillingness of Salvador
to enter into negotiations as long as he remained at the head
of affairs. _Arce_, _Mem._, 84-7. The real cause, however,
was a resolution of the assembly of Guatemala demanding his
resignation, and he was unable to disregard it. This course
of the assembly was altogether illegal, but the time for the
expiation of Arce's political sins had arrived. According
to his own statement, he retired to his plantations at Santa
Ana.

[V-61] This was the most bloody fight of the war of 1826-9,
and opened the third campaign between Guatemala and Salvador.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 21.

[V-62] Their supply of ammunition had been destroyed by fire,
and their commander had received a serious contusion. This
fight has been since known as the 'ataque del viérnes santo,'
having taken place on good-friday, March 12, 1828. _Id._, 21.

[V-63] April 13th, action of Quelepa, in which the
Salvadorans were defeated. With that victory, and another at
Guascoran on the 25th of the same month, the whole department
of San Miguel was brought under subjection to the federal
government. June 12th, peace stipulations were signed at the
house of Esquibel, Manuel F. Pavon acting for the federal
government and Matías Delgado for Salvador, by which the
former was to be recognized by the latter, a general diet
was to meet at Santa Ana, and a federal force occupy San
Salvador; but the Salvador government refused to sanction the
arrangement, and the war continued with more fury than ever.
Details on those preliminaries are given in _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 100-1. July 6th, battle of Gualcho, on the banks of
the Lempa, in the department of San Miguel, between Hondurans
and Guatemalans. The latter, under Col. Dominguez, hitherto
victorious, were utterly defeated. _Marure_, _Efem._, 21-2;
_El Espíritu Púb._, Jan. 18, 1829.

[V-64] Arzú had abandoned them to their fate. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 47-51.

[V-65] _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS.; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
i. 53-4. Thus ended disastrously for the federal forces
their third invasion of Salvador territory. The actions of
Gualcho and San Antonio were the first in which the great
Central American soldier and statesman Francisco Morazan
figured as a general. Morazan will stand in history in many
respects as the best, and in all as the ablest, man that
Central America had. He was born in Honduras in 1799, his
father being a French creole from the W. I., and his mother
of Tegucigalpa, in Honduras. His education was such as he
could obtain in the country at that time; but his quickness
of apprehension and thirst for knowledge soon placed him far
above his countrymen. He was of an impetuous temperament, and
possessed at the same time great decision and perseverance.
His bearing was free and manly, and his manner frank and
open. These qualities could not fail to and did secure him
the love and respect of his fellow-citizens, giving him an
immense influence over them. In 1824 he was already occupying
the position of secretary-general of Honduras, and later
was senator, and for a time acting jefe of that state; but
his temperament soon made him turn his attention to martial
affairs. He ever after was noted as a republican of very
liberal views. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 400; _Dunlop's Cent.
Am._, 170-1; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 17. The writer of
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 92, says that Morazan had been at
one time a clerk in a notary's office at Comayagua, where he
'habia dado á conocer disposiciones muy felices, pero poco
honrosas, para la imitacion de letras ó firmas.' It has been
said that Morazan joined the party opposed to the existing
federal government at the instigation of Pedro Molina.
_Gaceta de S. Salv._, Oct. 3, 1851. A portrait of Morazan is
given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 72.

[V-66] It has been asserted that he offered his services to
Salvador, and was slighted, _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 97-8,
which finds confirmation in Arce's own statement. _Mem._,
88-9. Squier has it that Arce went to Mexico, _Travels_, ii.
402; but this seems to be a mistake, for he was in Guatemala
in 1829.

[V-67] A few days previously, on the 20th, the assembly of
Guatemala decreed a renewal of all the powers of the state,
with the vain purpose of removing one of the obstacles to the
termination of the war. _Marure_, _Efem._, 22.

[V-68] Prado and Morazan offered peace to the Guatemalans
on condition that the federal government should be fully
restored. _El Espíritu Púb._, Feb. 14, 1829.

[V-69] He established his general headquarters in Ahuachapan,
whence raids were constantly made into the enemy's territory.

[V-70] This took place on the 22d of Jan., 1829. The
sedition, though soon quelled, rather hastened the action of
Morazan with his allied Salvador and Honduras force.

[V-71] The repulse was so unimportant, however, that Morazan
does not even mention it in his memoirs. _Marure_, _Efem._,
23; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 61.

[V-72] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 123; _Marure_, _Efem._, 23,
gives the 18th as the date. Morazan, _Apuntes_, MS., 14,
says with reference to that defeat, 'Cerda acreditó en esta
derrota su ineptitud y cobardía y el enemigo su crueldad
con el asesinato de los vencidos.' After that the town was
given the title of Villa de la Victoria; but later resumed
its original name. This defeat was exaggerated in San
Salvador, where it was reported that Morazan was besieged in
La Antigua, and preparations to meet another invasion were
hastily made.

[V-73] Morazan might have been besieged in La Antigua; for
during his stay there he despatched a force to Quezaltenango,
that should have been followed by another from Guatemala,
and destroyed between the latter and the few forces that
Irisarri might have brought against it in the hard roads of
Istaguacan and Laja; instead of which, Irisarri retreated
toward Soconusco, to be afterward undone and taken prisoner.
Morazan's force occupied Los Altos, took many prisoners,
levied contributions which Irisarri had failed to get from
the Quezaltecs, and left the enemy powerless to recuperate.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 124; _Morazan's Memoirs_, quoted in
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 63.

[V-74] March 6, 1829. The disaster occurred at San Miguelito.
_Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 15. The place received, for that
reason, the name of San Miguel Morazan. The Frenchman Raoul,
now a general under Morazan, figures prominently in the
military operations at this time.

[V-75] On the 15th of March. _Marure_, _Efem._, 23;
_Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 15; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
62-3.

[V-76] The federal force that succumbed in Las Charcas was
commanded by their mayor-general, Agustin Prado, not Col
Pacheco, as supposed by some. The federals had no general
now. Cáscaras had lost his reputation, and was distrusted
by the serviles. Arzú would not take the command, or was not
trusted on account of his ill success in the third invasion
of Salvador. Morazan had defeated Milla, Dominguez, Aycinena,
Pacheco, and Prado. _Id._, 63-4.

[V-77] The representatives were, Arbeu for Vice-president
Beltranena, Pavon for Guatemala, Espinosa for Salvador, and
Morazan for Honduras and Nicaragua. The last propositions
of Espinosa and Morazan were the following, namely: 1st.
That a provisional government should be formed in Guatemala,
composed of the chief of the state Mariano Aycinena, Mariano
Prado, and Morazan; 2d. That the two armies should be reduced
to 1,000 men, Guatemalans and Salvadorans in equal parts;
3d. That the provisional government should be installed in
Pinula, and afterward enter Guatemala with that force to
give it strength and preserve order in the state; 4th. A
general forgetfulness of the past. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS.,
5, 16; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 65. It is claimed,
on the other hand, that Morazan really wanted the federal
vice-president and the chief of the state of Guatemala
to throw up their offices, the legislative assembly and
representative council to cease exercising their functions;
and that of 1826, sitting at La Antigua, and which had made
Zenteno chief, was also to dissolve; the supreme court of
justice was to stop acting. Meantime, and until new elections
took place, Morazan was to be clothed with executive,
representative, and judicial powers. Under the pretext
of restoring the sway of law and constitutional order, a
dictatorship, emanating from a war treaty, would have been
created, whose sole object was to reward the victor with
an unlimited authority. The commissioners of the federal
and Guatemalan governments refused to accede, and presented
counter-propositions of a different nature, namely, to the
effect that the existing high functionaries should resign
their powers, and a provisional government be established,
with one representative from each state, to govern till new
elections and the restoration of the constitutional régime.
There were also propositions respecting the government of
the state of Guatemala. Full details in _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 125-9, 231-6, which are widely different from those in
_Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 16. The government of Mexico, at
the request of that of Guatemala, tendered its mediation on
the 20th of February, but it arrived too late, and there was
nothing left for it to do but to tender the hospitalities
of the Mexican soil to the victims of persecution. The full
correspondence is to be found in _Méx._, _Mem. Rel._, 1830,
2-3; also in _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 407-14; this
authority claims that Mexican mediation might have been
finally successful in restoring peace but for the opposition
of the new chief of Guatemala.

[V-78] A long account of the alleged outrages of Morazan's
forces appears in _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 132-3. Marure,
_Efem._, 24, in referring to the capture of Guatemala, makes
no mention of any such abuses.

[V-79] Morazan's answer was addressed to Gen. Aycinena,
not recognizing the latter as chief of Guatemala, Juan
Barrundia's term not having expired when Arce deposed him,
in consequence of which act Aycinena rose to that position.
The dissolved authorities of 1826 were now assembled in La
Antigua, and Morazan held relations with them. Aycinena had
changed his tone; he was no longer the man of the manifestoes
of 1827, of the proscriptive decrees, nor of the stringent
military orders of the first months of 1829. He did not
now call his opponents 'un puñado de enemigos del órden,
descamisados y forajidos.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
72-5, 79-86.

[V-80] Astaburuaga, _Cent. Am._, 18, erroneously places the
surrender on the 20th. The terms of the capitulation are
given in _Arce_, _Mem._, 98-4; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
i. 76-7. Only the life and property of the inhabitants
were guaranteed; the vanquished were in all else subject to
the good-will of the victor. José Milla y Vidaurre, in his
biographical sketch of Manuel Francisco Pavon, who figured
in these events, claims that the capitulation was contrary
to Aycinena's wishes, who was ready to defend the place foot
by foot. Montúfar, quoted above, denies the statement, adding
that it was advanced solely to make the chief of the serviles
and head man of the nobles appear as a hero, and refers to
the correspondence, which will show Aycinena quite anxious to
accept the guarantee of life and property.

[V-81] According to Miguel García Granados, who in later
years was a liberal leader and acting president of Guatemala,
Arce had remained unmolested at his house in sight of the
besiegers during the three days' attack. _Id._, 103.

[V-82] This was done pursuant to orders from the governments
of the states. So says Morazan himself, adding that the
measure was in consonance with his own views, to reduce the
number of prisoners to a minimum, 'y tenia tambien por objeto
poner en absoluta incapacidad de obrar á los principales
jefes que habian llevado la guerra á los Estados.' _Apuntes_,
MS., 16-17.

[V-83] He took charge of the provisional government at the
end of April. Mariano Zenteno, who had held the position
ad int., was given a vote of thanks for his patriotism and
courage. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 127.

[V-84] The federal authorities alleged that their soldiers
only had 431 muskets, and not 1,500, as demanded from them.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 236-9. Morazan says that soldiers were
allowed to leave the city with their arms, infringing the 4th
clause of the capitulation, and he could get only evasive
answers. _Apuntes_, MS., 17; _Arce_, _Mem._, 58-9, 98-103,
from which the conclusion will be drawn that the charges
against the federal party were not unfounded. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 109-17. On this subject Morazan himself
said: 'No one was put to death, or had money exacted from
him by me. The capitulation was faithfully carried out,
even after being annulled. Duty gave way to magnanimity, and
there was no cause to regret it. Not that there was no blood
to avenge, grievance to punish, and reparation to demand.
Among many other victims sacrificed, there were, calling
for vengeance, generals Pierzon and Merino, the one shot,
without even the form of a trial, the other taken out of a
Chilian vessel on which he intended to return to Guayaquil,
his country, to be murdered in the city of San Miguel. There
were, besides, the burning and plundering of the towns of
Salvador and Honduras, which demanded a just reparation.'
_Apuntes_, MS., 10, 17.

[V-85] He called them to the palace, and some of them
mistaking the object of the summons made their appearance
in full uniform. When all were assembled they were taken to
prison and kept in confinement till July 9th, when most of
them were sent out of the country. _Marure_, _Efem._, 24.

[V-86] _Marure_, _Efem._, 24.

[V-87] Among its acts was one recognizing the services of
Morazan, to whom was due its reinstallation. He was voted
a gold medal, with the word 'benemérito' before his name.
A full-length portrait was ordered placed in the hall
of sessions. The decree, however, was never carried out.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 129; _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.

[V-88] 'Son reos de alta traicion, y como tales, acreedores á
la pena capital.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 108; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
151; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 130.

[V-89] The text is given in full in _Id._, 131-4; _Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am._, 253-7; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 254-6.

[V-90] 'Y por lo mismo sujetos á la jurisdiccion militar de
los mismos Estados.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 134-5.

[V-91] Crowe, _Gospel Cent. Am._, 131, erroneously asserts
that all their property was confiscated.

[V-92] Arce addressed to Morazan a most virulent protest.
He afterward boasted that he had bearded the tyrant. The
very fact that he dared to send such a document, and did
not lose his head, proves that Morazan was not a tyrant.
_Arce_, _Mem._, 113-14. Antonio José Irisarri, Manuel and
Juan Montúfar, protested before the assembly and government
of Salvador, before the assemblies of all the states of
the union, before Gen. Morazan, before all the republics of
America, and before all the free people of the world. The
document was drawn up by Irisarri, who was not a soldier,
though a colonel of militia; the language was pure and
elegant, but it was virulent and full of sophistry. Irisarri
also in several publications boasted of his courage in having
sent such a document. He must have known that it would not
have any effect on Morazan. The latter was a generous man.
The effect would have been different on Rafael Carrera, whom
the serviles at a later period made their master, as well as
of the whole country. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 135-6.

[V-93] Marure has it in _Efem._, 25; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 137-9.

[V-94] Portrait in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 138.

[V-95] The senate, dissolved in 1826, was reinstalled July
9th. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.

[V-96] Arce, _Mem._, 122-3, and _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
167-9, assert that they were not even allowed to make
preparations for the journey, and many had furthermore to
start on foot. The decree of expatriation was not, however,
issued till August 22d, and José del Valle is said to have
been its author. The persons thus exiled for life were
Arce and Beltranena, and their ministers, Aycinena and
his secretaries, Cáscaras, Villar, and other high military
officers, Spaniards not naturalized that served the usurping
governments, and many other prominent officers. Others were
expatriated for various terms of years. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 144-50; _Marure_, _Efem._, 26. Arce and Aycinena
left Guatemala on the 7th of Sept. They were required to
reside in the U. S. of Am.; embarked at Omoa for Belize, and
thence went to New Orleans.

[V-97] Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 177, and Squier, _Travels_, ii.
408, speak of plots against the republic as the reason, but
it was probably what the liberal party alleged.

[V-98] This step was subsequently approved by the federal
congress. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25; _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, ii.
373. The friars sent away were the Dominicans, Franciscans,
and Recollects. Those of the order of Mercy were not
banished; they were but few, and had not been active against
the liberal cause. The Bethlehemite hospitallers, who devoted
their time to teaching and to the care of convalescents,
were also allowed to remain. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 170, says that the exiled priests were on the passage
vilely treated, for they were allowed only sailors' rations.
Montúfar confesses that it is not likely that the 289 friars
had the succulent viands that were usually prepared for them
in their convents, nor the dainty dishes they were so often
favored with from the nuns, beatas, and all the daughters
of confession. As for the archbishop, he journeyed with
every comfort. Juan B. Asturias, who made the inventory of
his property, reported on 31st of Dec., 1829, that $218 had
been paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to the
coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his journey,
and $1,008.50 were given to the pages for conveying him and
his effects. A person having all that cannot be said to be
unprovided with edibles. Saint Peter would not have needed so
much. _Reseña Hist._, i. 156-7.

[V-99] In June 1830 he was declared a traitor. It has been
said that it was because he accepted a pension of $3,000
from the Spanish government at Habana. Archbishop Casaus was
later appointed to administer the vacant see of Habana, and
held the office till his death. The above-mentioned law was
revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of June,
1839, and Casaus was restored to all his former rights,
and recognized as legitimate archbishop. He was repeatedly
invited to return, but never would do so. _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 242-3.

[V-100] This declaration was subsequently confirmed by
all the states. At a later time—Feb. 27, 1834—a further
step was taken to consummate the suppression of monastic
establishments, ordaining that the authorities should not
retain the nuns refusing to reside in the convents where
they professed. These measures continued in force till June
21, 1839, when the second constituent assembly of Guatemala
repealed them, decreeing, consequently, the reëstablishment
of the suppressed convents. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.

[V-101] He had been declared elected on the 22d of Aug.,
1829. Antonio Rivera Cabezas had been chosen vice-jefe.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 172-4, giving also a portrait
of Molina.

[V-102] Because the number of Guatemalan representatives in
the federal congress would be greatly decreased. Moreover,
several of the best public buildings in the city would become
national property. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 200.

[V-103] By his plan a congress representing the entire union
was to wield the executive powers in foreign affairs. The
scheme fell through, owing to the little interest shown
by the states, and to the powerful opposition of persons
holding or aspiring to federal offices, among the most
prominent being Morazan. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 201-3, dwells
extensively and comments on the subject.

[V-104] Full particulars in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
205-17.

[V-105] This report came from Gen. Mariano Mantilla,
commanding the Colombian district of the Magdalena, dated
Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the jefe of Nicaragua. It was
a long time in getting to Guatemala, and the government and
Gen. Morazan at once made preparations for the defence of the
coast.

[V-106] See my _Hist. Mex._, v. 72-6.

[V-107] Under this decree some of the Spanish property was
sold; but after a while, upon the receipt of favorable news
from Mexico, and when there was a quasi certainty that Spain
would not again make such attempts as that against Tampico,
the law was revoked. But property already sold was declared
to be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners
should not be indemnified therefor till Spain had recognized
Central American independence. The texts of both the federal
and Guatemalan decrees may be seen in _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 182-7.

_Memorias para la Historia de la Revolucion de Centro
América. Por un Guatemalteco._ Jalapa, 1832. 16mo, 257 pp.
The authorship of these memoirs was attributed by
well-informed men, namely, Morazan, ex-president of Central
America, and the distinguished statesman and diplomate of
that country, Lorenzo Montúfar, to Manuel Montúfar, who had
been chief of staff of the first president of the republic,
Manuel José Arce. The work begins with the geography and
political and ecclesiastical divisions of the country,
accompanied with data on each of the states and
territories; namely, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Poyais,
Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas, together with
some remarks on mining and other industries, military
defences, and financial condition. The political portion,
as the author himself acknowledges, is loosely put
together, and lacks many necessary details, which he
attributes to absence from home when the first sheets went
to the press. He claims, however, to have impartially and
correctly narrated the events of Cent. Am. history from
1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true; nevertheless
there crops out in places class-bias, particularly in
describing the events from 1826 to 1829, by the ideas which
prevailed in the moderado, otherwise called servile, party,
in which he was affiliated and serving, and for whose acts
he, like many others, was driven into exile after the
defeat of that party on the field of battle.

_Manuel José Arce_, _Memoria de la Conducta Pública y
Administrativa de ... durante el período de su
presidencia._ Mex., 1830. 8vo, p. 140 and 63. This work
purports to be a defence of his administration by the first
president of the republic of Central America, against what
he calls the slanders heaped upon his name by those who
rebelled against the government and the nation, with
documents bearing on the revolts, the whole having been
prepared while the author was in exile. The book is a
disconnected, disjointed patchwork, incomplete in its
various records of events, and indicates, as does Arce's
career, a weak character. A number of meaningless and inapt
quotations from the old classics and from law-books help to
confuse the narrative still more.

[VI-1] Most of them had been agents of Milla, and contributed
to the overthrow of the state government. A number had moved
to Guatemala, Salvador, and elsewhere. The most prominent
in the list were the ex-provisor, Nicolás Irias, and Pedro
Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the country from the
port of Omoa. He had been Milla's chief agent and adviser,
and brought about the destruction by fire of Comayagua, his
native place. This will account for his hostility in after
years to liberals, and for his active coöperation with the
despots of Guatemala. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 190.

[VI-2] The pretext for the movement was to resist a moderate
tax established by the legislature; the real object was to
bring on a reaction.

[VI-3] The friendship existing between Barrundia and Molina,
from the earliest period of their political life, previous to
the independence, became weakened, threatening a disruption
of the liberal party. The disagreement was increased by
Molina's opposition to the federal government remaining in
Guatemala.

[VI-4] The same who made the revolt of Xalpatagua, murdered
Gen. Merino at San Miguel, and was defeated at Gualcho.

[VI-5] _Marure_, _Efem._, 26.

[VI-6] Forty-one of them, including the clergyman Antonio
Rivas, were sentenced to military duty in the castle of San
Felipe for five years. Father Rivas, after serving out his
term, said that he was an innocent victim and a martyr of
religion, and prayed upon the liberals all the maledictions
of the 108th psalm. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 196.

[VI-7] Composed of the citizens Nicolás Espinosa, José
Antonio Larrave, Manuel José de la Cerda, and Jacobo Rosa.

[VI-8] Barrundia did not want the position, and did not
work for it. He wished Morazan to be elected. Morazan had
in his favor the prestige of a victorious general. He was
somewhat in the position of Bonaparte when he returned from
Egypt. Valle was recognized to be the best informed man of
Central America; none could compete with him in literary
or scientific attainments. In politics he was always an
opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his memory, and
even impudently pretended to deny his literary merits. But
we have seen elsewhere that he was not, like Barrundia,
an uncompromising opponent of all governments not based on
democracy and republicanism. He compromised with the Mexican
empire, was a deputy to the imperial congress, where he made
a brilliant record, and became a minister of the emperor, who
sent him to prison when he dissolved the congress. After the
emperor's overthrow, Valle maintained that the provinces of
Central America were free to act their own pleasure. He was a
popular man, but Morazan's victorious sword eclipsed all else
just then. _Id._, 268.

[VI-9] It was the same question that occurred in 1825
between Arce and Valle. The congress at that time, in order
to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the former. Valle
published pamphlets in favor of the latter principle, and the
congress of 1830 acted upon his arguments.

[VI-10] Among the warmest were those of the legislature of
Guatemala. The spokesman for the committee presenting them
was Alejandro Marure.

[VI-11] This was a common course with our brethren across the
Atlantic. _Marure_, _Efem._, 27; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 414.

[VI-12] This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11 p. m.

[VI-13] _Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 80; _Morazan y Carrera_,
MS., no. 3, 9, say troops from Mexico, which is doubtful.

[VI-14] Details on this campaign are given in _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 348-65.

[VI-15] The national armed schooner _Deseada_ took the
_Ejecutivo_. The Spanish flags that waved over the fort
and the latter vessel were dragged through the streets of
Guatemala, tied to the tails of horses, on the day of the
national anniversary. Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa
on the 13th of Sept., by order of Col Agustin Guzman, who
commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden by a serious illness.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 377-81; _Marure_, _Efem._, 29.

[VI-16] A man who, though amenable to exile under the law of
expulsion, had been pardoned at his repeated supplications.

[VI-17] Duplessis died like a hero. His execution was a
murder, similar to that of Gen. Merino. Both instances
served as an example of what the liberals might expect if the
serviles got the upper hand again.

[VI-18] Among them were a number of rosaries and prayers to
the virgin of Guadalupe, supposed to possess the power of
benumbing the enemy in the fight.

[VI-19] He is said not to have shown at the hour of his
execution that courage which was manifested by his victims at
the scaffold.

[VI-20] It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands
that though often requested to make Arce reside farther
in the interior, the Mexican authorities never did it.
Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built
forts undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the
other hand, exerted themselves to hinder the action of the
government forces.

[VI-21] This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly
had secret relations with the invaders; as was shown in the
proclamation of Dominguez and Father Herrera, in the praises
the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 334, 382.

[VI-22] It is understood they were jealous in Salvador
of Guatemala's influence in the federal policy. Cornejo
claimed that what he wanted was reforms in the national
constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they
had been adopted in good faith by the states, the union
might have been saved. The executive had no participation
in the framing of laws, either directly or indirectly; he
had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend.
It was the senate, as the council of the government, that
sanctioned the laws. That body, elected very like the
chamber of deputies, was the judge of ministers and other
functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same
time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers.
The president of the republic had no independent place of
abode, and was ever at the mercy of the state where the
federal government had its seat; at best, he was the object
of that state's benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he
was the target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of
localism for or against that state. It was therefore evident
that a federal district was a necessity; one which the states
would look upon as common property, and would foster and
advance.

[VI-23] Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of many
liberals. He had belonged to the imperial party, and had been
leagued with the aristocracy. He was a patriot, it is true,
but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not embrace
all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, with
his portrait, by Montúfar, in _Reseña Hist._, i. 296.

[VI-24] Besides, Cornejo had officially said that Morazan had
neither supporters nor prestige in Salvador.

[VI-25] Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel
invaders, but leaving Cornejo, though he disliked his
indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan was, on the
contrary, impressed with the idea that Cornejo's deposal was
a necessity.

[VI-26] The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled
from Nicaraguan territory should uphold the authorities of
Salvador. Correspondence with the enemies of the country, or
any expression, verbal or written, favoring them, were made
punishable by death. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 338.

[VI-27] Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the
force on the frontier to be controlled by Guatemala; but on
ascertaining that it was under Morazan's orders, and that
Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being recreant
to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the
conferences under various pretexts.

[VI-28] It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given
the state time to reflect, when it might have gone back
quietly to the union. As it was, liberals were for the first
time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood
begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles,
of course, gladly fanned the flame.

[VI-29] In fact, they hardly made any resistance. The
president's casualties were trifling. _Marure_, _Efem._, 30;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 340.

[VI-30] The following facts are taken from _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, lib. iii., chap. 14. Filisola in 1823 needed
2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador. In 1827-8, Arce, Arzú,
and Montúfar failed to do it with an equal, if not a larger
force. In 1832 Morazan with only 800 men made himself
master of the place in less than two hours. The object of
these remarks was to show that no credit should be given to
Morazan's detractors in their attempts to lessen his military
reputation. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 343.

[VI-31] There were 38 of them, including Cornejo and Antonio
J. Cañas.

[VI-32] The new rulers, raised to power under the auspices of
the victor, declared those of 1831 and the beginning of 1832
to have been illegitimate, and organized courts for the trial
of treason. The decrees of June 7 and 26, and July 28, 1832,
were severe; fortunately, they were not executed with the
same animosity displayed in enacting them. _Marure_, _Efem._,
30.

[VI-33] Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832; Guatemala, Jan. 27,
1833; Salvador repeated her declaration on Feb. 13, 1833;
Honduras and Costa Rica separated themselves, respectively,
on the 19th of May and 18th of Sept., 1833. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 32; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 42-3; _Astaburuaga_,
_Cent. Am._, 20; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 184; _Crowe's Gospel_,
134; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 417.

[VI-34] 'Todos los habitantes de la república son libres para
adorar á Dios segun su conciencia, y que el gobierno nacional
les proteje en el ejercicio de esta libertad.' _Marure_,
_Efem._, 31. José F. Barrundia is said to have effectively
fathered this resolution. _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854.

[VI-35] July 8, 1833. Barrundia's speech in closing the
congress is given in _El Centro Americano_, July 11, 1833,
57-69.

[VI-36] This jealousy had developed during the states' rights
agitation.