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Chapter XXXIV: Interoceanic Communication (15)

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[XX-16] The government had supposed him in a distant
department fleeing from its troops, when he quietly slipped
into Palencia, a town distant 8 or 9 miles from Guatemala,
in the night of Saturday. Feeling certain that the govt
was ignorant of his whereabouts, and confident that the
people of Palencia were friendly, he failed to adopt proper
precautions, and even had high mass chanted for his troops
in the small hours of the morning. But it so happened that
the authorities of Guatemala received late in the night
information of his arrival, and of the number of his men.
An overwhelming force of Santa Rosa Indians, devoted to
Cerna and hostile to Cruz' Indians, was despatched under
command of Brig. Solares, who surrounded Cruz and attacked
him before he had begun to prepare for his own attack of the
capital. He made a desperate fight of two hours, however,
behind the adobe walls of a corral, but it availed naught.
His only chance of escape was in flight. A rush carried
him and his remaining men to the edge of a ravine, and he
had gone down half of the steep descent when a ball struck
him in the thigh and broke it. No quarter was asked or
given. He was slain while fiercely fighting to the last.
His fleeing men were relentlessly pursued for several days,
and such as were not killed in the ravines were captured
and executed. _Peatfield's Glimpse at a Cent. Am. Rep._, in
_Overland Monthly_, xiv. 163-5; see also _Guat._, _Boletin
de Noticias_, Jan. 15, 1870; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 28, 1870;
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 5, 19, 1870; _Nueva Era_, Paso del
Norte, Apr. 3, 1885. The victorious Solares was promoted
to mariscal de campo; his officers also received promotion,
and the rank and file one month's extra pay; but he lived to
enjoy his new honors less than a year, his death occurring in
Nov. 1870. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 3, 1870.

[XX-17] It was exposed to the public gaze at the door of the
hospital, where a photograph of it was taken, copies of which
were sold at half a dollar each.

[XX-18] On parole not to return without permission of the
govt. He and some members of his family had to sign a $10,000
bond.

[XX-19] Silas A. Hudson, the Am. minister, claimed that much
had been due to his advice, and the favorable opinion had
of his friendly course. _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., For.
Rel., Cong. 41, Sess. 3, 444.

[XX-20] Cerna was blind himself, or tried to throw dust into
the eyes of the representatives of the people when in his
message of Nov. 25, 1870, he assured them that peace had been
fully restored. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 17, 1870.

[XX-21] The particulars of this revolution appear in another
chapter.

[XX-22] The _Boletin de Noticias_ said, respecting his
movement, 'cometió el acto de demencia.'

[XX-23] So said the _Boletin de Noticias_ of Guat., copied by
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, June 3, 1871.

[XX-24] The preamble said that Cerna's govt had become
intolerable by its arbitrary and cruel acts in violation of
the constitution and other laws; that it had usurped powers,
and had assailed the representatives of the people; it had
ruined the public treasury, and compromised the independence
of the country by contracting without authority of law
a ruinous loan in Europe. Consequently, the people would
no longer forbear with its tyrannical domination, and had
resolved to set it aside. The following are the resolutions
epitomized: 1st. To depose the tyrant and usurper Cerna;
2d. To appoint Miguel García Granados provisional president
with full authority to reorganize a government on the bases
proclaimed by him May 8, 1871; 3d. He was also instructed
when expedient to convoke a constituent assembly for framing
a new fundamental law; 4th. The officers solemnly bound
themselves not to lay down their arms until these purposes
were effected. Signed by Gen. of Brigade J. Rufino Barrios,
Colonel Francisco del Riego, lieut-colonels Juan Viteri,
Julio García Granados, etc. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley., Gob.
Democ._, i. 1-3 et seq.

[XX-25] He had been, he said, for 20 years energetically
opposing the government's illegal proceedings in the chamber
of deputies; and it had never dared to touch him until
after its triumph over Cruz in Jan. 1870. _García Granados_,
_Procl._, June 2, 1871.

[XX-26] A contemporary gives the following lists of bequests
left by the conservative rule of thirty years. A large number
of jesuits, well fed on the sweat of the people, and their
acolytes and choristers; another large quantity of Capuchin
friars who preyed on the inhabitants of Antigua, Guat.; about
200 friars and lay brothers in the capital, most of them
lazy and stupid; nearly 200 useless nuns, of whom some 40
were in a state of insanity or idiocy, and in condition to
be canonized; one archbishop, 2 bishops, 12 or 15 vicars and
canons, and a high steward of church property, etc; a foreign
debt of five million dollars; a nearly complete absence
of public education, necessitating the establishment of at
least 500 schools and colleges adequately supplied; few, if
any, roads or bridges; no steam vessels; no adequate postal
service; no telegraphs; no public lands, for immense tracts
of unproductive lands were held by the church and by a few
aristocrats. _Juan Álvarez_, _Dos Palabras_, 12-13. Prior to
the revolution of 1871, which regenerated the country, the
capital wore a monkish and funereal look. After the triumph
of this movement, abuses were eradicated, anachronisms
disappeared, and modern ideas began to prevail. _Batres_, _A
Sketch of Guat._, 16-17.

[XX-27] The men had been pressed into the service, and
moreover, dreading the superior arms of their opponents,
in several instances fled at the first onset, throwing down
their arms.

[XX-28] It has been averred that he partook of some coffee
which had been drugged.

[XX-29] Cerna must either pursue, giving him a
vantage-ground, or rush to the defence of the capital, making
the success of the revolution equally certain, for the whole
country would then rise against his detested rule.

[XX-30] An unfortunate circumstance occurred. A portion
of the troops with which Julio G. Granados had forced the
passage of the ravine, going toward the farm of Dieguez,
encountered two companies of Solares' men, and the two forces
mistaking one another for the enemy, fought some minutes;
some men were wounded, and a field-officer named Juan
Solórzano was slain. _Guat._, _Boletin de Noticias_, Aug. 4,
1871; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 16, 1871.

[XX-31] They all behaved well; but special credit must be
given, not only to the chief and Barrios, but to Solares and
Viteri, who struck decisive blows.

[XX-32] Cerna fled to Chiquimula with a few followers. The
Indians were still faithful to him, and begged he should
lead them to the field in defence of his cause; but he knew
any such effort must end in disaster, and refused. He then
continued his flight to Honduras. Most of his ministers also
escaped. Indeed, no effort was made to detain them, or other
men of the fallen administration, it being considered a
better policy not to be hampered with the responsibility of
disposing of them. The old minister of war remained behind
and was not molested. Full particulars on the campaign are
given in _Salv._, _El Republicano_, July 3, 1871; _Id._,
_Diario Ofic._, July 11, 12, 1879; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, July
21, 1871; _Costa R._, _Informe Min. Rel._, 1872, 14; _Id._,
_Boletin Ofic._, March 22, 1885; _J. J. Peatfield's Glimpse
at a Cent. Am. Rep._, in _Overland Monthly_, xiv. 166-7; _Un
Guatemalteco_, _Cartas_, 6-9; _Uriarte_, _Observ._, 4-6.

[XX-33] There were not wanting men who reproached García
Granados for his generosity to the vanquished.

[XX-34] Congress had ceased to exist; the heads of important
offices had fled; the treasury was empty. There was danger to
be apprehended from the radical element among the liberals,
composed of a large portion of the mechanics and artisans,
who claimed that the change had mainly resulted from their
influence, and they now wished to dictate measures which the
new government could not decree. Their violent feeling was
manifested specially toward the jesuits and other religious
orders. Their discussions in the club de los artesanos, and
elsewhere, often disclosed a marked suspicion of and conveyed
warnings to the authorities. There were also misgivings about
Barrios' intentions. Indeed, many believed that though not
actually at the head of affairs, he had the control; even
after leaving the city, he was supposed to aspire to the
presidency, to which he would have himself elected as soon as
the constituent assembly should meet. Meantime, it was said,
he would allow García Granados to put the disrupted state in
order, and enact the needed measures.

[XX-35] _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 3-4.
It recognized freedom of speech and of the press, though
requiring publications to bear the signatures of their
authors. Champerico was made a port of entry for both
export and import, which the people of Los Altos had
loudly demanded. The cultivation and sale of tobacco were
declared free to all; and the importation of Chiapas rum was
permitted. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 5, 1871.

[XX-36] He denied that his government had ever contemplated
wounding the religious feelings of the nation.

[XX-37] The power of the church had been almost as great as
that of the government. Under the constitution the church
nominated a number of deputies to the assembly, and was
the only one recognized or tolerated. Its influence in
the assembly had been large, and its interests were well
represented. _Crosby's Statement_, MS., 91, 110-11. This
influence had always been exercised to uphold the despotic
sway of the oligarchs.

[XX-38] The rebels were routed Sept. 24th at Santa Rosa
by the forces under Barrios, and again the 28th at Jalapa.
They lost their artillery, other arms, and much ammunition.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 13-15; _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Nov. 4, 1871; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 1, 1871.

[XX-39] _Id._, Nov. 26, 1871; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob.
Democ._, i. 24-5.

[XX-40] Decree no. 59, in _Boletin Ofic._, no. 52. The
order had been removed from Guat. by command of King Cárlos
III., in 1767, its members leaving the capital on the 1st
of July for the coast, and being embarked for Spain. _Hist.
of Mex._, iii. 432-3, this series. But a law of June 7,
1851, sanctioned by the assembly Nov. 5th, authorized their
permanent reëstablishment, revoking all other laws or decrees
to the contrary, notably one of 1845, notwithstanding the
many protests made against the measure. The most plausible
pretext for the restoration of the jesuits had been the
alleged scarcity of competent priests for the work of
spreading the gospel; which was equivalent to saying that the
300 priests living in the republic were both insufficient and
incapable. The real object of the hasty reintroduction of the
order was said to be the aggrandizement of the house of Canon
Juan José Aycinena, closely connected by family ties with
Manuel F. Pavon and Luis Batres. Aycinena had pledged himself
to bring the order in, and in exchange for this service it
was to influence his appointment as archbishop of Guatemala.
It was a well-understood bargain. _Guat._, _Carta al Ilmo.
Sr. Arzob. por un Catól. Apostól. romano_, Guat., Aug. 20,
1851, in _Cent. Am. Pamph._, v. no. 12.

[XX-41] Report of the comandante of San José, in _Boletin
Ofic._, Sept. 25, 1871; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, iii. 290;
_Id._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 89-90; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct.
22, 1871; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, June 9, 1885; _Mex._, _Diario
Ofic._, Oct. 15, 1871.

[XX-42] The jesuits fared no better in Salvador, where the
constituent assembly, being consulted as to whether they
should be allowed to enter, resolved that their presence in
the country would not be beneficial. Only four votes were
cast in their favor. _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 1, 1871.
A few who lived in Salv. were made to depart in 1872, and
forbidden to reënter. A treaty was made with Guat., under
which neither government was ever after to allow jesuits to
reside within their respective territories. _Id._, March 24,
1872; _Ore. Uana_, _Refutacion_, 1-11.

[XX-43] The decree was issued with the clause that any
deficit experienced by the archdiocese in consequence should
be covered out of the pub. treasury. Decree of Dec. 22, 1871,
in _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, iii. 290; _Id._, _Gob. Democ._, i.
23-6, 70-1.

[XX-44] The decree contained nine articles, and regulated
the manner of disposing of the property which had belonged
to these associations. The religious orders thus suppressed
were those of the Franciscans, and recollects, dominicans,
mercedari, clergymen of the oratory of Saint Philip de
Neri, jesuits, paulists, and lastly the capuchins, otherwise
called bethlehemites. These capuchins were natives of Spain,
most of whom had been partisans of the pretender called
Cárlos V. They occupied a convent which had belonged to the
bethlehemites, when they were taken by a military guard to
the coast and shipped away, with orders never to return.
They had made themselves particularly obnoxious, and not
being citizens of the country, the gov. was free to make them
leave. Friars who were natives of Cent. Am. were permitted
to remain, and given a monthly allowance for their support;
but forbidden to show themselves in public with their habits
on. _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, July 4, 1872; _Id._, _Gaceta_,
Aug. 3, 1872; _El Porvenir de Nic._, July 14, 1872; _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, iii. 290-1; _Id._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 91,
101-2; _Peatfield's Glimpse_, in _S. F. Overland Monthly_,
xiv. 159; _S. F. Post_, July 2, 1872.

[XX-45] With toleration of all religious sects throughout the
republic. This subject was being discussed in the constituent
assembly, with much opposition to the clause being inserted
in the fundamental law. The govt then cut the gordian knot.
Later other decrees were passed, further curtailing eccles.
jurisdiction, including the secularization of cemeteries.
_Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Gob._, _Justicia, etc._, 1880, 2-5;
_Id._, 1882, 11-12; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i.
159-61; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Apr. 27, 1873.

[XX-46] Placing a notice on the convent door that any one
entering it without permission of the ecclesiastic authority
would be excommunicated. The nuns had been kept away from
intercourse with their relatives, and the civil authorities
had been debarred access to them. The official journal said,
March 6th, that history and indisputable facts proved they
had not always been the abode either of justice, morality,
or true religion. The removal of the teresas, capuchinas,
and claras to the Santa Catarina was made under the personal
inspection of the jefe político of the department. Their
number was about 126, and most of them were natives of the
other Cent. Am. republics. _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 24,
1873.

[XX-47] The property of all religious houses having been
confiscated, each one of these ex-nuns was allowed a life
pension of $12 per month. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob.
Democ._, ii. 13-14, 58, 64-5, 205.

[XX-48] The work was against Guat. and Salv. Costa R. was
expected to side with the latter. Nicaragua's administration
was not well disposed toward them. _Guat._, _El Centro
Americano_, Feb. 19, 1872; _El Porvenir de Nic._, May 5,
1872.

[XX-49] Martial law was established, together with stringent
rules for dealing with rebels. Freedom of the press was
temporarily suspended. This last measure was repealed in May.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 73-5, 80-1, 95-100;
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 24, 1872.

[XX-50] García Granados' decree of May 8, 1872. _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 87-8; _U. S. Govt Doc._, H.
Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 518; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._,
May 30, 1872.

[XX-51] _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, March 19, 1876; _Nic._,
_Semanal Nic._, May 30, June 6, July 4, 1872; _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 88, 102.

[XX-52] F. Alburez, in treasury; José M. Samayoa, in fomento;
Víctor Zavala, in war; Ramirez ad int., in foreign relations;
M. A. Soto ad int., in government, justice, and eccles.
affairs.

[XX-53] Notwithstanding that his conduct had been seditious
in 1871, he had been given the rank of col, and the offices
of jefe político and comandante de armas of Amatitlan.
_Barrios_, _Procl._, at Quezaltenango, Jan. 23, 1873.

[XX-54] Cerna had declined to take any part in the movement.
The defeat of the rebels by Solares at Las Arrayanas and
Cumbres de los Ajos on March 10th, with the loss of several
prominent men, reduced them to straits. _Id._, i. 155-6,
177-80; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Feb. 20, March 6, May 8, July
24, Aug. 21, 1873; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Feb. 23, March 28,
Apr. 6, 27, 1873; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 11, 22, May
13, June 12, 1873; _El Monitor Repub._, Apr. 18, 1873.

[XX-55] The office had been in charge of Barrios since Feb.
11th. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 155. During
this tenure Barrios called for a forced loan. On the 15th
he summoned to his presence at the comandancia general a
number of citizens, one of whom imprudently said that he
would go armed to punish any insult. Barrios accused them
of hostility to the government, and of rendering pecuniary
assistance to the insurgents. He warned them of their danger,
and suggested the expediency of their aiding the govt to
bring the insurrection to an end. It is said that the armed
one, Rafael Batres, a son of the late minister of state, two
or three times laughed in a contemptuous manner, enraging
Barrios, who walked up to him, tore open his coat, and pulled
out of it a revolver, upbraiding him as a coward and would-be
murderer; then ordered that 100 blows should be inflicted
on his back with a supple stick or rod, such as was used to
punish private soldiers. Batres received his punishment, and
was afterward sent to jail. The other men were also confined
in the common jail, and the next morning were brought with
shackles on through the streets to the comandancia, and told
that they would not be released till they signed bonds to pay
their respective shares of the forced loan; after doing which
they were set at liberty. Julian Volio, ex-minister of Costa
R. and Guat., did not receive any ill treatment, but was made
to leave the country. Batres was also banished. Referring
to this incident in a message to congress, he said that the
rebellion had been instigated with the pretext that religion
was menaced. His measures he confessed had been severe, but
necessary. The result realized his expectations, for as soon
as these men ceased furnishing resources to the rebellion it
collapsed. _Barrios_, _Mensaje_, Sept. 11, 1876, 5-6.

[XX-56] It was called Dec. 11, 1871. _Id._, i. 53-69,
83-4; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Feb. 11, May 5, 1872; _Salv._,
_Gaceta_, Sept. 9, 1876.

[XX-57] All proposed amendments to the old constitution had
been rejected as not adequate to the present requirements of
the country. _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Oct. 10, 1872.

[XX-58] García Granados, who on the 2d of June had been
declared a benemérito de la patria, after surrendering the
presidency, made a visit to Europe, returning in March 1874,
when he was cordially welcomed by all classes. His death
occurred Sept. 8, 1878, and was much deplored. _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 182-3; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Sept. 12, 1878; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Oct. 6, 1880.

[XXI-1] _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 22, 1885.

[XXI-2] He rose to prominence by military prowess, and yet
knew but little of the military art. His enemies would not
even concede him courage, or that he had risen by any effort
of his own, but merely by circumstances. _Un Guatemalteco_,
_Cartas_, 6-8.

[XXI-3] I will quote in corroboration what foreign
correspondents said. Barrios' administration in 1875 was
enjoying the confidence of the people, and had the support of
public opinion. He had in his favor not only the testimony
of the liberal portion of the Cent. Am. press, but of
intelligent travellers just from the theatre of his so-called
atrocities against the liberty of his people. He had more:
the direct as well as tacit testimony of the property
holders, both native and foreign. The guiding principle of
Barrios' govt was to check evil practices, and to encourage
good deeds. Again in 1880 Barrios continued as indefatigable
as ever, travelling over the country, devising measures
for the benefit of his fellow-citizens. The country was at
peace. Foreigners, in comparing Dec. 1870 with Dec. 1880, can
scarcely realize that they are living in the same country,
and that only one decade has elapsed since the terrors of
1870. Since then Guat. has seen progress in every respect,
and all due to the energy of this man, who has not wavered
in his efforts to educate his fellow-citizens to the standard
of the times. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan. 12, 14, 1875; Jan.
12, 1881.

[XXI-4] In 1876 there were primary schools in all the towns
for the compulsory and gratuitous education of children of
the poor. _Boddam Whetham's Across Cent. Am._, 39. Later
there were established three high schools: the Politécnica,
for the education of officers at the expense of the state;
alumni were also admitted at their own charge, who were not
bound to accept commissions in the army; the Normal, for the
training of teachers; and the Belen, for the instruction of
females. All those schools were in charge of teachers from
the U. S. and Europe; the Belen being conducted on the plan
pursued in the U. S.

[XXI-5] He was a man of the people, flattered the lower
classes and the soldiers, especially those of Los Altos, and
won their good-will.

[XXI-6] Espionage existed. Domestic servants even were
used as spies. The postal service was like an office of the
old inquisition. These charges are probably true, and the
system, one of long standing, may have been demanded by the
political situation. It has been said that he had a young
Spanish priest named Félix Pagés murdered in cold blood. The
other side of the story is that Pagés shot at him Sept. 14,
1877, in San Pedro Jocopilas, missed him, a scuffle ensued
for the possession of the weapon, when other persons entered
the room, one of whom was Barrios' body-servant, Inés Cruz,
who seeing Pagés again trying to discharge the revolver at
his master, drew out his own weapon, and shot the priest
dead. This version is the official one, and was communicated
by U. S. Minister Williamson to his government. _U. S. Gov.
Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., 45th Cong., 3d Sess., i. pt 1, 73-4;
_Star and Herald_, Oct. 20, 1877. It is that some women were
gagged, confined in the common jail, and afterward banished
to distant towns. _Un Guatemalteco_, _Cartas_, 24. I have
no space for the innumerable accusations of anonymous and
irresponsible persons. The following are given because made
by a prominent Mexican general who served some time under
Barrios: Innocent men of respectable position were whipped by
his order, and women confined in the common jail. A judge was
set to sowing grass. A distinguished lawyer was made to march
in a religious procession through the streets dressed as a
private soldier. An ecclesiastic, for failing to salute him,
was kept for hours opposite his balcony with head uncovered
and erect, and treated with contumely. He had the head of
a city councilman shaved like a priest's, and then shut
him up in a convent. It was Barrios' practice to have men
beaten till they told what he wanted of them, and he invented
a cruel torture called el apreton, which was compressing
the person's temples. His assassinations were wanton and
cold-blooded. This general, however, was a considerable
time in Barrios' service, and had a falling out with him.
His statements may be the result of spite. As a ruler who
had in his hands during nearly 12 years the destinies of
his country, he undoubtedly committed many errors, and as a
man he had defects; but how deny, speaking with truth, the
benefits his abilities, patriotism, constancy, and energy
bestowed? _Uraga, J. L._, _Réplica á J. R. Barrios_, 6-7,
33-4. Another Mexican who says horrible things of Barrios,
whom he called La Pantera de Guat., signed himself I.
Martinez, in _S. F. El Cornista_, March 4, 1885; _La Estrella
de Pan._, May 2, 1885.

[XXI-7] Decree of Nov. 4, 1873, requiring them to surrender
with their arms. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._,
i. 203; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Oct. 23, Nov. 22, 1873;
_Barrios_, _Mensaje_, Sept. 11, 1876, 5. For his complicity
in the insurrection, the guardian of the archdiocese had to
leave the country, and remained absent till he was permitted
to return. _El Porvenir de Nic._, Aug. 17, 1873.

[XXI-8] Gonzalez was expelled in disgrace from the army, and
sentenced, moreover, to confinement for ten years in the
fortress of San Felipe. He was also deprived of all right
to hold office. Bulnes was also deprived of this right,
and condemned to three years imprisonment. And yet he had
instigated Gonzalez to commit the outrage, and was morally
the guiltier of the two. _U. S. Govt Docs._, H. Ex. Doc.,
For. Rel., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, Doc. 1, pt 1, 177-83.

[XXI-9] There were present on shore, upon that occasion,
the commanding gen. of the Guat. forces, the British
rear-admiral, Cochrane, and officers of four of his ships
lying at San José, the British chargé, the Am. minister,
and others, besides 200 Guat. troops, and a like number
of marines and sailors from the British ships. _U. S. Govt
Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 44, Sess. 1, Doc. 1, pt 1, 128-9.

[XXI-10] The victim of Gonzalez' brutality declined to
receive any portion of the money. Scolfield, the British
representative at Guatemala, for the manner in which he
conducted the affair, was knighted.

[XXI-11] Butler had several conferences with the min. of
foreign affairs, insisting on the revocation of that decree,
which the min. invariably refused. El Progreso, Aug. 29,
1875. However, it seems that Guat. gave way, and declared
her recognition of Cuban independ. to be null. _The Mexican
Financier_, Apr. 18, 1885.

[XXI-12] In 1876 the Sp. gov. recognized that the
captain-gen. had exceeded his powers, and must be censured.
But in March 1880 it asked Guat. as a favor to forego that
clause, which the latter acceded to on being reassured
that in future the usages of international etiquette should
be observed in the relations between the two governments.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, ii. 129; _Id._, _Mem.
Min. Rel. Est._, 1881, 13-14.

[XXI-13] Circular of Nic. foreign min., Sept. 5, 1876, in
_Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 26, 1876.

[XXI-14] Both places within Guat. territory, but near the
boundaries of the other two states.

[XXI-15] Barrios reviewed in Guat. 11,000 men, and ostensibly
disbanded them. He really had about 18,000 under arms, and
it would have been easy for him to make the number 20,000 in
eight or ten days. Salv. went slow in the work of disarming.
She had 2,300 men in Santa Ana, 3,000 in San Salvador, and
2,000 in other places; and the government had decreed a
forced loan of half a million dollars, of which one half
had been collected. Having taken the laboring men from
their peaceful vocations, the govt feared a revolution if it
desisted from war with Guat. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb. 14,
16, 1876.

[XXI-16] Neither cajolery, argument, nor movement of troops
produced the desired effect, for the delegates could only
see in his propositions the destruction of their several
nationalities.

[XXI-17] The war cost Guat. about 2,000 lives, and one and
a half million dollars, however. The events connected with
Salvador and Honduras appear in the history of those states
for this period.

[XXI-18] Nicaragua in 1877 joined the three in treaties to
act in concert, and harmonize 'las tendencias de la familia
Centro-Americana.' _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 3, 1877.

[XXI-19] Gregorio Solares, to whom the successes were chiefly
due, entered the city quietly, receiving no share of the
popular plaudits, which were all bestowed on Barrios as the
victor.

[XXI-20] Sept. 9, 1876. It was revoked March 22, 1885, when
Barrios undertook to establish the Cent. Am. republic by
force. _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 23, 1885.

[XXI-21] The sword was delivered him Sept. 15, 1877. _Salv._,
_Gaceta Ofic._, Sept. 26, 1876; Feb. 25, March 21, Sept. 28,
1877; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Nov. 1, 1877.

[XXI-22] He would not go to the palace, but made the
ministers come to his residence, and adopted measures without
consultation with them. He was in fear of being poisoned.
_Uraga, J. L._, _Réplica_, 18-20.

[XXI-23] It had been originally convoked Oct. 21, 1875, the
date of meeting being left for future consideration. Its
first meeting was Aug. 31st, when its officers were chosen.
This was the seventh constituent assembly in 55 years of
national existence. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._,
ii. 159-68; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Sept. 9, 24, 1876.

[XXI-24] In the temporary absence of the president, the
council of ministers was to take charge of the executive
office. In case of his death or other inability, the council
of state was to convoke an assembly. The president was called
upon to appoint a council of state composed of competent and
upright men, which he did. _Id._, Nov. 3, 9, Dec. 8, 1876.

[XXI-25] Samayoa gave way to J. M. Barrundia, and went to
Europe; Alburez, min. of the treasury, was succeeded by J. A.
Salazar; Lainfiesta in fomento by M. M. Herrera; Barberena
was min. of the interior, and Macal of foreign affairs, who
later was replaced by Lorenzo Montúfar.

[XXI-26] With the evidence obtained during the day and
night of the 1st, several persons said to be implicated were
arrested, and the judicial investigation was initiated. The
plan of the sedition was ascertained from the acknowledgments
and confessions of its promoters and others. The priest,
Gabriel Aguilar, José Lara Pavon, Enrique Guzman, and others,
as appeared in the testimony, had organized themselves as
a society, recognizing one another by means of signs, to
promote a revolt. The execution of their plan was left to
A. Kopeski, commander of the artillery, and his second,
Capt. Leon de Rodas, at whose quarters assembled in the
night of the 1st a number of men who were then armed,
to be ready for relieving the guards at the palace and
comandancia general, after they had been narcotized with
wine and morphine furnished by Aguilar. This part of the
plot once accomplished, the commanders of other bodies of
troops were to receive forged orders to bring their men,
without arms, into the city, when others in the conspiracy
stationed outside would seize the arms. One of these orders,
ostensibly signed by Barrios, was sent Oct. 31st to the
comandante at Palencia, who, not doubting its genuineness,
was on the point of obeying it; but despatched an officer
to inquire where he was to station his men, and the object
of the call. The president at once telegraphed to other
commanders, and was advised that they had similar orders.
One man was arrested, and then another, until the plot was
unravelled. A large portion of the criminal element, as well
as of the lower classes, were mixed up in the affair. The
president, his family, ministers, and friends were to be
assassinated. Rich men would have to ransom their lives with
sums ranging from $50,000 down to $10,000. Daggers, gags, and
morphine were discovered. Barrios decreed, Nov. 5th, that the
parties should be tried by court-martial. This decree was
countersigned by all his ministers; namely, J. Barberena,
José Ant. Salazar, Lorenzo Montúfar, and under sec. of
war A. Ubico, then in charge of the portfolio. Foreigners
as well as natives realized their narrow escape from a
fearful catastrophe, and commended Barrios and his ministers
for their action. The justice of the sentences was fully
acknowledged. Barrios, in his message to the constituent
assembly, in March 1879, alluding to the affair, said: 'La
sociedad guatemalteca se vió por un momento al borde de un
abismo de sangre y devastacion.' The reactionists, he added,
unable to demand the abolition of the reforms which had so
greatly improved the condition of the people, 'pedian al
puñal y al veneno, á ese recurso traidor y alevoso, una
hecatombe suprema, una montaña de cadáveres.' _Barrios_,
_Mensaje_, March 15, 1879; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Nov. 13,
18, 1877; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Dec. 1, 1877; _La Voz de
Méx._, S. F., Feb. 23, 1878.

[XXI-27] In the preamble he alludes to the declaration of
the last assembly on Oct. 23, 1876, adding that he accepted
the dictatorship as a necessity, because of the unsettled
condition of the country, though well aware that unrestricted
powers are incompatible with republican principles. The
election of deputies was to begin Jan. 10th, and all citizens
were made eligible, excepting only such as held certain
offices, as jefes políticos, revenue officials, judges, and
military commandants, who could not be candidates in their
official departments or districts. _U. S. Gov. Doc._, Cong.
46, Sess. 2, i. pt 1, 140; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Nov. 22,
1878; Jan. 22, 1879; _La Voz de Méx._, May 6, 1879.

[XXI-28] He had endeavored, he said, to maintain friendly
relations with the other Cent. Am. governments, and as for
those with Salv., Hond., and Nic., 'jamás se han cultivado
con el verdadero espíritu de fraternidad con que hoy se
mantienen y fomentan.'

[XXI-29] The same course was pursued by Guat. toward Mexican
citizens residing in her territory, who were causing in
1879 and 1880 disturbances in Soconusco and Chiapas. The
correspondence and proceedings of the governments in both
affairs appear in _Mex._, _Correspond. Dipl._, ii. 221-91;
_El Guatemalteco_, Sept. 7, 1879; _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._,
Nov. 8, Dec. 2, 1879.

[XXI-30] Every principle won with the loss of so much blood
was secured. The legislative authority was vested in a
chamber of representatives, and the executive in a president,
whose term of office was six years. _Guat._, _Mem.,
Sec. Gobern._, 1880, 7. Objections were made by foreign
representatives, including the minister of Mexico, to art.
5th of the constitution respecting Guatemalan nationality.
On this point a constituent assembly in 1885 authorized the
government to settle it by treaties, which was equivalent
to nullifying the clause. There were exceptions also to
the 14th, intended to set down as a principle that neither
citizens nor foreigners were entitled to indemnity for
damages accruing to them during civil wars from the acts of
revolutionary factions. The right of Guat. to insert in her
fundamental law every principle or rule she might deem proper
for her internal administration was fully recognized; but as
regarded those dependent for their sanction on the consent
of nations, in their intercourse with one another, the
representatives reserved their respective country's rights.
_Mex._, _Correspond. Dipl._, ii. 293-8; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec.
Rel. Est._, 1880, 6.

[XXI-31] The new constitution was to have effect from
March 1, 1880. Thus Barrios had the glory of endowing his
country with a political constitution of its own, and with
a republican and democratic form of government. It will
be borne in mind that after the disruption of the Cent.
Am. confederation, since 1840, Guat. had been under a
dictatorship, or under institutions which greatly curtailed
the political rights of the ruled.

[XXI-32] A treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and extradition
was concluded July 17, 1880, between Guat. and Hond., giving
to Guatemalans in Hond., and Hondurans in Guat., the same
civil and political rights enjoyed by the natives of the
respective country, though exempting them from military
service and forced loans. Refugees could be allowed asylum,
but were not to use the privilege to promote hostile acts
against their own or other governments. Merchandise,
excepting such articles as were subject to estanco, or
monopoly, were to be allowed free entry. _Guat._, _Mem. Min.
Rel. Exter._, 1881, 28-34.

[XXI-33] _Star and Herald_, Jan. 23, 1883; _Guat._, _Mem.
Min. Rel. Exter._, 1881-5; _Id._, _Gobern. y Just._, 1881-5;
_Id._, _Hac. y Créd. Púb._, 1881-5; _Id._, _Guerra_, 1881-5;
_Id._, _Formento_, 1881-5; _Id._, _Instruc. Púb._, 1881-5.
The following persons acted as ministers of state during
some portion of Barrios' present term: Lorenzo Montúfar,
Fernando Cruz, Cayetano Diaz Mérida, Delfino Sanchez, J. M.
Orantes, J. Martin Barrundia, M. M. Herrera, Ángel Peña, R.
A. Salazar, Ramon Murga, and F. Lainfiesta.

[XXI-34] The Guat. govt manifested its high appreciation of
those courtesies on the part of the authorities and people of
the U. S., in a note to the Am. minister, H. C. Hall. _U. S.
Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt 1,
46-7.

[XXI-35] This question is fully treated of in _Hist. Mex._,
vi. chap. xix., this series; _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc.,
Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i., For Rel. no. 1, pt 1, 326-33.

[XXI-36] He did not resume his office till the 6th of
January, Gen. Orantes continuing at the head of the
government.

[XXI-37] He added that he wished to stand aloof, and observe
the working of the free institutions he had contributed to
establish on a firm basis as he hoped; without neglecting,
however, the duty he owed at all times to his country, and
to those who, like himself, shed their blood in their efforts
to the same end. He would be ever found ready to support the
liberal government, and hoped that no credence would be given
to the slander that he desired to leave the country, and
thus shirk responsibility. This charge was made when he left
for the U. S. to settle the boundary question with Mexico.
_Barrios_, _Mensaje_, Dec. 29, 1882. Even more had been said,
to wit, that he had the plan of annexing Guat. to the U. S.,
which was an absurd charge.

[XXI-38] It was beyond question that he had a strong hold on
the affections of those who did not belong to the reactionary
party, and 'even among the latter he would be preferred
to any one who would be likely to succeed him.' U. S. Min.
Hall's desp. to sec. of state, Jan. 8, 1883, in _U. S. Gov.
Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no. 1, pt 1, 32-3.

[XXI-39] A measure might be adopted in the next ordinary
session, when, perhaps, 'events may have occurred in regard
to the Cent. Am. union.'

[XXI-40] He urged them to labor for the development of the
country, whose progress and prosperity were certain, if all
would coöperate to that end.

[XXI-41] Barrios addressed, Feb. 24, 1883, an extensive
circular to the liberal party of Cent. Am., to assure
them that his motives in working for the consolidation
had been to promote the general weal, and not his personal
aggrandizement. He repeated that he did not wish, nor would
he accept, the presidency of Cent. Am., disclaiming that he
had ever tried to impose his will on the other states, and
pledging his word never to attempt it in the future. _Pan._,
_El Cronista_, March 10, et seq., 1884; _U. S. Gov. Doc._,
Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no. 1, pt 1, 49-53.

[XXI-42] As appears in a telegram of March 28th from Nic.
govt to Guat. foreign min., who replied next day, that if
Costa R. refused to join the diet, the meeting of delegates
from only four states could have no practical effect.
_Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1844, 3-5, annexes A to D;
_Costa R._, _Mem. Min. Rel._, 1883, 3, ann. 1 and 13; _Id._,
_Gaceta_, Feb. 3, 1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 5, 20,
23, 1883; _Pan. Canal_, Feb. 16, March 21, 22, 1883.

[XXI-43] 'Tantas ambiciones pequeñas, tantos menguados
intereses de localidad, y tantas miras estrechas.' _Barrios_,
_Mensaje_, March 1, 1884; _El Guatemalteco_, March 4, 1884.

[XXI-44] It was to be perpetual as to peace and friendship;
and as regarded the other clauses, its duration was to be of
ten years. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1884, annex 3.

[XXI-45] Barrios published an address to the inhabitants
expressing gratitude for their sympathy. He made special
mention of the cordial manifestation of the diplomatic
corps, and the foreign residents. _El Guatemalteco_, Apr. 18,
22, 1884; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr. 17, 1884; _Hond._,
_Gaceta_, Apr. 21, 1884; _Méx._, _Clamor Púb._, June 2, 1884.

[XXI-46] Four to death, two to the chain-gang with hard labor
for life, one to simple imprisonment for 10 years, and two
others were acquitted. One of the chief implicated made a
full confession, the plot being to cause a change in the
govt by killing Barrios. _El Guatemalteco_, May 16, July 5,
12, 1884. The chief person implicated has, since the death
of Barrios, made a representation to the assembly declaring
the accusation false, and that the real authors of the bomb
plot were in the process made to appear as the victims.
_Rodriguez, G._, _Expos. y Docs._, pp. i.-iii., 1-120, 3-17.

[XXI-47] The president of Costa R. also received an
invitation, but being unable to leave the state, expressed
through his min. of foreign affairs warm congratulations.
_Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 19-20.

[XXI-48] It was countersigned by all his ministers, to
wit: J. Martin Barrundia, of war; Fernando Cruz, of foreign
affairs; Francisco Lainfiesta, of fomento; Delfino Sanchez,
of treasury and pub. credit; Cayetano Diaz Mérida, of govt
and justice; and Ramon Murga, of pub. instruction. The
following is a synopsis of the decree. Art. 1. The ruler
of the rep. of Guat. proclaims the union of Cent. Am.; to
which end he assumes the rôle of supreme military chief with
absolute control. Art. 2. He will accept the coöperation of
such govts, communities, and rulers, as, within the terms
laid down, should acquiesce and make common cause with
them. Art. 3. A gen. assembly of 15 members from each state,
freely chosen by popular suffrage, should meet at Guatemala
May 1st to enact the political constitution of Cent. Am.,
and establish the manner, time, and form of choosing the
president, his official term, date upon which he was to
receive the executive authority from the assembly, and the
place where the supreme federal authorities were to reside.
Art. 4. Any person attempting by word or deed to oppose
this decree would be dealt with as a traitor to the cause
of Cent. Am. Art. 5. The people of Cent. Am. are urged to
aid the accomplishment of this project. Art. 6. Suitable
rewards offered to officers of army and militia efficaciously
aiding. Art. 7. Rewards also offered to the rank and file.
Art. 8. Establishes the flag of the rep.: three vertical
stripes, the middle one white, the other two blue; the white
stripe exhibiting the coat of arms, a quetzal perched upon a
column, with the following inscription: 'Libertad y Union—15
de Setiembre de 1821-28 de Febrero de 1885.' Art. 9. No
negotiations relating to territory, international treaties,
foreign or national loans, or other stipulations of analogous
nature or importance, entered into by the other states of
Cent. Am. after the date of this decree, would be recognized.
Art. 10. The minister of foreign affairs was directed to lay
this decree before the assembly of Guat., the other govern.
of Cent. Am., and all powers of Am. and Europe with which
Guat. had relations of friendship and trade. _La Estrella
de Pan._, March 28, 1885; _El Cronista_ (S. F.), March 14,
21, 1885; _S. F. Chronicle_, March 10, 13, 1885; _S. F.
Call_, March 13, 1885. It will be well to mention here the
reasons which prompted the legislative assembly to proclaim
the unity of Cent. Am. in the manner adopted by Barrios:
'El inmenso prestigio de que gozaba aquel memorable jefe, el
civismo de que siempre habia dado inequívocas muestras, y los
muchos elementos de que disponia para hacer práctico aquel
pensamiento, acariciado por todos los buenos hijos de la
América Central. This was said after Barrios was dead. _Costa
R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 21-5, 35.

[XXI-49] 'Bastante he saboreado, por triste experiencia,
todas las amarguras del poder.'

[XXI-50] Art. 1. The people of Hond. proclaim the union
of Cent. Am. Art. 2. Gives the executive full power to
render Barrios every possible aid. Art. 3. Congress and the
executive were to frankly explain the true motives of the
revolution.

[XXI-51] Zaldívar then, as well as afterward, denied having
betrayed Barrios. The circular of Feb. 24, 1883, to the
liberal party, was issued by the latter after a conference
with the former at Asuncion Mita. In that famous manifesto,
Barrios pledged his honor not to attempt effecting the
unification, except by peaceful means, and with the
concurrence of the five republics. His message to the Guat.
assembly in 1884 indicated that violent means were out of
the question. A correspondent of a Panamá paper, who seemed
to have personal knowledge of the negotiations, both public
and confidential, assures us that at every interview between
the two rulers the Salvadoran had opposed without ambiguity
all propositions, open or implied, to employ force; and that
Barrios had every time admitted the weight of the reasons
adduced by him. Indeed, only 20 days before his attempted
assumption of supreme command over Cent. Am. Barrios assured
of Salvadoran minister of foreign affairs, Gallegos, who
had gone to Guat. upon a confidential mission from Zaldívar,
of his conviction that never had the plan of reconstructing
Cent. Am. by compulsion been so unpropitious and dangerous
as at the present time; adding these words: 'Poner hoy la
mano en este asunto equivaldría á meterla en un avispero.'
_La Estella de Pan._, May 9, 1885; _S. F. Chronicle_, June 5,
1885.

[XXI-52] 'El gobierno de Vd. no responde, y no necesito
decir por qué no lo hace.' These words would seem to imply
that there had been an understanding between the two, and
treachery was suspected.

[XXI-53] Menendez, calling himself a soldier of the union,
had urged all Central Americans to aid Barrios. Zaldívar on
March 15th promulgated an act of the Salv. congress declaring
Menendez a traitor to his country. This decree was in force
only a short time.

[XXI-54] Melchor Ordoñez, Spanish minister accredited to both
republics, had in a telegram assured him that Zaldívar was
his sincere friend, but was in a difficult position, having
to act in accord with public opinion. He should bear in mind
the Salvadorans had been led to believe that he, Barrios,
intended to deprive them of their nationality to gratify his
own ambition.

[XXI-55] 'Las medidas á que toda nacion prudente apela
durante el estado de guerra en que se colocan sus vecinos.'

[XXI-56] The govt issued a stirring manifesto to friendly
powers on the 17th of March, 1885, against Barrios' coup
d'etat, signed by J. M. Castro, sec. of foreign relations.
_Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 27-9; _Id._,
_Manif. del Gob. Rep._, 1-6.

[XXI-57] The telegraphic despatches and diplomatic notes
which passed between the two governments appear in _Mex._,
_Diario Ofic._, March 12, Apr. 1, 29, May 5, 1885; _Id._,
_Siglo XIX._, March 13, 25, 30, 1885; _Costa R._, _Boletin
Ofic._, March 14, 1885.

[XXI-58] The treaty was signed in the city of Santa Ana,
Salv., by the plenipotentiaries José Duran for Costa R.,
Buenav. Selva for Nic., and Salv. Gallegos for Salv. It
was to be in force until Barrios should be overthrown, and
another govt established entirely disconnected with him and
offering guaranties of peace for Cent. Am., after which the
issue of Cent. Am. union might be considered by the parties
in a proper spirit, and at an opportune occasion. Costa R.
pledged herself to furnish 3,000 men at her own cost, but
if only 1,000 were called for, she would contribute also
$100,000, and 1,000 Remington rifles with 500 cartridges for
each. Nic. agreed to furnish 4,000 troops also at her own
cost. Salv. would contribute her whole available military
force. The command-in-chief was vested first in the president
of Salv., next in that of Nic., and third in that of Costa
R., or of such persons as one or the other might designate.
Costa R., however, supplied 2,000 men, and offered to loan
money to Salv. _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885,
31-3. Mex. placed a force near the Guat. frontier as soon as
hostilities began in Cent. Am.

[XXI-59] In an unsuccessful assault against the
fortifications of Chalchuapa. He was slain between 9 and
10 o'clock in the morning. One of his sons also perished
fighting at his side. _La Estrella de Pan._, May 9, 1885;
_Méx._, _La Prensa_, suppl. ap. 4, 1885; _S. F. Chronicle_,
Apr. 3, 5, 10, 1885; _S. F. Alta_, Apr. 23, 1885; _S. F.
Chronicle_, Apr. 23, 1885.

[XXI-60] Barrios' last will executed at Guatemala on the 23d
of March, 1885, which was filed Dec. 7th of said year in the
office of the surrogate in New York, declared his wife to be
the sole heir of all his property and interests. He had full
confidence that she would deal fairly by each of their seven
children. He desired her to pay $25,000 to his nephew Luciano
Barrios as a memento of his good services. She was also to
continue providing for Antonio Barrios, then in the U. S.
_Pan. Star and Herald_, Dec. 21, 1885.

[XXI-61] Sinibaldi, chosen by the assembly Apr. 30, 1884, 1st
designado, vice J. M. Orantes resigned, had been in charge
of the executive office since Barrios prepared to go to the
front.

[XXI-62] On the following grounds: 1st. The decree of
Feb. 28th having been revoked, and Barrios being dead,
the causes which placed Guat. at war with Salv., Nic., and
Costa R. had ceased to exist; 2d. It was a patriotic duty
to promote feelings of fraternity and concord; 3. That the
governments of the republics of Cent. Am. were prompted by
the same sentiments, and those of Salv., Nic., and Costa R.
had already made peace with Hond., which had seconded the
movement of the late president of Guat.; 4. That through the
friendly mediation of the foreign corps an understanding with
Salv. had been easily arrived at, and honorable terms agreed
upon for a firm and stable peace between the two republics
and Salvador's allies.

[XXI-63] Salv., Nic., and Costa R., also made similar
declarations in regard to Guat.

[XXI-64] The same decree included a national vote of thanks
to the diplomatic body accredited to the governments of Cent.
Am. for their friendly intervention to bring the war to an
end, and appointed Sunday the 19th to solemnize the peace
thus restored. Countersigned by the four ministers, to wit:
Ángel M. Arroyo, of foreign relations and pub. instruction;
Antonio Aguirre, of treasury and pub. credit; Manuel J.
Dardon, of governm. and justice; and E. Martinez Sobral, of
fomento. _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 35-8;
_La Estrella de Pan._, May 23, 1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_,
May 23, 1885.

[XXI-65] Pres. Diaz also in a telegram to Zaldívar manifested
a desire to see cordial relations restored between Salv. and
Guat. _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr. 11 1885; _La Nueva Era_
(Paso del Norte), Apr. 17, 1885.

[XXI-66] _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 55-7;
_La Estrella de Pan._, May 23, 1885.

[XXI-67] Decrees of June 23d and 27th. All subsidies were
suspended for one year. The purpose of calling a convention
was to effect some amendments to the constitution, and to
enact some needed laws.

[XXI-68] Notwithstanding the great necessity of allaying
the excitement still existing, there were riotous scenes on
several occasions in the chamber. _Pan. Star and Herald_,
Sept. 9-30, 1885, passim.

[XXI-69] The president's inauguration was on the 15th of
March, 1886.

[XXII-1] Feb. 9th. He was to draw from the pub. treasury as
pay $200 monthly when in actual service. _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
April 14, 1866. Later he was made a captain-general.

[XXII-2] The escutcheon was to be the same as formerly, with
the sole exception of exhibiting a rising sun in lieu of
the Phrygian cap. The flag was to be as follows: Two blue
stripes with a white one between them, all three running
horizontally, three to four varas in length, and nine inches
in width; with the national coat of arms in the centre of the
white stripe, and a group of five blue stars in a semicircle
under it. Merchant vessels were to use the same dimensions
and colors without the coat of arms.

[XXII-3] Under the constitution of 1865 the congress
consisted of a senate with seven members, and a legislative
assembly of eleven. The council of state was constituted with
the ministers and seven other members.

[XXII-4] For the bestowal of decorations of the order was
created a senate of six members to reside in the capital.
This body was also empowered to dismiss any member of the
order for good cause. The president was authorized to frame
the statutes and appoint the senators, conferring grades
of the order before its installation. The senate, once
installed, was to grant decorations. The same right was
reserved for congress, and the president of the republic, who
was made ex-officio president of the senate of the order. A
copy of the decree in Spanish is given in _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
May 23, 1868; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatémala_, 427-8.

[XXII-5] In connection with the subject is mentioned the name
of Bustelli Foscolo, an agent of the Hond. govt, sentenced to
imprisonment in Paris for fraudulent transactions.

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History of Central America, Volume 3, 1801-1887Chapter XXXIV: Interoceanic Communication (15)

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