Chapter IV: Of Provincial and Communal Institutions (9)

See ELECTRICAL DISCOVERY AND INVENTION:
A. D. 1825-1874 (page 773).

_T. O'Conor Sloane
The Standard Electrical Dictionary
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/26535_

MORTON, Dr., and the discovery of Anæsthetics.

See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 19th CENTURY (page 2144).

MOSQUITO COUNTRY.

See (in this Supplement) NICARAGUA.

N.

NANSEN, Dr., Arctic expeditions of.

See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1888, and 1893.

NAPOLEON I., and Germany.

See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 1796-1807.

NARES, Captain, Polar voyage of.

See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1875-1876.

NATIONALIST MOVEMENT, The.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1888-1893 (page 2956).

NETHERLANDS, Commerce of the.

See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, MEDIÆVAL, AND MODERN.

NEUTRALITY, The Queen of England's Proclamation of.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1861 (page 3428).

NEW CHURCH, The.

See (in this Supplement) SWEDENBORG.

NEW HARMONY COMMUNITY. The.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1800-1824,
and 1805-1827 (pages 2936-2937).

NEW JERSEY, College of.

See (in this Supplement) PRINCETON COLLEGE.

NEW LANARK, Robert Owen's experiment at.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1800-1824 (page 2935).

NEWNHAM HALL.

See EDUCATION (page 746).

NICARAGUA, AND THE MOSQUITO INDIANS.

The question of the sovereignty of Nicaragua over the Mosquito
country was settled affirmatively by a convention concluded in
November, 1894. Great Britain at the same time gave assurances
to the United States that she asserts no rights of sovereignty
or protection over the country in question.

NIHILISM.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1860-1870 (page 2948).

NILE, Exploration of the sources of the.

See (in this Supplement) AFRICA.

NON-INTERCOURSE, The Jefferson policy of.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1804-1809.
and 1808-1810 (pages 3332 and 3338).

NORDENSKIÖLD, Professor (Baron),
Achievement of the Northeast Passage by.

See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1878-1879.

NORTH AMERICA, The Bank of.

See MONEY AND BANKING: A. D. 1780-1784 (page 2212).

NORTHEAST AND NORTHWEST PASSAGE, Search for.

See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

NORWAY, Libraries of.

See LIBRARIES, MODERN (page 2013).

O.

OBERLIN COLLEGE.

"Oberlin is a development from the missionary and reform
movements of the early quarter of our century. Its direct
impulse was the new spirit of active benevolence which tested
old doctrines by experience and by their fitness for organized
philanthropy. Its foundations were laid 23 years after the
organization of the American Foreign Missionary Association, 7
years after the first American temperance society, 15 years
before the first public move to extend the rights of women,
and in the same year with the American Anti-Slavery Society.
All of these reform movements were more or less united in the
Oberlin movement. The founders were themselves home
missionaries in the West and among the Indians, and Oberlin
has ever since been vital with the missionary spirit. From the
first, alcoholic beverages have been excluded. Although not
adopting the extreme doctrine of woman's rights, yet Oberlin
was the first college in the world to admit young women to all
its privileges on equal terms with young men; and as for its
anti-slavery leanings, it had received colored students into
its classes 28 years before emancipation. Such bold disregard
of the old landmarks was not attractive to the power and
wealth of the country, and so for 50 years Oberlin owed its
life to the sacrifice and devotion of its founders and
instructors. … In 1831 John J. Shipherd, under commission from
the American Home Missionary Society, entered upon his work as
pastor of the church at Elyria, Ohio. … In the summer of 1832
he was visited by Philo P. Stewart, an old school friend in
the days when they both attended the academy at Pawlet,
Vermont. Stewart, on account of the failing health of his
wife, had returned from mission work among the Choctaws in
Mississippi, but his heart was still burning with zeal for
extending Christian work in the West. The two men, after long
consultations and prayer, finally concluded that the needs of
the new country could best be met by establishing a community
of Christian families with a Christian school, … the school to
be conducted on the manual labor system, and to be open to
both young men and young women.
{3794}
It was not proposed to establish a college, but simply an
academy for instruction in English and useful languages, and,
if Providence should favor it, in 'practical theology.' In
accordance with this plan the corporate name 'Oberlin
Collegiate Institute' was chosen. Not until 1851 was a new and
broader charter obtained, this time under the name of 'Oberlin
College.' The name 'Oberlin' was chosen to signify the hope
that the members of the new enterprise might be moved by the
spirit of the self-sacrificing Swiss colporteur and pastor,
John Friederich Oberlin."

_J. R Commons,
Oberlin College
(in Bureau of Education,
Circular of Information, 1801, no. 5),
pages 55-56._

OERSTED, and his discovery of the Electro-Magnet.

See ELECTRICAL DISCOVERY AND INVENTION:
A. D. 1820-1825 (page 772).

_T. O'Conor Sloane
The Standard Electrical Dictionary
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/26535_

OHIO UNIVERSITY.

"Ohio University bears the double distinction of being the
first college in the United States founded upon a land
endowment from the national Government, and also of being the
oldest college in the Northwest Territory. … The university
owes its origin and endowment to the Ohio Company of
Associates, who in 1787 purchased a large tract of land from
the old board of treasury for the purpose of colonizing it
with pioneers from New England. … The honor of obtaining this
endowment belongs to Dr. [Manasseh] Cutler. … In 1795 the
lands to be devoted to the support of the university were
located. The townships selected were those now called Athens
and Alexander, in Athens County. General Rufus Putnam, who was
deeply interested in the proposed institution, used his
influence to secure settlers for the college lands. … December
18, 1799, the Territorial legislature appointed Rufus Putnam,
Benjamin Ives Gilman, and Jonathan Stone 'to lay off, in the
most suitable place within the townships, a town plat, which
should contain a square for the colleges; also lots suitable
for house lots and gardens for a president, professors,
tutors, etc., bordering on or encircled by spacious commons,
and such a number of town lots adjoining the said commons and
outlots as they shall think will be for the advantage of the
university.' … In 1802 the legislature of the Northwest
Territory passed an act establishing a university and giving
to it in trust the land grant."

_G. W. Knight and J. R. Commons,
History of Higher Education in Ohio
(Bureau of Education,
Circular of Information, 1891, number 5)._

ONEIDA COMMUNITY, The.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1848 (page 2946).

ONTARIO SCHOOL SYSTEM.

See EDUCATION, MODERN (page 733).

OTHO THE GREAT, and the restoration of the Empire.

See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 962.

OWEN, Robert, and his social experiments.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1800-1824, 1805-1827,
and 1816-1886 (pages 2935, 2937, and 2938).

OYER AND TERMINER, Courts of.

See LAW, CRIMINAL: A. D. 1285 (page 1982).

P.

PAMIR, The.

The Pamir and Tibet, which converge north of India and east of
the Oxus, form jointly the culminating land of the continent.
Disposed at right angles, and parallel, the one to the
equator, the other to the meridian, they constitute the
so-called 'Roof,' or 'Crown of the World,' though this
expression is more usually restricted to the Pamir alone. With
its escarpments, rising above the Oxus and Tarim plains west
and east, the Pamir occupies, in the heart of the continent,
an estimated area of 30,000 square miles. With its
counterforts projecting some 300 miles, it forms the western
headland of all the plateaux and mountain systems skirting the
Chinese Empire; it completely separates the two halves of
Asia, and forms an almost impassable barrier to migration and
war-like incursions. Yet notwithstanding its mean elevation of
13,000 feet above arable land, it has been frequently crossed
by small caravans of traders or travellers, and by light
columns of troops. The attempt could not fail to be frequently
made to take the shortest route across the region separating
the Oxus from Kashgaria, and Europe from China. Hence the
Pamir has often been traversed by Greeks, Romans, Arabs,
Italians, Chinese, some as traders, some as explorers, some
inspired by religious zeal. But of these travellers very few
have left any record of their journey, and all took the lowest
routes across the plateau."

_E. Reclus,
The Earth and its Inhabitants: Asia,
volume 1, chapter 3, section 2._

PANIC OF 1873, The.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1873 (page 3574).

----------PAPACY: Start--------

PAPACY: 11th Century.
The Church and the first Crusading movement.

See (in this Supplement) CRUSADES.

PAPACY: 11-12th Centuries.
The Question of the Investitures.

"By investiture in mediaeval church law is meant the act of
bestowing a church office, with the use of symbols, on the
clergyman who has been appointed to fill it. It is especially
to signify the act by which secular princes conferred on the
chosen candidates the offices of bishop and abbot that the
word is used since the eleventh century. The struggle which
the papacy and the church carried on in the last half of the
11th and on into the 12th century for the purpose of doing
away with this same right of the princes to confer such
offices is called in consequence the war of the investitures.
That the nomination of the bishops was a right pertaining to
the sovereign was a view of the matter which had gained ground
already in the time of the Frankish monarchy. The German kings
up to the eleventh century insisted all the more on this right
from the fact that the bishoprics and imperial abbacies had in
course of time lost their original character of church
organizations. They had been appanaged with imperial and other
lands, with political and public rights, with immunities,
rights of coinage etc. … They had, in consequence, become
transformed into political districts, on a par with those of
the secular princes and obliged, like the latter, to bear the
public burdens, especially that of providing war-contingents
and supplies. It Is true that in the period in question,
although for the most part the king openly and freely filled
the bishoprics and abbacies of his own accord, some elections
had been carried through by the cathedral chapter, the other
secular canons, the nobles, vassals and ministeriales of the
bishopric. This was usually on the ground of royal privileges,
of special royal permission, or of a designation of the
candidate by the king.
{3795}
However the person might have been elected he could only enter
into possession of the bishopric or abbacy after the king had
formally conferred the office upon him. The death of a bishop
would be announced to the king by envoys from the episcopal
residence who at the same time, handing over the episcopal
crosier and ring, would beg that the king would see to the
refilling of the vacant office. It need hardly be said that
any new candidate who might in the meantime have been elected
presented himself likewise at court. The king discussed the
matter of the bestowal of the vacant bishopric or abbacy with
his secular and ecclesiastical nobles and councillors. His
next step was to confer the office on the candidate he had
chosen by means of investiture, that is by handing him the
episcopal crosier and ring. The candidate in return had to
take the oath of fealty and to perform the act of homage, the
so-called hominium. This is how an episcopal office, at that
time regarded as a conglomeration of ecclesiastical and
secular rights, was regularly filled. … After the middle of
the 11th century there began to show itself within the
reform-party, which at that time gave the tone at Rome, a
tendency, ever growing stronger, in favor of achieving the
complete liberation of the church from the secular influence.
The German kingdom and empire were to be subordinated to the
papacy as to the proper controlling power. Those who held
these views declared that the investiture of the bishops and
abbots by the king was simony because, as was the custom on
the part of those receiving other feudal grants, certain
presents were made in return. It was demanded that the
episcopal symbols, the ring and the crosier, should no longer
be disposed of at the hand of a layman. As a matter of fact
there had frequently been carried on an unworthy traffic with
the bishoprics in consequence of the manner of conferring
them. The ecclesiastical legislators, besides passing general
laws against simony, came forward at first cautiously enough
with the regulation that the clergy should accept no churches
from the hands of a layman. The direct clash with the German
court came later, in 1068, where the king had conferred the
bishopric of Milan as usual through investiture, while the
people, under the influence of the papal reform-party,
demanded a bishop elected canonically and with Rome's consent.
The king did not give way and Gregory VII, in the Roman synod
of 1074, increased the severity of the earlier laws against
simony, opening the struggle in a synod of the following year
by ordaining that the people should not be present at
ecclesiastical functions performed by those clergy who had
gained office through simony, the reference being to those
bishops who adhered to the king. Furthermore the royal right
of conferring bishoprics by investiture was now directly
denied. With this attack on an old and customary prerogative
of the German king, one to which in earlier times had even
been expressly acknowledged by the pope, an attempt was made
to thoroughly undermine the foundations of the German empire
and to rob the royal power of one of its chief supports. The
bishops and abbots were princes of the realm, possessing,
besides a number of privileges, the large feudal and allodial
holdings which went with their churches. They had, on behalf
of their bishoprics, to sustain the largest share of the
empire's burdens. The crown found in them the chief props and
supports of its power, for the ecclesiastical principalities
could be freely granted to devoted adherents without regard to
the hereditary dynastic claims of families. The only legal
bond by which these princes were bound to the crown was the
investiture with its oath of fealty and homage. The
prohibition of this, then, denoted the cessation of the
relationship which assured the dependence of the
ecclesiastical princes on the king and on the empire and the
performance of their duties to that empire. It delivered over
the considerable material wealth and power of the imperial
bishoprics and abbacies to a clergy that was loosed from all
connection with the crown. With regard to the manner in which
in future, according to the opinion of Gregory VII or the
church-reform party, the bishoprics were to be filled, the
above-mentioned synod does not express itself. The decrees of
the Roman synod of 1080, as well as Gregory's own further
attitude, however, make it appear unquestionable that, with
the formal restoration of the old so-called canonical election
by clergy and people in common with the metropolitan and his
suffragans, he purposed the actual subjection to the pope of
the episcopacy and of the resources which in consequence of
its political position stood at its command. From the election
of a secular clergy which should be freed from national and
state interests by the carrying out of the celibacy laws—an
election in which metropolitans who were to be kept in
dependence on the papal throne were to play their part—there
could result as a rule only bishops submissive to the papal
court. All the more so as the Roman synod of 1080, in a form
probably intentionally vague, gave the pope a right,
concurrent with that of the archbishop, of testing the
elections and of hindering any such as might be objectionable
to the court of Rome. That the bishops and abbots elected in
this way were to retain their former possessions and
privileges in the empire was taken by Gregory VII as a matter
of course. But were this the case their considerable resources
stood wholly at the disposition of the papal chair; on the
pope it depended what amount of services he would still allow
for the benefit of the empire. Nay, more, as regards the
ecclesiastical princes the pope would actually have taken the
place of the emperor and king and could command the movements
of the most insignificant vassal of a bishopric. … The dispute
was finally ended by the concordat agreed to at Lobweisen
(near Lorsch) and announced at Worms: … In the concordat the
emperor renounced wholly the former investing with the
bishop's and abbot's office by means of crosier and ring, and
granted that in all churches these offices should be filled by
canonical election and by the free consecration of the person
elected. On the other hand the pope granted that the election
of bishops and abbots belonging to the German kingdom might
take place in presence of the emperor but without simony or
violence, and that the emperor should have a right, employing
the sceptre as a symbol and causing homage to be rendered, to
perform the investiture—before the consecration, namely—with
regard to the regalia, i. e. the totality of the landed
possessions and rights which belonged to the individual
bishopric or abbacy. …
{3796}
With the Concordat of Worms the church and the papacy, after a
long struggle, had gained the victory over the empire. Even
though the papal party had not been able to put through all
its demands with regard to the question of investitures, yet
the empire was compelled to renounce rights which had been
exercised unassailed for centuries, and thereby to confirm the
emancipation of the papacy from the former imperial
overlordship, thus stamping its position as an independent
political power. This success was the more considerable for
the reason that the agreement of Worms had established the
ecclesiastical and imperial rights only in the most general
terms and in an equivocal form, but had left the further
development of the new manner of conferring the offices to be
decided by practice. … If already the Hohenstaufens of the
12th century had succeeded only with great efforts in
protecting themselves against such interpretation of the
Concordat as infringed on the imperial rights, there was,
naturally, in the 13th century,—in view of the condition of
the empire, the political situation of Germany, and the
predominating supremacy of the papacy,—no further question of
such an attitude. … In this form of interpretation, given to
it by usage and derogatory to the imperial rights, the
Concordat of Worms remained the basis of the German imperial
law regarding the collation of bishoprics and imperial
abbacies until the dissolution of the German empire in 1806."

_Hinschius,
Investiturstreit
(Herzog's Realencyklopaedie für protestantische
Theologie und Kirche, volume 6)._

See, also, PAPACY: A. D. 1056-1122 (pages 2427-2431).

PAPACY: A. D. 1162-1177.
The Pope and the Emperor.

"In this fullness of his power [after the destruction of
Milan, 1162] the emperor came anew into conflict with the
papacy. Reason enough for it was that the emperor intended to
treat Rome also as a city of the empire like the rest. …
Between the claims of the two powers there was an ineradicable
fundamental difference which showed itself at every moment.
What the papacy did, to continually bring forward and maintain
new rights, the empire could, after all, do also. Among other
ways the remarkable contradiction finds utterance thus, that
the emperor claims to be above the law, the pope above
tribunals; the one is the chief, unrestricted lawgiver, the
other the chief judge over all. The emperor rose up in injured
self-esteem when the pope used the word 'benefice' in speaking
of his relations with the empire. The pope was forced to
explain the word, which had two meanings, in its more harmless
sense. The Lombard cities always maintained that they had been
strengthened in their opposition by Adrian IV. It is probable
that already between the emperor and this pope a struggle
would have taken place; but Adrian died (at Anagni, September
1, 1159), and after his death there was a disputed papal
election. There was a powerful imperial faction among the
cardinals but a still more powerful anti-German one. At the
election it came to a hand to hand fight, as it were, between
the two candidates. The purple mantle was just about to be
laid on the shoulders of the anti-imperial cardinal Roland
when the imperial candidate Octavian rushed in and tore it
away from him. The latter was first proclaimed in Rome as
Victor IV, the former was consecrated in Ninfa as Alexander
III. The emperor saw here an opportunity of extending his
power, indirectly at least, over the papacy also. He ordered
both popes to appear at a council which he called. He took
occasion to recall to remembrance an old right of the empire,
the right of holding councils and passing judgment on the
papacy. He accordingly appointed a church assembly to be held
in Pavia and invited to it, as he says in his summons, all the
bishops of England, France, Hungary, Denmark and his own
kingdom. What a conception he had of his own dignity is shown
by the words: 'It is enough to have one God, one pope, one
emperor, and it is proper that there should be only one
church.' In venturing once more to pass judgment on
Frederick's actions and to inquire, solely from a historical
point of view, how far his ideas deviated from previous ones I
find that in this case he went to work exactly as he did
against the cities. From the oldest times church conflicts had
been settled by the emperor with the assistance of a council;
since the days of Otto I immense achievements had been made in
this way; but never yet had a German emperor called together
at the same time the bishops of all other kingdoms.
Frederick's deviation lay herein, that he appropriated to
himself this right. He did not stop at what was customary and
a matter of precedent but, on the basis of his own ideal
conception of the imperial rights, extended his claim until it
became altogether universal. It might have been possible to
maintain this claim; but, so much is certain, it could only
have happened after previous arrangement with the other
monarchs. The council was attended from all parts of the
empire on the one side or the other of the Alps. The emperor
left the deliberations in the hands of the clergy. They
declared in a body for Victor; the emperor spoke last and
accepted him. Thus did he understand the imperial power, thus
did he wish to exercise it. But it is evident that herewith
the whole conflict with the papacy came into an entirely new
stage. The emperor with his council wished to decide which
pope all Europe should obey. Naturally he met with opposition.
John of Salisbury expresses the point at issue very well;
'who,' he says, 'has made the Germans judges over the
nations?' One might almost say this had been their claim. In
so far as they appointed the emperor they wished also to have
the precedence over other nations. … Of the popes only one,
the favored one, Victor, submitted; the other, Alexander III,
declared the pope should summon and not be summoned, should
judge and not be judged. He was not willing to plunge the
church into a new slavery. For the time being Victor
maintained the supremacy in Italy. … The Romans dated their
legal documents according to the years of his pontificate.
Meanwhile Alexander III fled to France. He found support here
mainly from the fact that the western nations would not accord
to the emperor the supremacy over Europe which was implied in
his decision regarding the papacy. … For a moment the kingdom
of England seemed about to join in the church policy of the
German empire; they formed as it were a Germanic party. The
strict papistical idea was more the Romanic; but at the same
time it was that of the expanding freedom of the people.
{3797}
That is why Alexander III had also on his side the Lombard
cities which were opposing the emperor. Here too it was not a
mere faction but a grand idea. The cities, with their striving
for a constitution to a certain degree autonomic and resting
on a basis of free elections, sided with the idea of the
independence of the European kingdoms. From the depths of
European life arose mighty strivings which opposed the idea of
the emperor to renew the Roman empire and its prerogatives. …
In the year 1165 Alexander, coming from Salerno, was escorted
by William I [of Sicily] into Rome. This great opposition
against the German empire was joined also by the Greek
emperor, Manuel. He wished himself to attain the rule of the
Roman empire and in return the Greek and the Roman churches
were to be united. All at once Emperor Frederick found himself
involved in a most dangerous struggle, but he was determined
to fight it out. And he had the empire of the Germans on his
side in the matter. At a great diet in Wurzburg, at the
especial prompting of the imperial chancellor Raynald,
archbishop elect of Cologne, the emperor and the princes swore
never to acknowledge either Alexander III or any pope elected
by his party. Indeed no future emperor was to be elected who
would not promise to act accordingly. Stern obligations were
further attached to this oath. … In November 1166 the emperor
began his expedition for the purpose of driving out Pope
Alexander. But already under his very eyes the Lombard cities
were bestirring themselves against him."

_L. von Ranke,
Weltgeschichte
(translated from the German)
volume 8, pages 179-185._

"The battle of Legnano, fought on May 29th, 1176, ended in
disaster and defeat. Frederick himself, who was wounded and
thrown from his horse, finally reached Pavia after days of
adventurous flight, having meanwhile been mourned as dead by
the remnant of his army. All was not yet lost, indeed, … but
Frederick, although he at first made a pretense of continuing
the war, was soon forced by the representations of his nobles
to abandon the policy of twenty-four years, and to make peace
on the best terms obtainable with Alexander III, and through
him with the Lombard cities. The oath of Wurzburg was broken
and the two treaties of Anagni and Venice put an end to the
long war. … The terms of the treaty were finally assented to
by the emperor at Chioggia, July 21st, 1177. Alexander now
prepared to carry out his cherished project of holding a
mighty peace congress at Venice; and there, at the news of the
approaching reconciliation, nobles and bishops and their
retinues came together from all parts of Europe. Now that the
peace was to become an accomplished fact Venice outdid herself
in preparing to honor the emperor. The latter, too, was
determined to spare no expense that could add to the splendor
of the occasion. He had negotiated for a loan with the rich
Venetians, and he now imposed a tax of 1,000 marks of silver
on his nobles. Frederick's coming was announced for Sunday,
July 24th, and by that time the city had donned its most
festive attire. … A platform had been constructed at the door
of the church, and upon it was placed a raised throne for the
pope. … Having reached the shore Frederick, in the presence of
an immense crowd, approached the papal throne, and, throwing
off his purple mantle, prostrated himself before the pope and
kissed the latter's feet. Three red slabs of marble mark the
spot where he knelt. It was a moment of world-wide importance;
the empire and the papacy had measured themselves in mortal
combat, and the empire, in form at least, was now surrendering
at discretion. No wonder that later ages have fabled much
about this meeting. The pope is said, with his foot on the
neck of the prostrate king, to have exclaimed aloud, 'The lion
and the young dragon shalt thou trample under thy feet!'"

_E. F. Henderson,
History of Germany in the Middle Ages,
pages 277-279._

PAPACY: A. D. 1870-1874.
The "Kulturkampf" in its first stages.

See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 1870-1874.

----------PAPACY: End--------

PARIS: A. D. 1788-1789.
The city during the Revolution.

See (in this Supplement) FRANCE: A. D. 1788-1789.

PARIS: Municipal Libraries.

See LIBRARIES, MODERN: (page 2011).

PARRY, Captain, Northern voyages of.

See (in this Supplement)
ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1819-1820, and after.

PATENT-RIGHT.

See LAW, EQUITY: A. D. 1875 (page 1994).

PATRONS OF HUSBANDRY, The.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1866-1875 (page 2951).

PEARY ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS.

See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION:
1886, 1891-1892, and 1893-1894.

PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1785.
The first Protective Tariff.

See TARIFF LEGISLATION: A. D. 1785 (page 3065).

PENNSYLVANIA BANK, The.

See MONEY AND BANKING: A, D. 1780-1784 (page 2212).

PENNSYLVANIA GERMANS.

"At the close of the Thirty Years' war there ran through
Protestant Germany a broad line; upon the one side of that
line stood the followers of Luther and Zwingli, of Melanchthon
and Calvin—these were the Church people; upon the other side
stood Menno Simon and 'The Separatists'—these were the Sect
people. It was a line which divided persecution by new
boundaries, and left the faggot and the stake in new hands,
for the Peace of Westphalia had thrown the guarantees of its
powerful protection only over the one side of this Protestant
division. … When 'the news spread through the Old World that
William Penn, the Quaker, had opened an asylum to the good and
the oppressed of every nation, and Humanity went through
Europe gathering up the children of misfortune,' our
forefathers came out from their hiding places in the forest
depths and the mountain valleys which the sun never
penetrated, clad in homespun, their feet shod with wood, their
dialects ofttimes unintelligible to each other. There was
scarcely a family among them which could not be traced to some
ancestor burned at the stake for conscience sake. Judge
Pennypacker says: 'Their whole literature smacks of fire.
Beside a record like theirs the sufferings of Pilgrim and
Quaker seem trivial.' … The thousands of Germans, Swiss and
Dutch who migrated here on the invitation of Penn, came
without ability to speak the English language, and without any
knowledge, except that derived from general report, of the
customs and habits of thought of the English people.
{3798}
They went vigorously to work to clear the wilderness and
establish homes. They were sober, religious, orderly,
industrious and thrifty. The reports the earlier settlers made
to their friends at home of the prosperity and liberty they
enjoyed in their new homes, induced from year to year many
others to come. Their numbers increased so much as to alarm
the proprietary officials. Logan wanted their immigration
prevented by Act of Parliament, 'for fear the colony would in
time be lost to the crown.' He wrote a letter in which he
says: 'The numbers from Germany at this rate will soon produce
a German colony here, and perhaps such a one as Britain
received from Saxony in the 5th Century.' As early as 1747,
one of the proprietary Governors attributed the prosperity of
the Pennsylvania colony to the thrift, sobriety and good
characters of the Germans. Numerous as they were, because this
was in its government a purely English colony, the part they
took in its public affairs was necessarily limited. The
Government officials and the vast majority of the members of
the Assembly were all English. During the long struggle in the
Colonies to adjust the strained relations with Great Britain,
the Germans were seemingly indifferent. They saw no practical
gain in surrendering the Penn Charter, and Proprietary
Government, under which they had obtained their homes, for the
direct rule of the British King. They could not understand the
distinction between King and Parliament. … When, therefore, in
1776, the issue was suddenly enlarged into a broad demand for
final separation from Great Britain, and the creation of a
Republic, all their traditional love of freedom was fully
aroused. Under the Proprietary rule, although constituting
nearly one-half the population of the colony, they were
practically without representation in the General Assembly,
and without voice in the Government. The right of 'electing or
being elected' to the Assembly was confined to natural born
subjects of England, or persons naturalized in England or in
the province, who were 21 years old, and freeholders of the
province owning fifty acres of seated land, and at least
twelve acres improved, or worth clear fifty pounds and a
resident for two years. Naturalization was not the simple
thing it now is. The conditions were exceptionally severe, and
comparatively few Germans qualified themselves to vote. The
delegates to the Colonial Congress were selected by the
General Assembly. In November, 1775, the Assembly instructed
the Pennsylvania delegates not to vote for separation from
Great Britain. The majority of the delegates were against
separation. … At the election for new members in May, 1776, in
Philadelphia, three out of four of those elected were opposed
to separation. The situation was most critical. Independence
and union were not possible without Pennsylvania.
Geographically, she was midway between the Colonies. She was
one of the wealthiest and strongest. Her government was in the
hands of those opposed to separation. One course only
remained. Peaceful efforts in the Assembly to enfranchise the
Germans, by repealing the naturalization laws and oath of
allegiance, had failed, and now this must be accomplished by
revolution, because their enfranchisement would give the
friends of liberty and union an overwhelming and aggressive
majority. This was the course resolved on. The Philadelphia
Committee called a conference of committees of the Counties.
On the 18th of June, 1776, this provincial conference,
numbering 104, met in Philadelphia. The German counties were
represented no longer by English tories. There were leading
Germans in the delegations from Philadelphia, Lancaster,
Northampton, York, Bucks and Berks. In Berks, the royalist
Biddle gives place to eight prominent Germans, headed by
Governor Heister, Colonels Hunter, Eckert and Lutz. The
proprietary government of Pennsylvania, with its Tory
Assembly, was overthrown—foundation, pillar and dome. This
conference called a Provincial Convention to frame a new
Government. On the petition of the Germans, the members of
that Convention were to be elected by persons qualified to
vote for Assembly, and by the military associators
(volunteers), being freemen 21 years of age, resident in the
province one year. This gave the Germans the right to vote.
Thus says Bancroft: 'The Germans were incorporated into the
people and made one with them.' The 19th of June, 1776,
enfranchised the Germans, and made the Declaration of
Independence possible. … It is absolutely true, that, as the
English people of the province were divided in 1776, the
Germans were the potential factors in securing the essential
vote of Pennsylvania for the Declaration of Independence. …
Throughout the Revolution, these Germans … were the steadfast
defenders of the new Republic. Dr. Stille, in his recent
admirable 'Life of Dickinson,' concedes that 'no portion of
the population was more ready to defend its homes, or took up
arms more willingly in support of the American cause.'
Washington, when in Philadelphia after the war, testified his
high appreciation of the hearty support the Germans gave him,
and the cause he represented, by worshiping with his family in
the old German church on Race street. The descendants of the
Pennsylvania-Germans have settled all over the West,
contributing to Ohio, Illinois and other Western States, the
same sturdy, honest population that characterizes
Pennsylvania. From Revolutionary times until now, they have
borne an honorable part In the Nation's history and progress."

_E. K. Martin and G. F. Baer,
Addresses
(Proceedings,
Pennsylvania-German Convention, April 15, 1891),
pages 14-24._

PENNY NEWSPAPERS, The beginning of.

See PRINTING AND PRESS: A. D. 1830-1888,
and 1853-1870 (page 2601).

PETER, ST., and the Church at Rome.

See PAPACY (page 2417).

PETER THE HERMIT, and the first Crusade.

See (in this Supplement) CRUSADES.

PHŒNICIAN COMMERCE.

See (In this Supplement) COMMERCE, ANCIENT;
also PHŒNICIANS (page 2530).

PINEL, and the treatment of the Insane.

See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 18-19TH CENTURIES (page 2142).

PITT, William.

See CHATHAM.

{3799}

PLYMOUTH BRETHREN, The.

"The rise of Plymouth Brotherism was almost contemporaneous
with that of Tractarianism, and, far apart as the two systems
appear to be, they were partly due to the action of similar
causes. In both cases there was a dissatisfaction with the
state of spiritual life, and a longing for something more
real, more elevated in tone, more practical in results. … The
society or 'assembly,' as the Brethren love to call it, was a
development. There was no purpose on the part of its founders
of establishing any new sect or party. A few men with
spiritual affinities, desiring a religious fellowship which
they could not find in the ordinary services of their Church,
grouped themselves in small companies and held periodical
meetings for the study of the Scriptures, for Christian
conference, and for prayer. From the very beginning the
movement had attractions for devout men of high social
position and some culture. Mr. Darby, who was one of the
leading spirits in Dublin, and who is said by those who have
had personal acquaintance with the inner life of the Brethren
to wield a power over his followers to which there is no
parallel among ecclesiastics, except in the case of the Pope
himself, was originally a curate of the Church of Ireland. Mr.
Benjamin W. Newton, who was one of the principal members of
the similar society in Plymouth, which has given its name to
the movement, was a fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. Dr.
Tregelles, another of the Plymouth company, was a
distinguished Biblical scholar. Mr. A. Groves, who, perhaps,
rather than Mr. Darby or Mr. Newton, may be regarded as the
promoter of these meetings, but who early withdrew from the
party when, on a return from a visit to the East, he found
that their social religious gatherings were rapidly developing
into a distinct sectarian organization, was a student for the
Anglican ministry at Trinity College, Dublin. The Brethren
despise culture, and yet apart from men of culture it is hard
to see how the movement could have had such success."

_J. G. Rogers,
The Church Systems of England in the 19th Century,
lecture 10._

POLAR EXPLORATION.

See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

POLARIS, Voyage of the.

See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1871-1872.

PORTUGAL: Commerce.

See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, MEDIÆVAL, AND MODERN.

PORTUGAL: Exploration, and colonization in Africa.

See (in this Supplement) AFRICA.

PRINCETON COLLEGE.

The College of New Jersey, more commonly called Princeton
College, "originated in the plan of Jonathan Dickinson, John
Pierson, Ebenezer Pemberton, Aaron Burr, with others, to found
an institution 'in which ample provision should be made for
the intellectual and religious culture of youth desirous to
obtain a liberal education, and more especially for the
thorough training of such as were candidates for the holy
ministry.' Its first charter was granted in 1746 by the
Honorable John Hamilton, President of His Majesty's Council,
and is noteworthy as the first college charter ever given in
this country by a Governor or acting Governor with simply the
consent of his Council. A second and more ample charter was
granted September 14th, 1748, by the 'trusty and well-beloved'
Jonathan Belcher, Esquire, Governor and Commander-in-chief of
the province of New Jersey. After the war of the Revolution,
the charter was confirmed and renewed by the Legislature of
New Jersey. The Corporation is styled in that instrument 'the
Trustees of the College of New Jersey.' … On April 27th, 1747,
the Trustees made a public announcement that they had
'appointed the Rev. Jonathan Dickinson, President,' and that
the college would be opened in the fourth week of May next at
Elizabethtown. President Dickinson having died on the 7th of
October following, the Rev. Aaron Burr assumed the duties of
the Presidency and the college was removed from Elizabethtown
to Newark. Soon after, it was removed from Newark to
Princeton, where in 1754-1755 the first college building was
erected. … The College of New Jersey, as now constituted,
includes the John C. Green School of Science. This
institution, which has its own professors and instructors, was
founded in 1873 upon an endowment of Mr. John C. Green. The
first college building, erected in 1754-5, was named Nassau
Hall, at the request of Governor Belcher."

_College of New Jersey,
Catalogue, 1893-4,
pages 8-9._

ALSO IN:
_J. F. Hageman,
History of Princeton and its Institutions._

PROFIT-SHARING EXPERIMENTS.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1842-1889,
and 1859-1887 (pages 2944 and 2947).

PROUDHON, and the doctrines of Anarchism.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1839-1894 (page 2941).

PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.

See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1258 (page 1962).

PRUSSIA, The rise of.

See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 1618-1700;
also, page 309.

PULLMAN STRIKE, The.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1894 (page 2957).

R.

RAE, Dr., Franklin search expeditions of.

See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION:
1851, and 1853-1854.

RAILWAYS, in modern inland commerce.

See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, MODERN.

RAPP, George, and the Rappites.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1805-1827 (page 2937).

REDWOOD LIBRARY.

See LIBRARIES, MODERN:
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 2019).

REFORMATION, The Protestant: Outline sketch.

See EUROPE (pages 1053-1065).

REFORMATION, The Protestant:
The beginning in Germany.

See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: 16TH CENTURY;
also, page 1456.

RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.

See below: TOLERATION, RELIGIOUS.

RENAISSANCE, Libraries of the.

See LIBRARIES, RENAISSANCE (page 2008).

ROCHDALE SOCIETY, The Co-operative.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1816-1886 (page 2938).

ROME:
Outline sketch of the history of the Republic and the Empire.

See EUROPE (pages 996-1013).

{3800}

ROME:
Charlemagne's restoration of the Empire in the West.
His imperial coronation and its significance.

"The Germans, who had destroyed the Western Empire, now, after
having been received into Roman civilisation and the bosom of
the Church, effected its restoration. And the Church, whose
laws controlled the West, created anew from within herself the
Roman Empire, as the political form of her cosmopolitan
principle, and that spiritual unity within which the Popes had
embraced so many nations. Her supremacy over all churches of
the West could, moreover, only attain complete recognition
through the Emperor and the Empire. The restoration of the
Empire was rendered necessary by the formidable power of
Islam, which not only harassed Byzantium, but, from the side
of Sicily and Spain, also threatened Rome. The Greek Emperors
could rule the West together with the East so long as the
Roman Church was weak, so long as Italy lay sunk in lethargy,
and the German West swarmed with lawless barbarians. It was no
longer possible to do so when the Church attained
independence, Italy consciousness of her nationality, and
Europe had become united in the powerful Frankish Empire, at
the head of which stood a great monarch. Thus the idea of
proclaiming Charles Emperor arose, and thus was carried out
the scheme with which the irate Italians had threatened Leo
the Isaurian at the beginning of the Iconoclastic controversy.
The West now demanded the occupation of the Imperial throne.
True, the Byzantine Empire had, in the course of time,
acquired a legal sanction. Byzantium, however, was but the
daughter of Rome. From Rome the Imperium had proceeded; here
the Cæsars had their seat. The illustrious mother of the
Empire now resumed her rights, when, as in ancient times, she
offered the Imperial crown to the most powerful ruler of the
West. … A transaction so momentous, and rendered necessary by
the ideas of the time and the demands of the West, but which,
nevertheless, bore the semblance of a revolt against the
rights of Byzantium, could scarcely have been the work of the
moment, but more probably was the result of a sequence of
historic causes and resolutions consequent upon them. Can we
doubt that the Imperial crown had been the goal of Charles's
ambition and the ideal of such of his friends as cherished
Roman aspirations? He himself came to Rome evidently to take
the crown, or, at least, to form some decisive resolution with
regard to it, and during his sojourn in France the Pope had
declared himself ready to help in the accomplishment of this
great revolution. … We may suppose that Charles's clerical
friends were the most zealous supporters of the scheme, which
perhaps was not received by the Pope with a like degree of
enthusiasm. Alcuin's letter proves that he, at least, had
already been initiated into the idea; and the Frankish envoys,
after a year spent in Rome, had doubtless come to an
understanding with the Romans, on whose vote the election
mainly depended. The Romans it was who, exercising the ancient
suffrages of the Senate and people, had elected Charles their
Patricius, and who now, in virtue of the same rights, elected
him Emperor. And only as Emperor of the Romans and of Rome did
he become Emperor of the entire State. A decree of the Roman
nobility and people had undoubtedly preceded the coronation;
and Charles's nomination as Roman Emperor (in strict
accordance with the plan of a papal election) was effected by
the three traditional elective bodies. The great revolution
which extinguished the ancient rights of the Byzantines was
not to appear the arbitrary deed of either King or Pope, but
the act of God Himself, and therefore the legal transaction of
Christendom, as expressed by the voice of the Roman people, of
the parliament of the united clergy, optimates, and citizens
assembled in Rome, Germans as well as Latins. The Frankish
chroniclers themselves say that Charles was made Emperor by
the election of the Roman people, quote the united parliament
of the two nations, and enumerate the list of the members who
took part in the parliament: the Pope, the entire assembly of
bishops, clergy, and abbots, the Frankish senate, the Roman
optimates, and the rest of the Christian people. The
resolution of the Romans and Franks was announced to Charles
in the form of a request. Are we to believe that, like
Augustus in former days, he made a feint of reluctance to
accept the supreme dignity, until it was forced upon him as an
accomplished fact? Are we to receive as hypocritical the
assurance of a man so pious and heroic, when he asserts that
the Imperial crown came upon him wholly as a surprise, and
adds that he would not have entered S. Peter's had he known of
Leo's intention? Had not Charles's son, Pipin, been purposely
recalled from the war against Benevento, in order to witness
the Imperial coronation? An explanation of these conflicting
statements has been sought in the statement of Eginhard, who
maintains that Charles's hesitation was dictated by respect
for Byzantium; that he had not yet assented to the scheme, and
had sought by negotiations to gain the recognition of the
Greeks to the election; that, therefore, the coronation really
did take him by surprise, and, with regard to the time chosen,
seemed inopportune. This view is supported by reasons of
probability, which, however, solely concern the occasion
chosen for the coronation, since to his elevation to the
Imperial throne Charles had already long given his consent. …
When, in later times, the German Empire came into conflict
with the Papacy, doctors of canon law advanced the theory that
the Emperor received the crown solely by favour of the Pope,
and traced the investiture to Charles's coronation at the
hands of Leo the Third. The Emperors, on the other hand,
appealed to the shout of the people: 'Life and victory to the
Emperor of the Romans, crowned by God,' and asserted that they
derived the crown, the inalienable heritage of the Cæsars,
from God alone. The Romans, on their side, maintained that
Charles owed the crown entirely to the majesty of the Roman
Senate and people. The dispute as to the actual source of
Empire continued throughout the entire Middle Ages, and, while
exercising no actual change in the world's history, revealed
an indwelling need of mankind; the necessity, namely, of
referring the world of facts back to a rudimentary right by
which power becomes legalised. Pope Leo the Third as little
possessed the right to bestow the crown of Empire, which was
not his, as Charles did to claim it.
{3801}
The Pope, however, regarded himself as the representative of
the Empire and of Romanism; and undoubtedly, as the head of
Latin nationality, and still more as the recognised spiritual
overseer of the Christian republic, he possessed the power of
accomplishing that revolution which, without the aid of the
Church, would have been impossible. Mankind at large regarded
him as the sacred intercessor between the world and the
Divinity; and it was only through his coronation and unction
at the papal hands that the Empire of Charles received divine
sanction in the eyes of men. The elective right of the Romans,
on the other hand, in whatever form it may appear, was
uncontested, and in no later Imperial election could it have
been of so decisive legal significance."

_F. Gregorovius,
History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages,
book 4, chapter 7, section 3 (volume 2)._

ROME: Ancient commerce.

See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, ANCIENT.

ROME: Money and banking.

See MONEY AND BANKING: ROME (page 2203).

RONALDS, Sir Francis, The telegraphic experiments of.

See ELECTRICAL DISCOVERY AND INVENTION: A. D. 1753-1820
(page 771).

ROSS, Captain, Polar Expeditions of.

See (in this Supplement)
ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1829-1833 and 1848-1849.

RUSSIA, Libraries of.

See LIBRARIES, MODERN (page 2013).

RUTGERS COLLEGE.

"Rutgers College, located at New Brunswick, was chartered by
George III. in 1770, and was called Queen's College, in honour
of his consort. The present name was substituted by the
legislature of the State, in 1825, at request of the trustees,
in honour of Colonel Henry Rutgers, of New York, to whom the
institution is indebted for liberal pecuniary benefactions.
The charter was originally granted to such Protestants as had
adopted the constitution of the reformed churches in the
Netherlands, as revised by the national synod of Dordrecht, in
the years 1618 and 1619. … The Theological College of the
Reformed Dutch Church is established here and intimately
blended with the literary institution."

_T. F. Gordon,
Gazetteer of the State of New Jersey.
(bound with "History of New Jersey"),
page 86._

S.

SAINT SIMON, and Saint-Simonism.

See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1817-1825 (page 2939).

SALVATION ARMY, The.

"Some people of to-day seem to have the idea that the Rev.
William Booth was Jove, and that the Salvation Army sprang
from his brain full-grown and fully armed. Far from it; a boy
trained in the Church of England is converted among Wesleyan
Methodists, and, believing thoroughly in what he professes, is
constrained to feel interested in the salvation of others. He
is much moved by some revival services that he hears conducted
by the Rev. James Caughey, an American evangelist, and the
effect of the straightforward, conversational style of
preaching, makes an impression upon him that is never
forgotten. Through all the years that follow, among all the
scenes of his labors as a Methodist minister, he never forgets
that simple, open-air preaching, that pushing home of the
truth, with its wonderful results, and year after year only
increases the conviction that the masses can only be reached
by going to them, and never, never saved by waiting until they
come to us. Years passed away before William Booth and his
wife came to the point where they could step out, shake off
traditional methods and means, and begin to carry out
evangelistic work on lines forbidden by the churches. …
'Nothing succeeds like success,' and when the first results
were between three and four thousand souls in four little
towns of Cornwall, there was a decided leaning toward them,
overpowered, though, at a meeting of the Wesleyan Conference,
which promulgated the strange formula that 'evangelistic
movements are unfavorable to Church order.' However, the work
was carried on steadily, until that memorable Sunday [July
5th, 1865] on Mile End Waste, East London, from which William
Booth consecrated himself to the salvation of the ignorant,
and from which he dates all statistics referring to his work
as an independent movement in the religious world. From this
time forward, without interrupting in the least the open-air
work, one shelter after another was secured and appropriated
for mission work, here a tent or an old stable, there a
carpenter's shop, until the movement was strong enough to
warrant the lease of 'The Eastern Star,' a notorious
beer-house, which was used as book-store, hall, and classroom.
From this place, with its name of good hope, hundreds of souls
went forth to make the wilderness blossom like the rose, so
far as their humble homes were concerned. Sheds, lofts,
alleys, tumble-down theatres, well-known places of resort or
of refuge were preferred as being familiar to the class of men
who were to be reached. Such was the Salvation Army in its
early years, merely a 'mission.' with no more idea of
development into an 'army,' with military rule and
nomenclature, than we at the present time have of what may
come to us in the next twenty years."

_M. B. Booth,
Beneath Two Flags,
chapter 2._